没有语言的能力，人类的思想是不可想象的，但语言的纯粹和无差别是哲学家的幻想。真正的语言总是在一些地方变体中找到：英语、纳瓦霍语、汉语、斯瓦希里语、布鲁沙斯基语或其他数千种语言中的一种。每一个都将其演讲者与延续了数千年的传统联系起来。一旦在人类社区中学习，它将提供获得大量知识和信仰的途径：使我们能够在思考、倾听、说话、阅读或写作时站在如此多祖先的肩膀上的资产思想和感觉。我们的语言将我们置于一个文化连续体中，将我们与过去联系起来，并向未来的同伴展示我们的意义。

Human thought is unthinkable without the faculty of language, but language pure and undifferentiated is a fantasy of philosophers. Real language is always found in some local variant: English, Navajo, Chinese, Swahili, Burushaski or one of several thousand others. And every one of these links its speakers into a tradition that has survived for thousands of years. Once learnt in a human community, it will provide access to a vast array of knowledge and belief: assets that empower us, when we think, when we listen, when we speak, read or write, to stand on the shoulders of so much ancestral thought and feeling. Our language places us in a cultural continuum, linking us to the past, and showing our meanings also to future fellow-speakers.

这本书很基础。它是关于那些传统和语言的历史。远不止诸侯、国家或经济体，语言社区才是世界历史上真正的参与者，它们历经岁月，被说话者清楚和有意识地视为身份的象征，但仍然在逐渐变化，甚至可能分裂甚至分裂随着社区对新现实的反应而合并。这种语言的相互作用是历史上长期以来被忽视的一个方面。

This book is fundamental. It is about the history of those traditions, the languages. Far more than princes, states or economies, it is language-communities who are the real players in world history, persisting through the ages, clearly and consciously perceived by their speakers as symbols of identity, but nonetheless gradually changing, and perhaps splitting or even merging as the communities react to new realities. This interplay of languages is an aspect of history that has too long been neglected.

语言不仅是人类群体的旗帜和旗帜，也守护着我们的记忆。即使它们是不成文的，语言也是我们保存过去知识的最强大的工具，将它永远传递给下一代。任何人类语言都通过给它一个交流网络将人类社区联系在一起；但它也将它戏剧化，提供了讲述和记住它的故事的手段。

As well as being the banners and ensigns of human groups, languages guard our memories too. Even when they are unwritten, languages are the most powerful tools we have to conserve our past knowledge, transmitting it, ever and anon, to the next generation. Any human language binds together a human community, by giving it a network of communication; but it also dramatizes it, providing the means to tell, and to remember, its stories.

即使在这本这么大的书中，也不可能讲述所有这些故事。文字帝国专注于出于某种原因从他们的家乡发展并传播到世界各地的语言。但即使有如此严格的准入条件，将故事的数量从几千个减少到几十个，剩下的多样性仍然是压倒性的。在某种程度上，有太多的故事要讲述，这本书与其说是讲述一个单一的故事，不如说是语言上的一千零一夜。

It is not possible, even in a book as big as this one, to tell all those stories. Empires of the Word concentrates on the languages that, for one reason or another, grew out from their homes, and spread across the world. But even with such a stringent entry qualification, cutting the number of stories from many thousand to a couple of dozen, the remaining diversity is still overwhelming. In a way, there are so many tales to tell that the work is less a telling of a single story than a linguistic Thousand and One Nights.

我们将涵盖教育、文化和外交方面的惊人创新，这些创新是由讲苏美尔语的人及其在中东的继任者提出的，一直到今天的阿拉伯语；汉语在二十世纪的入侵中不可思议的韧性；梵语从印度北部到爪哇和日本的迷人进步；希腊语引人入胜的自尊；孕育现代欧洲语言的斗争；很久以后，它们如何被投射到世界各地的难以置信的细节。

We shall range over the amazing innovations, in education, culture and diplomacy, thought up by speakers of Sumerian and its successors in the Middle East, right up to the Arabic of the present day; the uncanny resilience of Chinese through twenty centuries of invasions; the charmed progress of Sanskrit from north India to Java and Japan; the engaging self-regard of Greek; the struggles that gave birth to the languages of modern Europe; and much later, the improbable details of how they were projected across the world.

除了这些史诗般的成就之外，语言失败也同样有趣。西罗马帝国在五世纪被讲德语的人彻底占领。这些征服为现代西欧国家奠定了基础：那么为什么德国人会被抛在后面呢？在非洲，埃及已经在外国收购中幸存了三千年：为什么它在穆罕默德的阿拉伯语涌入后萎缩并消失了？而在现代，荷兰统治东印度群岛的时间与英国统治印度的时间相同：那么为什么荷兰语在现代印度尼西亚不为人知呢？在回答这些问题之前，永远无法理解英语在全球的传播。

Besides these epic achievements, language failures are no less interesting. The Western Roman Empire was thoroughly overrun by German-speakers in the fifth century. These conquests laid the basis for the countries of modem western Europe: so why did German get left behind? In Africa, Egyptian had been surviving foreign takeovers for over three millennia: why did it shrivel and disappear after the influx of Muhammad’s Arabic? And in the modern era, the Netherlands had ruled the East Indies for the same period that Britain ruled India: so why is Dutch unknown in modern Indonesia? Until such questions are answered, the global spread of English can never be understood.

在文化层面上，随着语言的前进和后退，世界观也令人着迷。讽刺意味比比皆是：拉丁语无法与讲希腊语和阿拉姆语的东地中海的老练人士取得进展，但很快就被高卢和西班牙的文盲人民所接受。在美洲，几个世纪以来，天主教传教士减缓了西班牙语的传播，但在亚洲，福音派新教徒被证明对英语的普及至关重要。我们不妨一开始就承认，语言吸引力和语言影响的奥秘很深：讲故事并不总是理解它。

On a cultural level, there is fascination too in the world-views that went with the advancing and receding languages. Ironies abound: Latin could make no headway with the sophisticates of the eastern Mediterranean, who spoke Greek and Aramaic, but it was quickly embraced by the illiterate peoples of Gaul and Spain. In the Americas, Catholic missionaries slowed for centuries the spread of Spanish, but in Asia, Evangelical Protestants turned out to be crucial to the take-up of English. We may as well admit at the outset that the mysteries of linguistic attraction and linguistic influence run deep: to tell the story is not always to understand it.

尽管如此，我相信语言史的普遍研究，这是第一次尝试，至少与历史语言学更常见的关注点一样具有启发性和有效性。比较罗马人和日耳曼人征服高卢的语言效果与比较拉丁语和日耳曼语动词系统的结构一样重要——事实上，两者之间可能会有所不同。语言本质上定义了社区，因此提供了比大多数社会研究更清晰的单位，可以作为比较分析的基础。随着时间的推移，语言社区的成长、发展和崩溃以及这些可能为使用这些语言的社会类型提供的启示没有得到足够的关注。这是一个公认的真理，例如，人们普遍认为，在罗马帝国，西部使用拉丁语进行管理，东部使用希腊语进行管理，而且希腊语的管理时间比拉丁语长很多个世纪：当防御崩溃、帝国各省被占领时，拉丁语幸存了下来——从未被取代——而希腊语在几代人的时间里就基本消失了，这是多么令人惊讶但却具有启迪意义的事情。

Nevertheless, I believe that the universal study of language history, of which this is a first attempt, is at least as enlightening and valid a focus for science as the more usual concerns of historical linguistics. It is as significant to compare the linguistic effects of the Roman and the Germanic conquests of Gaul as it is to compare the structures of the Latin and Germanic verb-systems—indeed just possibly one might throw some light on the other. Languages by their nature define communities, and so offer clearer units than most in social studies on which to base comparative analyses. Not enough attention has been paid to the growth, development and collapse of language communities through time, and the light these may shed on the kinds of society that spoke these languages. It is a received truth, for example, that in the Roman Empire the west was administered in Latin, the east in Greek, and the Greek administration lasted for many centuries more than the Latin: how surprising, but how revealing then, that when the time came for the defences to collapse and the Empire’s provinces to be overrun, Latin survived—and has never been replaced—but Greek largely evaporated within a couple of generations.

世界语言史可以雄辩地说明民族的真实特征、他们过去的运动和变化。它还为未来提供了一些广泛的暗示。1898 年，德国总理俾斯麦在被问及最近历史上的一个决定性事件时，回答说：“北美说英语”。正如二十世纪所表明的那样，他是对的。北美的主要大国两次介入以确定始于欧洲的斗争的结果，每次都站在讲英语的力量一边。更重要的是，20 世纪在通信、电话、电影、汽车所有权、电视、计算机和互联网方面的技术革命绝大多数是从讲英语的美国引领的，将其语言投射到世界各地，甚至是大英帝国未触及的部分。

The language history of the world can be eloquent of the real character of peoples, their past movements and changes. It also offers some broad hints for the future. Asked in 1898 to choose a single defining event in recent history, the German chancellor Bismarck replied, ‘North America speaks English’. He was right, as the twentieth century showed. Twice the major powers of North America stepped in to determine the outcome of struggles that started in Europe, each time on the side of the English-speaking forces. Even more, the twentieth century’s technological revolutions in communications, telephones, films, car ownership, television, computing and the Internet, were led overwhelmingly from English-speaking America, projecting its language across the world, to parts untouched even by the British Empire. It seems almost as if a world language revolution is following on, borne by the new media.

但是，尽管一种语言的传播很少是可逆的，但它从来都不是安全的。即使是像英语这样基础广泛的语言在 21 世纪也无法幸免。它仍然受到语言继承的那些古老原因的威胁：人口增长、贸易模式和文化声望的变化。尽管最近掌握了英语的所有技术，但没有什么能保证在出版、广播或万维网中长期处于领先地位。科技就像丛林一样，是中立的。

But though the spread of a language is seldom reversible, it is never secure. Even a language as broadly based as English is in the twenty-first century cannot be immune. It is still threatened by those old causes of language succession: changes in population growth, patterns of trade and cultural prestige. For all the recent technical mastery of English, nothing guarantees long-term pre-eminence in publishing, broadcasting or the World Wide Web. Technology, like the jungle, is neutral.

语言史本身并不能解释过去或预测未来。有数千种语言传统，它们的相对规模正在动态变化。其中任何一项都可能出现重要的创新；尤其是在现代条件下，创新可能会迅速传播。埃及语和阿卡德语、梵语和波斯语、希腊语和拉丁语等语言在他们的时代似乎都具有不可抗拒的统治地位和威望。但正如他们发现的那样，演讲者群体可能是不带感情的。

Language history does not, in itself, explain the past, or predict the future. There are thousands of language traditions, and their relative sizes are changing dynamically. Important innovations can arise in any one of them; in modern conditions especially, innovations may spread fast. Languages such as Egyptian and Akkadian, Sanskrit and Persian, Greek and Latin, in their day all seemed irresistible in their dominance and their prestige. But as they found to their cost, speaker populations can be unsentimental.

语言的未来，就像过去的语言一样，将充满惊喜。但要找出历史上整体发生的事情，人类群体中真正的赢家和输家，我们不能忽视语言斗争的结果。

The language future, like the language past, is set to be full of surprises. But to find out what has happened in history overall, the true winners and losers among human groups, we cannot ignore the outcomes of the language struggle.

小索尔斯伯里山，2004 年 7 月 28 日

Little Solsbury Hill, 28 July 2004

序言：语言的冲突

PROLOGUE: A CLASH OF LANGUAGES

1519 年 11 月 8 日，埃尔南·科尔特斯和三百名西班牙人首次会见了墨西哥的最高统治者。场地是横跨湖面的堤道，通往首都特诺奇蒂特兰。他们周围都是水。在东部地平线上，可以看到一座火山正在喷发。科尔特斯骑在马背上，留着胡须，穿着闪亮的盔甲，掩盖了他最近作为小镇法律官员和业余淘金者的职业生涯。Motecuhzoma，^*出生在墨西哥的皇家垫子上，已经在许多战争中取得了胜利，被抬在一个担架上，头戴一个巨大的圆形头饰，头戴闪亮的绿色格查尔羽毛，鼻子、耳朵和下唇上有装饰物，在他身后一群穿着美洲虎皮和鹰羽的战士。

On 8 November 1519 Hernán Cortés and a band of three hundred Spaniards met for the first time the supreme ruler of Mexico. The venue was the causeway across the lake leading to its capital city, Tenochtitlán. All around them was water. On the eastern horizon a volcano could be seen in eruption. Cortés was on horseback, bearded, in shining armour, belying his recent career as a small-town law officer and amateur gold prospector. Motecuhzoma,^* born to sit on the royal mat of Mexico and already victorious in many wars, was carried on a litter, resplendent in a vast circular headdress with plumes of lustrous green quetzal, ornaments on his nose, ears and lower lip, behind him an escort of warriors wearing jaguar hides and eagle feathers.

交换礼物后，西班牙人被带进了这座城市，并被安置在一座曾经是莫特库佐马父亲住所的宫殿里。他们吃了一顿火鸡、水果和玉米粉蒸肉。然后，官方头衔是tlatoani ，“演讲者”的Motecuhzoma回来迎接他的客人。

After an exchange of gifts, the Spaniards were led into the city, and accommodated in a palace that had been the residence of Motecuhzoma’s father. They were given a dinner of turkey, fruit and maize tamales. Then Motecuhzoma, whose official title was tlatoani, ‘speaker’, returned to greet his guests.

这是两位领导人第一次直接相互分享他们对这场划时代的相遇的理解：美洲最大帝国的统治者，仍处于权力巅峰，与自封的统治者面对面西班牙国王的使者，虽然在一个维护良好、秩序井然、比欧洲任何城市都大的城市里受到警卫，但他却出奇地不为所动。他们的话为接下来的一切定下了基调，尤其是阿兹特克人的悲惨外交和不理解，以及西班牙人算计、掩饰但不懈的侵略。这是取代纳瓦特尔语作为墨西哥帝国语言的第一步，也是西班牙语朝着将其首先确立为政府和宗教语言，然后是新世界其他一切语言的进步。¹

This was the first moment when the two leaders shared directly with each other their understanding of this epoch-making encounter: the ruler of the largest empire in the Americas, still at the height of his power, coming face to face with the self-appointed emissary of the king of Spain, who, though under guard in a well-kept and well-ordered city, larger than any to be seen in Europe, was yet strangely unawed. Their words set the tone for all that was to follow, above all the tragic diplomacy and incomprehension of the Aztecs, and the calculating, dissembling, but unremitting, aggression of the Spaniards. It was the first step towards the replacement of Nahuatl as the imperial language of Mexico, and the progress of Spanish towards its establishment as the language first of government and religion and then of everything else in the New World.¹

Motecuhzoma 以纳瓦特尔语的华丽演讲开场，由科尔特斯带来的口译员翻译：墨西哥贵妇 Malin-tzin 将纳瓦特尔语翻译为尤卡特克玛雅语，西班牙神父弗雷·热罗尼莫·德·阿吉拉尔传达了玛雅语成西班牙语。然后科尔特斯用西班牙语回答，过程反过来。

Motecuhzoma opened with a flowery speech in Nahuatl, translated by the interpreters whom Cortés had brought with him: Malin-tzin, a Mexican noblewoman, rendered the Nahuatl into Yucatec Maya, and Fray Géronimo de Aguilar, a Spanish priest, conveyed the sense of the Maya into Spanish. Cortés then replied in Spanish, and the process ran in reverse.

Totēukyoe, ōtikmihiyōwiltih ōtikmoziyawiltih ^*

Totēukyoe, ōtikmihiyōwiltih ōtikmoziyawiltih^*

我们的主啊，你一定是多么的受苦，你一定是多么的疲惫。

Our Lord, how you must have suffered, how fatigued you must be.

这是一种传统的问候方式，尽管整个墨西哥的tlatoani很少有人会称呼他为tēukyoe，即“领主”。

This was a conventional greeting, although there would have been few whom the tlatoani of all Mexico would address as tēukyoe, ‘Lordship’.

ō tlāltiteç tommahzītīko, ō īteç tommopāčiwiltīko in mātzin in motepētzin, Mešihko, ō īpan tommowetziko in mopetlatzin, in mokpaltzin, in ō ačitzinka nimitzonnopiyalīlih, in ōnimitzonnotlapiyalīlih …

你仁慈地来到地球，你已经接近你的水，你的墨西哥高地，你已经来到你的垫子，你的宝座，我曾为你短暂地保留它，我曾经为你保留它。

You have graciously come on earth, you have approached your water, your high place of Mexico, you have come down to your mat, your throne, which I have briefly kept for you, I who used to keep it for you.

这已经很奇怪了。Motecuhzoma 将科尔特斯视为他的君主的管家。“因为他们已经离开了，你们的总督、国王、伊茨科特尔、老莫特库赫佐马、阿克萨亚卡特、蒂佐克、阿维佐特尔，他们一直是你们领地的守护者，统治着水，墨西哥的高地，他们身后，跟随你的科目进步的人，' ^†

This was already strange. Motecuhzoma was addressing Cortés as a steward to his sovereign. ‘For they have gone, your governors, the kings, Itzcoatl, the old Motecuhzoma, Axayacatl, Tizoc, Ahuitzotl, who hitherto have come to be guardians of your domain, to govern the water, the high place of Mexico, they behind whom, following whom your subjects have advanced,’^†

这真的很奇怪。Motecuhzoma 似乎将科尔特斯视为这片土地上失散已久的至高无上的国王。'他们是否仍然困扰着他们留下的东西，他们身后的东西是什么？如果只有他们中的一个人能够看到并欣赏今天发生在我身上的事情，我现在在我们的领主不在的情况下所看到的，他们不知道的。这不仅仅是一个幻想，只是一个梦想；我不是在做梦，不是在幻想；因为我见过你，我见过你。^*现在他声称拥有某种异象。科尔特斯一定已经在想，机会，或者说是上帝，正在将这位墨西哥领导人交付给他的权力。'因为我一直（五天，十天）急于远眺你来的神秘地方，在云中，在雾中。所以这就是国王所说的应验，你会仁慈地回到你的水，你的高处，你会回到你的垫子和宝座上，你会来。^†太容易了：科尔特斯被他希望征服的国家的领导人认定为承诺的救世主。“现在这已经实现了，你仁慈地到来了，你知道了痛苦，你知道了疲倦，现在来到地球上，休息一下，进入你的宫殿，休息一下你的四肢；愿我们的主人降临地球。^§

This was really bizarre. Motecuhzoma seemed to place Cortés as a long-lost, supreme king of this very land. ‘Do they still haunt what they have left, what is behind them? If only one of them could see and admire what has happened to me today, what I now see in the absence of our lords, unbeknown to them. It is not just a fantasy, just a dream; I am not dreaming, not fantasising; for I have seen you, I have looked upon you.’^* Now he was claiming to have had a vision of some kind. Cortes must already have been thinking that chance, or God, was delivering the Mexican leader into his power. ‘For I have long (for five days, for ten days) been anxious to look far away to the mysterious place whence you are come, in the clouds, in the mists. So this is the fulfilment of what kings have said, that you would graciously return to your water, your high place, that you would return to sit upon your mat and your throne, that you would come.’^† Too easy: Cortés was being recognised as a promised messiah, by none other than the leader of the country he hoped to conquer. ‘And now that has come true, you have graciously arrived, you have known pain, you have known weariness, now come on earth, take your rest, enter into your palace, rest your limbs; may our lords come on earth.’^§

Coités 毫不迟疑地利用了墨西哥统治者这种令人震惊的效忠表象，但他并没有像他本可以接受的那样简单地接受他个人表面上的服从。毕竟，如果阿兹特克人声称自己是回归之神，他还能有什么进一步的行为呢？而他自己的手下又会作何反应？取而代之的是，他强化了莫特库佐马对他的使命的神奇起源的惊奇，并在一点点奉承统治者的名声一定传播了多远。但当科尔特斯看到自己的上帝和国王时，他立即向自己的上帝和国王诉诸自己的职责，将这些职责强加于他的对话者身上。他甚至在布道时做了一个手势。

Coités was not slow to take advantage of this astounding appearance of fealty on the part of the Mexican ruler, but he did not simply accept the apparent submission to him personally, as perhaps he could have. What further behaviour, after all, might an Aztec expect of him, if he had claimed to be a returning god? And how would his own men react? Instead he reinforced Motecuhzoma’s wonderment at the miraculous origin of his mission, and wove in a little flattery at how far the ruler’s reputation must have travelled. But immediately Cortés appealed to his own duties to his own God and king as he saw them, imposing them heavily on his interlocutor. He even ended with a gesture at a sermon.

一位目击者讲述：

An eyewitness recounts:

科尔特斯通过我们的口译员回复 [ lenguas, '舌头']，他们总是和他在一起，尤其是 Doõa Marina [Malin-tzin]，并告诉他，他不知道用什么来回报他，无论是他自己还是我们任何人，因为每天收到的所有巨大恩惠，当然，我们来自太阳升起的地方，我们是一位名叫唐卡洛斯大帝的大领主的附庸和仆人，他曾臣服于许多伟大的王子，并且得到了莫特库佐马和多么伟大的领主的消息他是，他派我们来见他，问他他们应该是基督徒，我们的皇帝和我们都是基督徒，他和他的所有附庸都会拯救他们的灵魂。他接着说，现在他会更多地向他宣布它必须如何以及以何种方式，以及我们如何崇拜一位真正的上帝，他是谁，以及他应该听到的许多其他好话，正如他所说的他的使者……^*

Cortés replied through our interpreters [lenguas, ‘tongues’], who were always with him, especially Doõa Marina [Malin-tzin], and told him that he did not know with what to repay him, neither himself or any of us, for all the great favours received every day, and that certainly we came from where the sun rises, and we are vassals and servants of a great lord called the great emperor Don Carlos, who has subject to him many great princes, and that having news of Motecuhzoma and of what a great lord he is, he sent us here to see him and ask him that they should be Christians, as is our emperor and are we all, and that he and all his vassals would save their souls. He went on to say that presently he would declare to him more of how and in what manner it must be, and how we worship a single true God, and who he is, and many other good things he should hear, as he had told his ambassadors …^*

纳瓦特尔语和西班牙语的这种交流记录了命运的时刻，当时模式被设定为一种语言社区进入另一种语言社区的模式。它恰好在双方都有很好的记录，但它不是唯一的。这些具有致命影响的先驱时刻在整个人类历史中都发生过：例如，1770 年 7 月 11 日，英国皇家海军的詹姆斯·库克船长在现在的昆士兰北部遇到了讲古古·伊米迪尔语的澳大利亚土著；又或者公元一世纪，南印度人卡翁丁雅在柬埔寨的布南上岸，很快就娶了它的王后索玛（或柳叶，在中国的报道中为“柳叶”），于是将梵文文化移植到南方。 -东亚。

This exchange in Nahuatl and Spanish records a moment of destiny when the pattern was set for the irruption of one language community into another. It happens to be exceedingly well documented on both sides, but it is not unique. These pioneer moments of fatal impact have happened throughout human history: as when, on 11 July 1770, Captain James Cook of Great Britain’s Royal Navy encountered Australian aboriginals speaking Guugu Yimidhirr in what is now the north of Queensland; or in the first century AD, when a South Indian named Kaundinya came ashore at Bnam in Cambodia, and soon married its queen, called Soma (or Liuye, ‘Willow-Leaf’, in the Chinese report), so transplanting Sanskrit culture into South-East Asia.

本书追溯了那些在我们现在所知的人类历史中传播最广泛的语言的历史。不知何故，出于各种原因，说他们的社区能够说服其他人加入他们，因此他们扩大了。这种说服的动机可以是多种多样的——包括军事统治、繁荣的希望、宗教皈依、就读寄宿学校、在军队服役，以及其他许多其他方面。但从根本上说，这种说服力是一种语言传播的唯一途径，而且这不是一件小事，任何有意识地尝试过学习另一种语言的人都知道。

This book traces the history of those languages which, in the part of human history that we now know, have spread most widely. Somehow, and for a variety of reasons, the communities that spoke them were able to persuade others to join them, and so they expanded. The motives for that persuasion can be very diverse—including military domination, hopes of prosperity, religious conversion, attendance at a boarding school, service in an army, and many others beside. But at root this persuasion is the only way that a language can spread, and it is no small thing, as anyone who has ever tried deliberately to learn another language knows.

^*以腐化的蒙特祖玛形式更为人所知。在语音上，它是moteukzoma。

^* Better known in the corrupted form Montezuma. Phonetically, it was moteukzoma.

^*在每一章中，都采用了一种方便的罗马拼写形式，以公平对待不熟悉语言的片段的发音，同时与非语言学家对罗马字母如何发音的想法相差太远。一般来说，元音要像西班牙语一样发音纯朴，辅音和簇音像英语一样，任何特殊性都在第一个脚注中宣布。在这里，对于 Nahuatl，没有遵循传统的（类似西班牙语的）罗马化：相反，č 表示英语 ch，š 表示英语 sh；h 用于声门塞音，如苏格兰英语和苏格兰语发音中闻所未闻的t；这里的 z 比 z 更接近英语 s。长元音有一个长音：ā, ē, ... 常用词可以简化：例如，stricty，它是tlahloāni。

^* In each chapter, a convenient form of romanised spelling has been adopted, to do justice to the pronunciation of fragments of an unfamiliar language, while not diverging too far from non-linguists’ ideas of how the Roman alphabet is pronounced. In general, vowels are to be pronounced pure and simple, as in Spanish, consonants and clusters as in English, and any peculiarities are announced in the first footnote. Here, for Nahuatl, the traditional (Spanish-like) romanisation has not been followed: instead, č represents English ch, and š English sh; h is used for the glottal stop, like the unheard t in the English and Scots pronunciation of Scotland; z here is closer to English s than z. Long vowels have a macron: ā, ē, … Common words may be simplified: e.g., stricty, it is tlahloāni.

^† Ka ōyahkeh motēčīuhkāwān, in tlahtohkeh, in Ilzkōwātzin, in wēweh Motēukzoma, in Āšāyaka, in Tizōzik, in Āwltzōtl, in ō kuēl ačīk mitzommotlaplyalīlikoh, in ōkipačōkoh in ātl in tepetl in Mešihko, in īnkuitlapan, īntepotzko in ōwalyetiyā in momāzēwaltzin.

^* Kuix ok wāllamatih in īmonihka, intepotzko? Mā zēmeh yehwāntin kitztiyānih, kimāwizzōtiānih in nehwātl in āxkān nopan ōmočīuh, in ye nikitta, in zāīmonihka īntepotzko totēukyōwān。Kamo zan nitēmiki, ahmō zan nikočitlēwa, ahmō zan nikkočitta, ahmō zan niklēmiki, ka yē ōnimitznottili, mīštzinko ōnitlačiš。

^* Kuix ok wāllamatih in īmonihka, in intepotzko? Mā zēmeh yehwāntin kitztiyānih, kimāwizzōtiānih in nehwātl in āxkān nopan ōmočīuh, in ye nikitta, in zā īmonihka īntepotzko totēukyōwān. Kamo zan nitēmiki, ahmō zan nikočitlēwa, ahmō zan nikkočitta, ahmō zan niklēmiki, ka yē ōnimitznottili, mīštzinko ōnitlačiš.

^† Ka ōnnonēntlamattikaatka in ye mākuil, in ye mahtlāk, in ōmpa nonitztikah in kēnamihkān in ātimokīštīko in mištitlan, in ayauhtitlan。Anka yehwātl in in ki tēnēuhtiwih in tlahtohkeh, in tikmomačitikiuh in mātzin, in motepētzin, in īpan timowetzītīkiuh in mpetlazin, in mokpaltzin, in tiwālmowīkaz。

^† Ka ōnnonēntlamattikaatka in ye mākuil, in ye mahtlāk, in ōmpa nonitztikah in kēnamihkān in ātimokīštīko in mištitlan, in ayauhtitlan. Anka yehwātl in in ki tēnēuhtiwih in tlahtohkeh, in tikmomačitikiuh in mātzin, in motepētzin, in īpan timowetzītīkiuh in mpetlazin, in mokpaltzin, in tiwālmowīkaz.

^§ Auh in āškān ka ōneltik, ōtiwalmowīkak, ōtikmihiyōwihi, ōtikmoziyawiltih, mā tlāltiteč šimahšīti, mā šimozēwihtzino, mā šokommomačiti in motēkpankaltzin, mā xikmozēwili in monakayōlzin, mā tlāltiteč mahšitikan in totēukyōwān.

^*Cortés le respondió con nuestras lenguas, que consigo siempre estaban, especial la dona Marina, y le dijo que no sabe con qué pagar él ni todos nosotros las grandes mercedes recibidas de cada día, y que ciertamente veníamos de donde sale el sol, y somos vasallos y criados de un gran senor que se dice el gran emperador don Carlos, que tiene sujetos a sí muchos y grandes príncpes, y que teniendo noticia de él y de cuán gran seõor es, nos envió a estas partes a le ver a rogar que sean cristianos, como es nuestro emperador y todos nosotros, e que salvarán sus ánimas él y todos sus vasallos, e que adelante le declarará más cómo e de qué manera ha de ser, y como adoramos a un solo Dios verdadero, y quién es, y otras muchas cosas buenas que oirá, como les había dicho a sus embajadores Tendile e Pitalpitoque e Quintalvor cuando estábamos en los arenales。（迪亚兹德尔卡斯蒂略，lxxxix）

^* Cortés le respondió con nuestras lenguas, que consigo siempre estaban, especial la dona Marina, y le dijo que no sabe con qué pagar él ni todos nosotros las grandes mercedes recibidas de cada día, y que ciertamente veníamos de donde sale el sol, y somos vasallos y criados de un gran senor que se dice el gran emperador don Carlos, que tiene sujetos a sí muchos y grandes príncipes, y que teniendo noticia de él y de cuán gran seõor es, nos envió a estas partes a le ver a rogar que sean cristianos, como es nuestro emperador y todos nosotros, e que salvarán sus ánimas él y todos sus vasallos, e que adelante le declarará más cómo e de qué manera ha de ser, y como adoramos a un solo Dios verdadero, y quién es, y otras muchas cosas buenas que oirá, como les había dicho a sus embajadores Tendile e Pitalpitoque e Quintalvor cuando estábamos en los arenales. (Díaz del Castillo, lxxxix)

第一部分

语言历史的性质

PART I

THE NATURE OF LANGUAGE HISTORY

[King Xerxes] 允许 Themistocles 就希腊事务自由表达他的想法。Themistocles回答说，人的语言就像厚厚的地毯，只有铺开才能显示出它的图案。当地毯折叠起来时，图案模糊不清；因此他要求时间。国王对这个比喻很满意，告诉他慢慢来。所以他要求一年。然后，在充分学习波斯语后，他独自与国王交谈……

[King Xerxes] gave Themistocles leave to speak his mind freely on Greek affairs. Themistocles replied that the speech of man was like rich carpets, the patterns of which can only be shown by spreading them out; when the carpets are folded up, the patterns are obscured and lost; and therefore he asked for time. The king was pleased with the simile, and told him to take his time; and so he asked for a year. Then, having learnt the Persian language sufficiently, he spoke with the king on his own …

普鲁塔克，Themistocles，29.5

Plutarch, Themistocles, 29.5

1

Themistocles' Carpet

1

Themistocles’ Carpet

人类历史的语言观

The language view of human history

从语言上看，现在世界人口不是六十亿，而是六千多。

From the language point of view, the present population of the world is not six billion, but something over six thousand.

当今世界上有六到七千个社区，由他们说的第一语言确定。它们的重量不相等。它们的规模从普通话约 9 亿人，仅占世界总人口的六分之一，其次是英语和西班牙语，各约 3 亿，再到小型社区的长尾：超过一半的语言在世界例如，世界上说话的人不到五千人，而一千多种语言的人不到十几种。这是语言的危险时期。

There are between six and seven thousand communities in the world today identified by the first language that they speak. They are not of equal weight. They range in size from Mandarin Chinese with some 900 million speakers, alone accounting for one sixth of all the people in the world, followed by English and Spanish with approximately 300 million apiece, to a long tail of tiny communities: over half the languages in the world, for example, have fewer than five thousand speakers, and over a thousand languages have under a dozen. This is a parlous time for languages.

在考虑人类历史时，语言社区是一个非常自然的单位。语言，就其作为交流工具的性质而言，将人类划分为群体：只有通过共同的语言，一群人才能一致行动，从而拥有共同的历史。此外，一个群体所共享的语言正是可以共享他们共同历史记忆的媒介。语言使共同历史的生活和讲述成为可能。

In considering human history, the language community is a very natural unit. Languages, by their nature as means of communication, divide humanity into groups: only through a common language can a group of people act in concert, and therefore have a common history. Moreover the language that a group shares is precisely the medium in which memories of their joint history can be shared. Languages make possible both the living of a common history, and also the telling of it.

每种语言都有另一个特征，这使它成为保存一个群体历史的最便捷的媒介。每一种语言都是年轻人从老年人那里学到的，所以每一种活的语言都是一种传统的体现。这一传统原则上是不朽的。语言从一代人的口中传递到下一代，语言会发生变化，但这种传播过程并没有导致衰败或灭绝。就像生命本身一样，每一代新生都可以重新接受其语言的馈赠。因此，语言，不像任何说语言的人，永远不会变得虚弱或死亡。

And every language possesses another feature, which makes it the readiest medium for preserving a group’s history. Every language is learnt by the young from the old, so that every living language is the embodiment of a tradition. That tradition is in principle immortal. Languages change, as they pass from the lips of one generation to the next, but there is nothing about this process of transmission which makes for decay or extinction. Like life itself, each new generation can receive the gift of its language afresh. And so it is that languages, unlike any of the people who speak them, need never grow infirm, or die.

每种语言都有不朽的机会，但这并不是说它会永远存在。基因和它们编码的物种也是不朽的。但灭绝是古生物学的家常便饭。同样，语言社区的实际寿命也有很大差异。语言史的编年史充满了已经消亡的语言，已经走到尽头的传统，根本没有说话的人。

Every language has a chance of immortality, but this is not to say that it will survive for ever. Genes too, and the species they encode, are immortal; but extinctions are a commonplace of palaeontology. Likewise, the actual lifespans of language communities vary enormously. The annals of language history are full of languages that have died out, traditions that have come to an end, leaving no speakers at all.

历史的语言观点可以与人类历史的遗传学方法形成对比，后者目前正在彻底改变我们对遥远过去的看法。就像生物物种和母系血统的成员身份一样，语言社区的成员身份也是基于明确的关系。如果一个个体可以与该物种的其他成员产生后代，则该个体是该物种的成员；如果其母亲属于该血统，则该个体是该母系血统。同样，在最基本的层面上，如果您可以使用语言社区，您就是语言社区的成员。

The language point of view on history can be contrasted with the genetic approach to human history, which is currently revolutionising our view of our distant past. Like membership in a biological species and a matrilineal lineage, membership in a language community is based on a clear relation. An individual is a member of a species if it can have offspring with other members of the species, and of a matrilineal lineage if its mother is in that lineage. Likewise, at the most basic level, you are a member of a language community if you can use its language.

这种语言定义单位的优势在于，它必然定义了一个对我们人类很重要的社区。物种单位很有趣，它定义了我们与直立人和尼安德特人等相关群体的史前关系，但在智人崛起之后它的用处在于一个明显的事实，即在物种方面，我们都在一起。血统单位也有它的点，通过线粒体 DNA 和 Y 染色体清楚地标记了千百年，如果今天在种群中明显存在的某些血统在其中一个候选者中缺失，则可以产生关于种群起源的有趣证据作为祖先提出的群体。因此可以推断，波利尼西亚人不可能来自南美洲，大多数欧洲人口的血统都远离近东农业来源，而英国中部地区大部分人口的祖先来自弗里斯兰。¹但知道许多人的母亲或父亲下落不明，并不会像语言那样对整个群体施加约束。

The advantage of this linguistically defined unit is that it necessarily defines a community that is important to us as human beings. The species unit is interesting, in defining our prehistoric relations with related groups such as Homo erectus and the Neanderthals, but after the rise of Homo sapiens its usefulness yields to the evident fact that, species-wise, we are all in this together. The lineage unit too has its points, clearly marked down the aeons as it is by mitochondrial DNA and Y-chromosomes, and can yield interesting evidence on the origin of populations if some lineage clearly present today in the population is missing in one of the candidate groups put forward as ancestors. So it has been inferred that Polynesians could not have come from South America, that most of the European population have parentage away from the Near Eastern sources of agriculture, and that the ancestry of most of the population of the English Midlands is from Friesland.¹ But knowing that many people’s mothers, or fathers, are unaccounted for does not put a bound on a group as a whole in the way that language does.

对比一个单位，如种族，其边界仅由一组选定的属性定义，无论是在 19 世纪和 20 世纪早期，通过皮肤颜色或颅骨比例等表面相似性，还是最近通过血液和组织群来定义和 DNA 序列。同样，在定义其文化类似物民族时也存在无法克服的问题，这需要进一步不可估量的共同历史意识，也许还有共同语言。²鉴于如此多的属性在不同世代的不同个人身上得到了洗牌，对于一个种族或国家的任何一组特征如何构成仍然没有实际意义。^*但是使用给定的语言在任何地方都是不可否认的运作现实。最重要的是，它是每个已知人类群体的特征，并且世代相传。它为将人类历史划分为有意义的群体提供了一把通用的钥匙。

Contrast a unit such as a race, whose boundaries are defined by nothing more than a chosen set of properties, whether as in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries by superficial resemblances such as skin colour or cranial proportions, or more recently by blood and tissue groups and sequences of DNA. Likewise, there are insurmountable problems in defining its cultural analogue, the nation, which entail the further imponderables of a consciousness of shared history, and perhaps shared language too.² Given that so many of the properties get shuffled on to different individuals in different generations, it remains moot as to what to make of any set of characteristics for a race or a nation.^* But use of a given language is an undeniable functioning reality everywhere; above all, it is characteristic of every human group known, and persistent over generations. It provides a universal key for dividing human history into meaningful groups.

诚然，一个语言社区是一个比一个物种或一个血统更分散的单位：一种语言的变化比 DNA 序列要快得多，人们甚至无法确定它是否会一直从一代传到下一代。有些孩子长大后会说父母以外的语言。正如我们将很快看到的那样，语言社区并不总是容易计算或可靠地区分的。但不可否认，它们是人类状况的真实特征。

Admittedly, a language community is a more diffuse unit than a species or a lineage: a language changes much faster than a DNA sequence, and one cannot even be sure that it will always be transmitted from one generation to the next. Some children grow up speaking a language other than their parents’. As we shall soon see, language communities are not always easy to count, or to distinguish reliably. But they are undeniably real features of the human condition.

本书的任务是描绘一些人口最多的语言传统的历史，这些语言传统在历史时期已经传播到人类居住的世界的广大地区。我们的观点将仅限于有直接书面证据的语言历史，这意味着忽略一些最古老的，例如班图语在南部非洲的传播，或波利尼西亚语在太平洋的传播；但尽管如此，这个故事几乎总是涵盖了数千年。从语言看人类历史是一个长远的视角。

The task of this book is to chart some of the histories of the language traditions that have come to be most populous, ones that have spread themselves in the historic period over vast areas of the inhabited world. Our view will be restricted to language histories for which there is direct written evidence, and this means omitting some of the most ancient, such as the spread of Bantu across southern Africa, or of the Polynesian languages across the Pacific; but nevertheless the tale is almost always one that covers millennia. The history of humanity seen from its languages is a long view.

自然状态

The state of nature

数十万年来，语言一直是人类社区的货币，自然而然地，典型的语言社区也在那个时候发生了变化。假设是，在农业的发现和扩张之前，人类社区是小团体，就像今天剩下的狩猎采集者群体一样。这些群体都有语言，古老的传说和故事，老人向年轻人传播。无论人们居住在哪里，人口密度都将远低于今天。当群体之间的联系停止时，相关语言就会出现分歧，这是历史语言学的一个普遍现象，因此我们也可以假设，在这个早期，每个自给自足的社区，多达几千人，大体上都有自己的语言.

Languages have been the currency of human communities for hundreds of thousands of years, and naturally the typical language community has changed in that time. The presumption is that before the discovery and expansion of agriculture, human communities were small bands, just as the remaining groupings of hunter-gatherers are to this day. These groups all have languages, and ancient lore and stories which the old retail to the young. The density of the human population, wherever people were living, would have been far less than it is today. It is a commonplace of historical linguistics that related languages diverge when contact ceases between groups, so we can also presume that in this early period each self-sufficient community, of up to a few thousand people, would by and large have had its own language.

在以放牧和农业为基础的定居生活方式的社区中，所有这一切都发生了变化。现在社区会变得更大，更有组织。在定居社区中，一个人的邻居在一年内仍将是一个人多年的邻居，实际上是几代人的邻居。一个人可能需要支付会费，并与上级当局协商。节日和市场将来自广泛地区的人们聚集在一起。将组建民兵来保卫当地社区，并从其他被认为较弱的人那里偷窃。人们开始有了远距离交流的动机。人口中的双语会有所增加，语言的使用人数也会增加；语言的绝对数量也很可能会下降，

All this changed in communities that adopted a settled way of life, based on herding and agriculture. Now communities would have become both larger and more organised. In settled communities, one’s neighbours in one year would remain one’s neighbours for many years, indeed generations, to come. One might have dues to pay, and negotiate, with higher authorities. Festivals, and markets, would bring together people from a wide area. Militias would be raised to defend local communities, and to steal from others perceived to be weaker. There began to be a motive for communication among people over longer distances. Bilingualism would have increased in the population, and also languages would have grown in terms of the number of speakers; quite likely, too, the absolute number of languages would have fallen, smaller communities losing speakers through war, marriage or desertion, or simply a pragmatic tendency to use other people’s languages.

从变化情况的本质，我们可以推断出这些过程。但实际上已经可以看到它们了。在巴布亚新几内亚的过去几代人中，人们观察到它们在加速发展，因为村庄和小村庄的旧自给自足生活方式让位于更广泛的民族生活方式。这种转变的一个特点是许多土著语言的衰落，并通过邻近语言的扩展，或者在全球范围内被与国家一级贸易或政府相关的语言取代：实用术语或洋泾浜迅速转变为通用语言——目的克里奥尔语，非正式但有效地在大量使用者中标准化。

From the very nature of the changing situation we could have inferred these processes. But in fact it has been possible to watch them. They have been observed in accelerated development in the last couple of generations in Papua New Guinea, as the old self-sufficient ways of life in villages and hamlets yield to a wider-ranging national way of life. A feature of this transition is the decline of many of the indigenous languages and their replacement through the expansion of neighbouring tongues, or more globally by languages associated with trade at the national level, or government: utility jargons or pidgins are quickly transformed into general-purpose Creole languages, informally but effectively standardised across vast numbers of speakers.

识字和语言史的开端

Literacy and the beginning of language history

只要有讲故事，有法律判决和治疗仪式，就有语言记录，口头保留在社区有学问的成员的记忆中。老人的思想是一种重要的资源，充满了歌曲和先例、技能和地图、食谱和历史。

As long as there has been storytelling, and the dispensing of legal judgments and healing rituals, there have been linguistic records, retained verbally in the memories of learned members of the community. The minds of the old are a weighty resource, filled with songs and precedents, skills and maps, recipes and histories.

但从背诵中获得的学习总是有一个主观因素，以及对可以保留的数量的实际限制——除非也许可以组织互补的记录员团队。而且，现在从现代历史学家的不合时宜的角度来说，记忆中的古代记录总是有不真实的倾向。在使用中，总是有一种压力要一点一点地更新它们以满足当代世界的需求：否则，随着社会制度和语言的逐渐变化积累，真正的古代记录往往会变得无关紧要和难以理解。即使在今天，当口头传统完好无损时，也很难从记忆者的证词中获得关于过去的清晰、明确的信息。

But there was always a subjective element in learning derived from recitation, as well as a practical limit on the amount that could be retained—unless perhaps complementary teams of record-keepers could be organised. Moreover, speaking now from the anachronistic point of view of the modern historian, there would always be a tendency to inauthenticity in ancient records held in memory. In use, there was always a pressure to update them little by little to meet the needs of the contemporary world: otherwise, as gradual changes accumulate in social institutions and in the language too, really ancient records would tend to become both irrelevant and incomprehensible. Even today, when oral traditions can be found intact, it is seldom possible to gain clear, unambiguous information about the past from the testimony of rememberers. Recall is an act of disciplined reimagination, and the remote past may be beyond anyone’s ken.

这一切都是通过写作的奇迹来解决的。书写传统通常始于某种会计记录过程——至少理货和记号通常是现存最早的书面文件的明确前身——其目的是为某些交易中涉及的数量提供客观证据。但随着实践，通常很明显，这些符号原则上能够记录任何信息，并且随着处理符号的便利性的提高，它们甚至可以用作流利的讲话的直接备忘录。

All this is resolved through the miracle of writing. Writing traditions usually begin in some kind of process of accounting records—at least tallies and tokens are often the earliest clear predecessors of written documents to survive—the intent being to provide objective proof of the quantities involved in some transaction. But with practice it often became clear that the symbols were in principle capable of recording any message, and as facility in handling the symbols grew they became usable as a direct aide-mémoire even for fluent speech.

一旦一种文化书写了文件，就会开始留下最初的痕迹，这将使该语言的历史得以书写。如果书写系统与口语有明确的联系（并且，尽管数字和概念通常以符号开头，但在实践中，如果不参考口语中的单词，就不可能开发出功能齐全的书写系统），那么静音石头、泥板或保存完好的动物皮——不管怎样——开始向我们揭示一些我们可能认为很快就会消失的东西——这种语言实际上是如何被说出来的，也许是几千年前。^*

Once a culture has written documents, the first traces begin to be laid down which will later enable the history of the language to be written. If the writing system has a clear link to the language as spoken (and, despite the usual symbolic start in numbers and concepts, in practice it is impossible to develop a fully functional writing system without reference to words in spoken language), then the mute stones or clay tablets or preserved animal skins—whatever—begin to reveal to us something we might have thought quite evanescent—how the language was actually spoken, perhaps thousands of years ago.^*

我们将考虑其职业生涯的所有语言的书写历史都可以追溯到一千年前，有时甚至是这个时间的两到三倍。几乎在所有情况下，识字都是从游客或邻居那里学到的技能，然后成为语言自身传统的一部分。碰巧的是，除了中文，即使是起源于书写并最早使用它的语言，都放弃了原来的系统，并借用了另一个系统，^†

All the languages whose careers we shall consider have written histories that extend back over a thousand years, and sometimes two or three times this long. In almost every case, literacy is a skill that was learnt from visitors or neighbours, and then became part of a language’s own tradition. As it happens, with the exception of Chinese, even the languages that originated writing, and so made the earliest use of it, have dropped their original system, and borrowed another,^†

语言过去的职业生涯与每种语言为其使用者创造的世界一样多样化。他们遭受了截然不同的命运：有些人（如梵语或阿拉姆语）的说话人口分布在大片地区，但最终缩小到微不足道；其他语言（例如高加索或巴布亚的语言）在人迹罕至的避难所中不断闪烁；其他人仍然让他们的演讲者接受完全不同的传统（如北美和南美、非洲和澳大利亚的许多地区）。有些人（如埃及人和汉语）在一个单一的领土上保持他们的语言和传统数千年，无视所有入侵者；其他（如希腊语和拉丁语）通过军事入侵传播，但最终被新的入侵者占领。

The past careers of languages are as diverse as the worlds that each language has created for its speakers. They have suffered very different fates: some (like Sanskrit or Aramaic) growing to have speaker populations distributed across vast tracts, but ultimately shrinking to insignificance; others (such as the languages of the Caucasus or Papua) twinkling steadily in inaccessible refuges; others still yielding up their speakers to quite different traditions (as in so many parts of North and South America, Africa and Australia). Some (such as Egyptian and Chinese) maintained their speakers and their traditions for thousands of years in a single territory, defying all invaders; others (such as Greek and Latin) spread by military invasion, but ultimately lost ground to new invaders.

通常情况下，一种传统会捎带另一种传统，最终取代它。一种大语言寄生在另一种大语言中接管了几代人建立的渠道。这是一个常见的伎俩，因为帝国在每个时代和每个大陆上都互相继承：波斯的亚拉姆语很好地利用了 7 世纪小亚细亚为吕底亚人建立的网络；16世纪，西班牙人篡夺了阿兹特克人和印加人的语言，用他们统治墨西哥和秘鲁；在英属印度的早期，英语和乌尔都语获得了使用波斯语的权力结构。但是，这些变化的命运发生的时间尺度惊人地不同：一个十年可能会为接下来的一千年设定模式，就像亚历山大从波斯人手中接管东地中海一样；或者一个特定的趋势可能会在几千年的时间里一点一点地、一英里一英里、一个村庄一个村庄地出现：

Often enough, one tradition has piggybacked on another, ultimately supplanting it. One big language parasitises another, and in a coup de main takes over the channels built up over generations. This is a common trick as empires succeed one another, in every time and continent: Persia’s Aramaic made good use of the networks established for Lydian in seventh-century Asia Minor; in the sixteenth century, Spanish usurped the languages of the Aztecs and Incas, using them to rule in Mexico and Peru; and in the early days of British India, English and Urdu gained access to power structures built in Persian. But the timescale on which these changing fortunes have been played out is astonishingly varied: a single decade may set the pattern for a thousand years to follow, as when Alexander took over the eastern Mediterranean from the Persians; or a particular trend may assert itself little by little, mile by mile, village by village, over thousands of years: just so did Chinese percolate in East Asia.

这意味着，尽管有着令人眼花缭乱的多样性，但通过语言讲述的这段历史可以让我们深入了解突然变化的长期影响。尤其是在变化的是民族如何与民族说话的情况下，尤其如此，就像今天一样。

This means that, for all its bewildering variety, this history told through languages can give an insight into the long-term effects of sudden changes. This is true especially where what is changing is how nation shall speak unto nation, as it is today.

事实上，当文化接触时对语言的复杂影响是我们对真实影响的最好记录：对比基于军事征服或商业统治的更熟悉的分析，这可能会提供一个相当虚假的清晰。公元五世纪，日耳曼部落对西罗马帝国的闪电征服有多彻底？尽管它改变了所有加冕的头颅，但它使法国、西班牙和意大利北部仍然在说拉丁语的变体，而且他们一直这样做到今天。公元前七世纪在亚述真正发生了什么？这是一个统治者的统治地位得到保证并进行新征服的时期：然而，它的语言一直在从其统治者的古老语言阿卡德语转变为据称征服的游牧民族的语言阿拉姆语.

In fact, the complex effects on languages when cultures come into contact is the best record we have of real influence: contrast the more familiar analyses based on military conquest or commercial dominance, which may offer a quite spurious clarity. How thoroughgoing was the Germanic tribes’ lightning conquest of the western Roman empire in the fifth century AD? Though it changed for good all the crowned heads, it left France, Spain and northern Italy still speaking variations of Latin, and they have gone on doing so to this day. What was really happening in Assyria in the seventh century BC? It was a period when the rulers’ ascendancy was assured and new conquests were being made: yet all the while its language was changing from Akkadian, the age-old language of its rulers, to Aramaic, the language of the nomads it was reputedly conquering.

世界语言史显示了过去运动和民族变化的更多真实影响，超出了他们在很大程度上自我任命的领导人的纹章声称。它们揭示了文化关系与强权政治和经济权宜之计的微妙交织。

The language history of the world shows more of the true impacts of past movements and changes of peoples, beyond the heraldic claims of their largely self-appointed leaders. They reveal a subtle interweave of cultural relations with power politics and economic expediency.

它还为未来提供了一些广泛的暗示。它相当强烈地表明，没有一种语言的传播最终是安全的：即使是 21 世纪最大的语言也将受制于语言继承的旧决定因素，或者受制于过去 500 年或过去 50 年出现的一些新决定因素. 移民、人口增长、不断变化的教育和交流技术——所有这些都改变了世界各地语言认同的平衡，而随着世界经济适应新财富中心的崛起，声望和抱负的焦点也各不相同。未来的情况很可能是前所未有的，语言有可能实现真正的全球使用，但它们仍将是人类。人类很少长时间保持团结。

It also offers some broad hints for the future. It suggests rather strongly that no language spread is ultimately secure: even the largest languages in the twenty-first century will be subject either to the old determinants of language succession or some new ones that have arisen in the last five hundred years or the last fifty. Migrations, population growth, changing techniques of education and communication—all shift the balance of language identities across the world, while the focus of prestige and aspiration varies as the world’s economies adjust to the rise of new centres of wealth. Future situations may well be unprecedented, with potential for languages to achieve truly global use, but they will still be human. And human beings seldom stay united for long.

也有内在的历史

An inward history too

但我们可以期待世界语言史以另一种方式揭示。一个语言社区不仅仅是一个以使用特定语言为标志的群体：它本身就是一个不断发展的社区，其特定的世界观是由共同的语言传统所决定的。一种语言会带来大量的看法、陈词滥调、判断和灵感。那么，从某种意义上说，当一种语言取代另一种语言时，人们的世界观也必然发生了变化。

But we can expect the language history of the world to be revealing in another way. A language community is not just a group marked out by its use of a particular language: it is an evolving communion in its own right, whose particular view of the world is informed by a common language tradition. A language brings with it a mass of perceptions, clichés, judgements and inspirations. In some sense, then, when one language replaces another, a people’s view of the world must also be changing.

因此，当我们调查具有影响力的大型语言社区的外部历史，以及它们在地球表面的扩张和收缩时，我们还将尝试展示说这些语言的社区的内部意义的某些方面。

So as we survey the outward history of the large and influential language communities, in their expansions and retrenchments across the face of the earth, we shall also try to show some aspects of the inward sense of the communities who spoke the languages.

这是很难表达的东西，最困难的可能是语言本身。正如维特根斯坦所说，我的语言的界限就是我的世界的界限；他认为，这些限制只能间接表明，而不能明确表明。这本书试图以各种间接的方式——并大量使用翻译——来展示一种受语言制约的心态，即使它获得或失去了说话者。

This is something that is very difficult to express, most difficult of all perhaps in the language itself. As Wittgenstein remarked, the limits of my language are the limits of my world; and these limits, he felt, could only be indicated indirectly, never stated explicitly. This book attempts in various indirect ways—and with copious use of translation—to show something of the temper of mind that was conditioned by a language, even as it gained or lost speakers.

这是一项危险的工作，但如果主导人类文化的语言的继承要比年表中的名称和日期列表更有意义，那么这一点至关重要。本书的部分论点是，当一代人讲一种不同于其父母的语言时，交换的东西远比效忠更微妙。

It is a dangerous undertaking, but it is crucial if the succession of languages which have dominated human cultures is to have more meaning than the mere list of names and dates in a chronology. It is part of the contention of this book that there is an exchange of something far more subtle than an allegiance when one generation comes to speak a language other than its parents’.

通过比较 Motecuhzoma 和 Cortés 的演讲的风格而不是实质，我们可以初步了解这可能是什么。他们的语言，纳瓦特尔语和西班牙语，在让人想起个人特征的方式上截然不同。最明显的是，就像每个人都有可识别的声音一样，每种语言都有自己的声音系统或音系。考虑一下西班牙语Su ciudad de México中的 Nahuatl in mātzin in motepētzin, Mešihko 中的短语“你的墨西哥城” 。Nahuatl 中的短语使用声音 tz（如英语bits），在西班牙语中不使用它，就像ciudad以声音 θ 开头（如英语中的thin)，纳瓦特尔语中没有。即使西班牙语试图直接模仿纳瓦特尔语，例如以墨西哥的名义（发音为 MEH-shi-ko），它也未能捕捉到声门塞音，在Mēšihko 中用h 写成，这听起来可能更像是一个词用现代英语拼写为Meshítko。

We can get a first inkling of what that might be by comparing more for style than substance those speeches of Motecuhzoma and Cortés. Their languages, Nahuatl and Spanish, are quite distinct from one another, in ways that recall the traits of individual people. Most obviously, just as each person has a recognisable voice, each language has its own sound system or phonology. Consider the phrase ‘your city of Mexico’, in Nahuatl in mātzin in motepētzin, Mešihko, in Spanish Su ciudad de México. The phrase in Nahuatl uses a sound, tz (as in English bits), which is not used in Spanish, just as ciudad begins with a sound, θ (as in English thin), which is absent from Nahuatl. And even where Spanish was attempting to imitate Nahuatl directly, as in the name of México (pronounced MEH-shi-ko), it failed to capture the glottal stop, written with an h in Mēšihko, which probably sounded more like a word that would be spelt in modern English as Meshítko.

但是，两种语言之间的组合规则（创建更长的单词和句子）也完全不同。因此，在西班牙语中对“你的”开头的Su使用中隐含的尊重在 Nahuatl 中通过在每个单词的末尾添加tzin来表达。在同一个短语中，“城市”的纳瓦特尔词很明显是a-tl，“水”和tepe-tl，“山”的组合，对应于西班牙语中的任何内容，其中ciudad一词具有更多的公民含义地位高于地理优势。一般来说，纳瓦特尔词大多是由短部分组成的长序列，在西班牙语中的含义通常与整个句子一样多：ōtikmihiyōwiltih is made up ofō-ti-km-ihiyōwi-ltih（past-you-it-yourself-suffer-cause），“你已经同意忍受它”，其中反身和使役位（在第四位也是最后一位）实际上用于显示特殊尊重，并提高话语的形式。

But the rules of combination, to create longer words and sentences, are also radically different between the two languages. So the respect implicit in the Spanish use of Su for ‘your’ at the beginning is expressed in Nahuatl by adding tzin at the end of each of the words. In this same phrase, the Nahuatl word for ‘city’ is quite clearly a combination of a-tl, ‘water’, and tepe-tl, ‘mountain’, corresponding to nothing in Spanish, where the word ciudad has more connotations of civic status than geographical eminence. In general, Nahuatl words are mostly long sequences of short parts, often containing as much meaning as a whole sentence in Spanish: ōtikmihiyōwiltih is made up of ō-ti-k-m-ihiyōwi-ltih (past-you-it-yourself-suffer-cause), ‘you have consented to suffer it’, where the reflexive and causative bits (in fourth and final place) actually serve to show special respect, and to raise the formality of the utterance.

但音韵、词汇和语法只是语言不同的开始。正如每个人都有自己独特的说话方式一样，除了可识别的声音之外，每种语言都有一种独特的表达方式。当语言非常接近时，这种差异可能会最小化，并且经常将一种语言翻译成另一种语言，例如在西欧的语言中往往就是这种情况。但它总是含蓄地存在，并且在纳瓦特尔与西班牙人的相遇中非常明显地突出。

But phonology, vocabulary and grammar are just the beginning of what makes languages differ. Just as each person has a distinctive manner of speaking, quite apart from a recognisable voice, there is a characteristic style of expression which goes with each language. This difference may be minimised when languages are in close proximity, and very often translated one into another, as tends to be the case, say, among the languages of western Europe. But it is always there implicitly, and stands out very clearly in the encounter of Nahuatl with Spanish.

纳瓦特尔风格最明显的方面是近义词不断加倍：ōtikmihiyōwiltih ōtikmoziyawiltih，“你受苦了，你累了”；在 mopetlatzin 中，在 mokpaltzin 中，“你的垫子，你的宝座”；ahmō zan nikočitlēwa, ahmō zan nikkočitta, ahmō zan niktēmiki, ka yē ōnimitznottili, mīštzinko ōnitlačiš , '我不是在做梦，不是在幻想；因为我见过你，我见过你。相比之下，典型的欧洲报道风格，即整个演讲以第三人称简短地零售，就像在西班牙对科尔特斯的话的描述中那样，对于纳瓦特尔来说是完全陌生的：不是'他说：“我不知道如何付钱给你……”'但是'他告诉他他不知道怎么付钱给他……'等等。

The most evident aspect of Nahuatl style is the constant doubling of near-synonyms: ōtikmihiyōwiltih ōtikmoziyawiltih, ‘you have suffered, you are tired’; in mopetlatzin, in mokpaltzin, ‘your mat, your throne’; ahmō zan nikočitlēwa, ahmō zan nikkočitta, ahmō zan niktēmiki, ka yē ōnimitznottili, mīštzinko ōnitlačiš, ‘I am not dreaming, not fantasising; for I have seen you, I have looked upon you.’ By contrast, the characteristic European style of reporting, where a whole speech is retailed curtly in the third person, as in the Spanish account of Cortés’s words, is something quite alien to Nahuatl: not ‘He said: “I do not know how to pay you …"’ but ‘He told him that he did not know how to pay him …’, etc.

这些是日常使用语言之间特征差异的示例。但是还有语言过去记录的领域，在说话者的头脑中以及在书面中。

These are examples of the characteristic differences between languages in daily use. But then there is the area of language’s past record, in the minds of its speakers as well as in writing.

Motecuhzoma 和 Cortés 都被他们的语言过去所束缚。科尔特斯很快就开始即兴布道，这自然没有什么意义，因为他的听众缺乏对他在天主教西班牙长大的基督教文本的了解。但tlatoani 的演讲也是一部精致的作品，散发着wewe-tlatolli 的气息，“古人的演讲”是墨西哥精英青年学校kalmēkak课程的一部分。例如，这包括向最近任命的tlatoani发表的值班演讲：“我们最宁静和人性的主，我们最慷慨和勇敢的国王，比所有宝石，甚至比蓝宝石更珍贵！会不会是我们看到的梦境？看到我们的主为我们做了什么，把你赐给我们做国王和主，我们会不会喝醉了？真的，我们的主上帝已经为我们带来了一个新的太阳，光辉灿烂，像黎明一样的光芒......' ³

Both Motecuhzoma and Cortés were in thrall to their verbal pasts. Cortés was soon engaged in giving an impromptu sermon, which would naturally have made little sense, since his audience lacked a knowledge of the Christian texts with which he had grown up in Catholic Spain. But the tlatoani’s speech, too, is a polished production, redolent of the wewe-tlatolli, ‘the speech of the ancients’, which was part of the curriculum at the kalmēkak, the school for Mexican elite youth. This included, for example, a speech on duty, to be delivered to a recently appointed tlatoani: ‘Our lord of greatest serenity and humanity, and our king of great generosity and valour, more precious than all precious stones, even than sapphire! Could it be a dream that we are seeing? Could we be drunk in seeing what our lord has done for us in giving us you for king and lord? And truly our lord God has set over us a new sun of great splendour and a light like the dawn’s …’³

在这本经典的学校课文中，同样的主题也出现在梦中，新领袖就像天上的光。但是，在莫特库佐马对科尔特斯的问候中缺少的是任何东西，例如在欢迎新tlatoani的仪式中总是在此之前发表的讲话，在讲话中他将充分提醒自己的职责，以及不必让他的新威严冲到他头上。在向科尔特斯打招呼时省略了这些友好的警告，阿兹台克人的听众会不会觉得奇怪？

The same themes are here in this classic school text, of a new leader appearing as in a dream, and being like a light from the sky. But what was missing in Motecuhzoma’s greetings to Cortés was anything like the speech that always preceded this one in the ceremonies of welcome to a new tlatoani, a speech in which he would be fully reminded of his duties, and the need not to let his new eminence go to his head. Would it have seemed strange to the Aztec audience that these friendly cautions were omitted in the greetings to Cortés?

Nahuatl 风格的一个特点一直是使用爱称作为荣誉：我们看到用作敬语的-tzin在现代 Nahuatl 中仍然用作深情的后缀（ no-kokonē-tzin，“我亲爱的孩子”），并且有人认为这实际上是它的原始含义。当然，在我们看来，纳瓦特尔语的礼貌使用涉及到一些奇怪的颠倒：婚礼宴会上的总督可能会被称为“我亲爱的孩子”，而王室的侍从会被他们的领主称呼为“我们的祖宗”。在纳瓦特尔礼仪中，似乎通过采取相当大胆的熟悉来表现出真正的尊重，也许反过来也是如此。甚至有人建议⁴Motecuhzoma 对科尔特斯的讲话中高度恭敬的语气和缺乏深情的措辞实际上表明他在贬低西班牙人，或者至少试图在他们两人之间保持距离。如果属实，这是一个非常错误判断的方法。科尔特斯本人是一个受过高等教育的人——但他几乎无法理解这种异类言论的宫廷微妙之处。

A feature of Nahuatl style has always been the use of endearments as terms of honour: the -tzin we have seen used as an honorific is still used in modern Nahuatl as an affectionate suffix (no-kokonē-tzin, ‘my dear child’), and it has been argued that this was in fact its original sense. Certainly, the polite use of Nahuatl involves some strange reversals from our point of view: a governor at a wedding feast may be spoken to as ‘my dear child’, while the retainers at a royal court would be addressed by their lord as ‘our progenitors’. In Nahuatl etiquette, it seems that genuine respect was shown by adopting a rather daring familiarity, and perhaps the converse was also true. It has even been suggested⁴ that the highly reverential tone and the absence of affectionate terms in Motecuhzoma’s speech to Cortés actually show that he was demeaning the Spaniard, or at least trying to assert a distance between the two of them. If true, this was a singularly ill-judged approach. Cortés was himself a highly educated man—but he could hardly pick up on the courtly subtleties of such an alien rhetoric.

这个简短的分析已经表明，西班牙人和纳瓦特尔人在 16 世纪墨西哥的相遇使两种发达的文化相互对抗。在接下来的几代人中发生的向说西班牙语的转变涉及到思想和语言的改变。以至于在墨西哥说纳瓦特尔语（也称为墨西哥语）而不是西班牙语的社会意义一直持续到今天。演讲者发表如下评论：

This brief analysis has already shown that the encounter between Spanish and Nahuatl in sixteenth-century Mexico pitted two developed cultures one against another. The switch to speaking Spanish that came about in the next few generations involved a change of heart as well as tongue. So much so that the social significance in Mexico of speaking Nahuatl (also called Mexicano) rather than Spanish has lasted up to the present day. Speakers make comments like these:

纳瓦特尔不可能消失，因为它是我们祖先的遗产。

There is no way that Nahuatl could disappear because it is the inheritance from our forefathers.

我们这些讲墨西哥语的人，嗯，这是属于我们祖父母的东西。让墨西哥人永远不会迷路。我的祖父和祖母总是说纳瓦特尔语。他们从未使用过西班牙语。

Those of us who speak Mexicano, well, it’s something that belongs to our grandparents. Let Mexicano never be lost. My grandfather and my grandmother always spoke in Nahuatl. They never used the Spanish language.

能够说纳瓦特尔语很重要，同时也很好，因为这是在墨西哥真正的说话方式。我认为这非常重要，因为我们觉得我们是真正的墨西哥人，因为西班牙语只是在征服时才被带到这里的。从那时起，我们国家的人们开始说西班牙语。但在征服之前，我们的祖父母说的是纳瓦特尔语。显然，征服带来了很多变化。有更多的文明，这就是为什么我认为对我们来说说西班牙语也很重要。但我们无法停止说纳瓦特尔语，因为我们的父母会说纳瓦特尔语，我们也跟着他们。⁵

It is important and at the same time nice to be able to speak Nahuatl because this is the authentic way of talking in Mexico. I consider it very important because we feel we are the authentic Mexicans, because Spanish was only brought here with the Conquest. From that time on people started to speak Spanish in our country. But before the Conquest our grandparents spoke Nahuatl. Obviously the Conquest brought a lot of changes. There was more civilization, and that’s why I think it is important for us also to speak Spanish. But we haven’t been able to stop speaking Nahuatl because our parents speak it and we follow them.⁵

每种语言都定义了一个社区，即说该语言并可以相互理解的人。一种语言不仅是他们之间的交流方式，而且是他们独特身份的旗帜，这常常让试图为所有不同语言社区打造单一身份的国家政府感到绝望。这可能会产生非常反常的效果。18 世纪末，纳瓦特尔语和墨西哥的许多其他祖先语言在很大程度上从书面使用中消失，这绝非巧合，当时讲西班牙语的城市人领导的政治运动正在提高墨西哥作为一个独立国家的意识，以期独立。讲西班牙语的混血儿之间的对比说墨西哥古老语言的“印第安人”被视为对真正墨西哥人身份出现的干扰。被视为“落后”的旧语言不得不被淘汰。

Every language defines a community, the people who speak it and can understand one another. A language acts not just as a means of communication among them but a banner of their distinct identity, often to the despair of national governments trying to forge a single identity for all their different language communities. This can have quite perverse effects. It is no coincidence that Nahuatl, with many other ancestral languages of Mexico, largely disappeared from written use towards the end of the eighteenth century, just when political movements led by urban Spanish speakers were raising consciousness of Mexico as a separate country with a view to independence. The contrast between Spanish-speaking mestizos and ‘Indians’ speaking the ancient languages of Mexico was seen as a distraction from the emergence of the identity of the true Mexican. The older languages, seen as ‘backward’, had to go.

这本书试图传达它所讲述的每种语言的世界特有的观点。显然，生活在一种特定的语言中并不能定义完整的生活哲学：但有些隐喻会比其他隐喻更容易浮现在脑海；用一种语言比另一种语言更容易假设某些心理状态或对他人的态度。我们说哪种语言，或者我们的祖先说哪种语言，这不可能是无关紧要的问题。语言构成、分析和着色我们对世界的看法。“我有三颗心，”早期的拉丁诗人诗人恩尼乌斯凭借他对拉丁语、希腊语和奥斯坎语的流利说。⁶

This book attempts to convey something of the characteristic viewpoint on the world of each language whose story it tells. Evidently, living in a particular language does not define a total philosophy of life: but some metaphors will come to mind more readily than others; and some states of mind, or attitudes to others, are easier to assume in one language than another. It cannot be a matter of indifference which language we speak, or which languages our ancestors spoke. Languages frame, analyse and colour our views of the world. ‘I have three hearts,’ claimed Ennius, an early master poet in Latin, on the strength of his fluency in Latin, Greek and Oscan.⁶

^*问题不在于共享的属性总是虚构的（就像纳粹对犹太人的标准可能是那样），或者甚至在客观上对生存并不重要（例如，拥有镰状细胞性贫血和地中海贫血的基因显然易患遗传病，同时抵抗疟疾）。它源于统计学的逻辑：在选择一个群体进行研究时，总是必须从一个更大的集合中选择一个属性子集。但是共享一个子集的人群可能不会共享另一个子集——谁说（在研究之前）哪些属性定义了具有有趣历史的群体？在实践中，所选择的属性往往证实了研究人员的先入之见，使得（例如 ) 遗传与世界人口群体的传统语言分类之间的对应关系不足为奇。在建立统计模型时这种必要的随意性是与卢卡·卡瓦利-斯福尔扎（例如 2001 年）和他的许多追随者相关的人口梯度史前史的可信度的根本缺陷。

^* The problem is not that the shared properties are always imaginary (as the Nazis’ criteria for Jewishness may have been), or even objectively unimportant for survival (e.g. as the possession of genes for sickle-cell anaemia and thalassaemia clearly predispose to inherited disease, while giving resistance to malaria). It stems from the logic of statistics: when picking out a population for study, a subset of properties always has to be chosen from a much larger set. But populations who share one subset may not share another—and who is to say (in advance of the study) which properties define the group with the interesting history? In practice, the properties chosen tend to bear out the preconceptions of the researchers, making (e.g.) the correspondence between genetic and traditional linguistic classification of the world’s population groups less than astounding. This necessary arbitrariness in setting up the statistical models is a fundamental flaw in the credibility of the population-gradient prehistory associated with Luca Cavalli-Sforza (e.g. 2001) and his many followers.

^*具有讽刺意味的是，一个普遍的问题是作家的保守主义使他们的符号指的是已经不再使用的语言版本。对文士学校所学内容的记忆可以优先于文士实际听到的内容。

^* A common problem, ironically, is that writers’ conservatism has made their symbols refer to a version of the language already out of use. Memories of what was learnt in the scribal school can take precedence over what the scribe was actually hearing.

^†埃及已经放弃了象形文字，并且（现在称为科普特）是用源自希腊语的字母书写的。阿卡德语和苏美尔语根本不再写；所以楔形文字是一纸空文。腓尼基语也消失了，尽管从爱尔兰到暹罗使用的每一个字母都源自其原始文字。玛雅字形在西班牙征服时已停止使用，现在所有这些语言都用罗马文字书写。与此同时，中文继续以最初由下令焚烧该国每一本书的人标准化的剧本书写。见第 4 章，“第一次合一”，第 4 页。137.

^†Egyptian has dropped hieroglyphs, and (now known as Coptic) is written in an alphabet derived from Greek. Akkadian and Sumerian are no longer written at all; so cuneiform is a dead letter. Phoenician too is gone, although every alphabet in use from Ireland to Siam is derived from its original script. Mayan glyphs were discontinued at the time of the Spanish conquest, and now all these languages are written in Roman. Meanwhile Chinese continues to be written in the script first standardised by the man who ordered the burning of every book in the country. See Chapter 4, ‘First Unity’, p. 137.

2

成为世界语言需要什么；或者，你永远无法分辨

2

What It Takes to Be a World Language; or, You Never Can Tell

在过去 500 年里，历史性的并购力量使许多欧洲语言跻身世界前 20 名，但到 20 世纪末，这些力量似乎已经耗尽了——或者至少被阻止了。

The historic forces of merger and acquisition which, over the last five hundred years, built up many of the European languages in the world’s Top Twenty seemed to have spent themselves—or at least to be dammed up—by the end of the twentieth century.

公开的帝国主义不再受到捍卫。结局不再是公开的意愿，尽管导致 21 世纪征服阿富汗和伊拉克的两次外科手术战争表明，这些手段仍然被接受。同样，大规模迁移的流动也暂时停止。在过去的两个世纪里，来自欧洲国家的移民创造了现在的英语世界和葡萄牙语世界的大部分地区，主要是在美洲，但也在非洲、澳大利亚和新西兰。然后，在 20 世纪下半叶，曾经被殖民的国家大量涌入，但规模要小得多，这在欧洲土地的中心创造了新的语言社区。

Overt imperialism is no longer defended. The end is no longer openly willed, though the two surgical wars that led off the twenty-first century, to conquer Afghanistan and Iraq, show that the means are still accepted. Likewise, the flow of large-scale migration is for the time being halted. In the past two centuries, flows from European countries had created much of what are now the English-speaking and the Portuguese-speaking worlds, mostly in the Americas, but also in Africa, Australia and New Zealand. Then, in the second half of the twentieth century, there was a significant, but much smaller, flow from once colonised countries, which has created new language communities insulated in the heart of European lands.

将形成未来的趋势仍然模糊不清。目前，仍然有大量的移民志愿者，分布在更广泛的国家，而不仅仅是前殖民地；阻碍他们迁徙和重新安置的主要因素是他们希望的东道国不愿接纳他们。虽然一些专家写道即将发生“文明冲突”，最直接的是阿拉伯语和英语世界相互对抗，但强国所保障的政治结构似乎很牢固。

The trends that will form the future are still obscure. At present, there is still a multitude of migration volunteers, found in a much wider range of countries, not just ex-colonies; the main brake on their movement and resettlement is the unwillingness of their desired host countries to take them in. While some pundits write of an impending ‘clash of civilisations’, pitting most immediately the Arabic- and English-speaking worlds against each other, the political fabric guaranteed by powerful nations seems firm.

但世界语言的未来与时事无关，甚至与新闻分析无关。语言传播是一件长期的事情，至少以几代人为衡量标准，更常见的是几个世纪和几千年。本书的基本问题是询问语言社区过去是如何——在何种情况下，以何种动力——蓬勃发展的，以及其中一些是如何衰落甚至达到其目的的。

But the world’s language future is not a matter of current affairs, or even news analysis. Language spread is a long-term thing, measured at the very least in generations and more often in centuries and millennia. The fundamental question of this book is to ask how—in what circumstances and with what dynamics—language communities have come to flourish in the past, as well as how some of them have declined and even met their ends.

一种语言可以蓬勃发展的最直接的方式可以称为农民方法。社区需要做的就是保持团结，并增加人口。这就是有机增长，这是东亚和南亚大型语言的典型故事，甚至在欧洲也不为人所知，尤其是在东方。^*这不是一种积极主动的策略，但它确实引发了一个随之而来的问题：遵循这种政策的语言如何能够保护自己免受外国社区的侵害，这些外国社区可能会入侵并破坏其稳定增长？

The most straightforward way in which a language can come to flourish could be called the Farmer’s Approach. All the community needs to do is stay united, and grow its population. This is Organic Growth, which is the typical story of large languages in eastern and southern Asia, and not unknown even in Europe, especially towards the east.^* It is not a strategy of active initiative, but it does raise a consequent question: how have languages that follow such a policy been able to defend themselves from foreign communities, which might be tempted to invade and disrupt their steady growth?

从本质上讲，这种破坏将来自语言社区，它们走的是一条不太平静的道路：类似于现代商业世界中的进攻型玩家，它们可能被称为并购语言 (M&A)。如果有机增长是农民的战略，那么这种替代方案可以称为猎人之路。

The disruption would come, by its nature, from language communities following a less placid path: they may be called the Merger and Acquisition languages (M&A), by analogy with the offensive players in the modern business world. If Organic Growth is the strategy of farmers, this alternative could rather be called the Hunter’s Way.

这种由社区之间直接接触引起的变化有时被描述为以下三种类型之一：迁移，语言社区在身体上移动，带来一种新的语言；扩散，说话者实际上并没有大量移动，而是一个社区的说话者开始将他们的语言同化到与他们接触的另一个社区的语言；和渗透，这是前两者的混合物。¹英语进入北美和澳大利亚的进程是一个迁移案例；扩散到印度和斯堪的纳维亚；并进入南非，渗透。^†例如，只有通过扩散或渗透，一种语言才能成为一种通用语，一种更广泛交流的语言：为此，一种语言一定是被非母语的人使用的。

Such change, resulting from direct contact between communities, is sometimes characterised as one of three types: Migration, where a language community moves bodily, bringing a new language with it; Diffusion, where speakers do not actually move in large numbers but where speakers of one community come to assimilate their language to that of another with whom they are in contact; and Infiltration, which is a mixture of the former two.¹ The progress of English into North America and Australia is a case of Migration; into India and Scandinavia, of Diffusion; and into South Africa, of Infiltration.^† It is only, for example, through Diffusion or Infiltration that a language can become a lingua franca, a language of wider communication: for this, a language must have been taken up by people who did not speak it natively.

这些并购语言社区的角色发展迅速，通常是通过深思熟虑的行动。在实践中，这些将是我们追踪其职业生涯的主要语言，因为它们当然是最多事的。

These M&A language communities are the ones whose role develops fast, often through deliberate actions. In practice, these will be the main languages whose careers we trace, because of course they are the most eventful.

是否有任何共同特征使语言社区吸引其他人使用它的语言，然后加入它？查看本书主题的一种方式是探究语言声望的根源，定义为吸引新用户的倾向。语言在什么条件下有能力以这种方式成长？新旧语言之间的关系是否有任何特性使说话者愿意并能够实现飞跃？

Is there any common feature that makes a language community entice others to use its language, and so join it? A way of viewing this book’s theme is as an inquiry into the roots of Language Prestige, defined as the propensity to attract new users. Under what conditions do languages have the power to grow in this way? And are there any properties of the relation between the new and the old language which make speakers willing and able to make the leap?

甚至在语言学家中普遍存在一种有害的信念，即对这个问题有一个直截了当、无情的答案。JR Firth 是 20 世纪中叶的一位主要英国语言学家，他对此做了一个很好的简单陈述：

There is a pernicious belief, widespread even among linguists, that there is a straightforward, heartless, answer to this question. J. R. Firth, a leading British linguist of the mid-twentieth century, makes a good simple statement of it:

世界大国创造了世界语言……罗马帝国创造了拉丁语，大英帝国创造了英语。当然，教会也是强大的力量……对世界及其事务有强烈感情的人做得最多。如果没有希伯来语、阿拉伯语、拉丁语、梵语和英语，语言统一的谦逊先知会做些什么，很难想象。政治家、士兵、水手和传教士，行动派，感情丰富的人创造了世界语言。他们建立在血统、金钱、筋骨和追求权力的痛苦之上。²

World powers make world languages … The Roman Empire made Latin, the British Empire English. Churches too, of course, are great powers … Men who have strong feelings directed towards the world and its affairs have done most. What the humble prophets of linguistic unity would have done without Hebrew, Arabic, Latin, Sanskrit and English, it is difficult to imagine. Statesmen, soldiers, sailors, and missionaries, men of action, men of strong feelings have made world languages. They are built on blood, money, sinews, and suffering in the pursuit of power.²

这首先是一个响亮的 1937 年的呐喊，大英帝国的末日，强大的基督教和男性至上主义；并且（为他辩护）弗斯似乎主要关注将精力充沛的行动者与疲倦的学者在建立国际语言方面的有效性进行对比。

This is above all a resonant cri de c$oeur from 1937, the dying days of the British empire, muscular Christianity and male supremacism; and (in his defence) Firth seems mainly to have been concerned to contrast the effectiveness of lusty men of action with enervated scholars in building international languages.

尽管如此，它确实经不起批评。一旦认真研究语言的职业——即使是弗斯明确提到的“希伯来语、阿拉伯语、拉丁语、梵语和英语”作为例子——很明显，这种自我放纵的顽固观点根本不能指导什么真正使语言能够传播。它既不能说明所有世界语言的来源，也不能说明所有世界大国的成就。

Nevertheless it really does not stand up to criticism. As soon as the careers of languages are seriously studied—even the ‘Hebrew, Arabic, Latin, Sanskrit and English’ that Firth explicitly mentions as examples—it becomes clear that this self-indulgently tough-minded view is no guide at all to what really makes a language capable of spreading. It works neither as an account of where all world languages come from, nor what all world powers achieve.

最好的例子可能被认为来自弗斯引用的例子，持续了几个世纪的多国军事帝国，例如罗马和英国的努力。但是，尽管罗曼语仍然在我们身边，它们的共同名称显示了它们的共同起源，但它们在罗马统治已被日耳曼征服者稳定取代的国家长大。帝国灭亡后建立西欧王国的法兰克人、勃艮第人、汪达尔人和哥特人，顶多影响了说拉丁语的口音，并在其词汇中增加了一些词；他们没有成功地将他们的语言强加于他们的新科目。然而在地中海的另一端，罗马人自己在传播拉丁语方面并没有取得更大的成功：在 395 年，尽管罗马人直接统治了 500 多年，但希腊语、叙利亚人和埃及人仍在用希腊语交谈。（此后帝国从东西方分裂，拉丁语很快就失去了在东方的正式地位。）

The best case for it might be thought to come from the examples Firth cites, multinational military empires that lasted for centuries, such as the Roman and British efforts. But although Romance languages are still with us, their common name showing their common origin, they grew up in countries where Roman rule had been stably replaced by Germanic conquerors. The Franks, Burgundians, Vandals and Goths who set up the kingdoms of western Europe after the fall of the empire at most had an effect on the accent with which Latin was spoken and added a few words to its vocabulary; they nowhere succeeded in imposing their language on their new subjects. Yet at the other end of the Mediterranean, the Romans themselves had had no better success in spreading Latin: in 395, despite over five hundred years of direct Roman rule, Greeks, Syrians and Egyptians were still talking to each other in Greek. (Thereafter the empire was divided east from west, and Latin soon lost even a formal role in the east.)

在更远的地方，在中国北部，自公元 4 世纪起，讲土耳其语、蒙古语和通古斯语的入侵者一再进行征服，他们统治了千分之七百年，但对汉语的生存没有任何影响。最后，讲通古斯语的满族人在 1644 年征服了整个国家，但在一个世纪之内，他们自己的语言就消失了。回到中东，讲阿拉伯语的征服者的胜利只是暂时的：从 7 世纪中叶开始，他们的文明垄断了伊朗及其西部和东部的邻国，但当塞尔柱土耳其人从另一个国家征服了这个国家时到了 11 世纪，很明显，阿拉伯语从未扎根，除宗教外的一切语言都恢复为波斯语。

Farther afield, in the north of China, repeated conquests by Turkish-, Mongol- and Tungus-speaking invaders, who ruled for some seven hundred years out of a thousand from the fourth century AD, had no effect on the survival of Chinese; finally, the Tungus-speaking Manchu conquered the whole country in 1644, and yet within a century their own language had died out. Back in the Middle East, the triumphs of the Arabic-speaking conquerors were only temporary: from the mid-seventh century, their civilisation monopolised Iran, along with its neighbours to west and east, but when the Seljuk Turks conquered the country from the other side in the eleventh century, it became clear that Arabic had never taken root, and the language of everything but religion reverted to Persian.

显然，完全征服，军事甚至精神上的，并不总是足以影响语言的改变。然而，有时一个明显较弱的社区也能做到这一点。想想阿拉姆语，游牧民族的语言，它在公元前 8 世纪席卷了一个仍处于权力鼎盛时期的亚述帝国，取代了高贵的阿卡德语，后者可以追溯到美索不达米亚文明的开端。或者考虑一下梵语，在公元第一个千年作为精英话语的语言在整个东南亚流行，即使它来自印度，没有一个士兵支持它。甚至在 15 世纪成为秘鲁印加帝国的语言的盖丘亚语似乎实际上已被采纳为王朝妥协：

Evidently, total conquest, military and even spiritual, is not always enough to effect a language change. Yet at times an apparently weaker community can achieve just this. Consider Aramaic, the language of nomads, which swept through an Assyrian empire still at the height of its power in the eighth century BC, replacing the noble Akkadian, which went back to the very beginning of Mesopotamian civilisation. Or consider Sanskrit, taken up all over South-East Asia in the first millennium AD as the language of elite discourse, even though it came across the sea from India backed by not a single soldier. It even appears that Quechua, which became the language of the Inca empire in Peru in the fifteenth century, had actually been adopted as a dynastic compromise: the rulers gave up their own language in order to secure orderly acceptance of a vast extension of their power.

经济力量，通常被认为是英语传播的根源，无论是在英国还是美国的赞助下，似乎比军队更不具有强制性。在公元前一千年的大部分时间里，腓尼基航运主导了地中海的贸易。在那段时间的大部分时间里，它在西方得到了腓尼基殖民地迦太基的统治地位的支持，他们说同一种语言。但是腓尼基语在其自己的定居点之外似乎仍然不为人知：希腊语是国际话语的通用语，甚至在迦太基军队中也使用。再往东，在公元六至八世纪，通往中国的丝绸之路的女王是伊朗城市撒马尔罕：它的语言是粟特语，但谁听说过呢？粟特商人虽然富有，³

Economic power, often believed to lie at the root of the spread of English, whether under British or American sponsorship, seems even less coercive than the military. Phoenician shipping dominated the trade of the Mediterranean for most of the first millennium BC; for much of that time, it was backed up in the west by the dominance of the Phoenician colony of Carthage, which spoke the same language. But the Phoenician language seems to have remained unknown outside its own settlements: Greek was the lingua franca for international discourse, used even in the Carthaginian army. Farther east and later on, in the sixth to eighth centuries AD, the queen of the Silk Roads to China was the Iranian city of Samarkand: its language was Sogdian, but who has heard of it? Sogdian merchants, rich as they were, found it politic to use the customers’ languages—Arabic, Chinese, Uighur-Turkic and Tibetan.³

在这句有力的引述中，弗斯强调了权力的宗教层面，这通常很重要：也许，事实上，我们应该谈论的不是语言声望，而是语言魅力。梵文除了是印度教的神圣语言外，对佛陀的弟子也有很大的贡献。如果没有犹太教，几千年前希伯来语就会消失。阿拉伯语更加模棱两可：从长远来看，伊斯兰教已被证明是其传播的根本动机，但实际上是阿拉伯人领导的军队将这种语言带入了西亚和北非，创造了新的国家，随之而来的是传教。阿拉伯人也以印度洋周边的商人而闻名，但该地区对伊斯兰教的接受从未使阿拉伯语在礼仪中发挥作用。奇怪的是，传播皈依的语言效果几乎与传教士自己的优先事项无关：基督徒对表达信仰的语言相当漠不关心，他们的经典文本新约圣经翻译了耶稣的话; 然而，基督教本身在保护许多语言（包括亚拉姆语、希腊语、拉丁语和哥特语）方面发挥了至关重要的作用，实际上也起到了声望的作用。

In that muscular quote, Firth had emphasised the religious dimension of power, and this is often important: perhaps, indeed, we should be talking not of language prestige but language charisma. Sanskrit, besides being the sacred language of Hinduism, has owed much to disciples of the Buddha; and Hebrew would have been lost thousands of years ago without Judaism. Arabic is more ambiguous: in the long term, Islam has proved the fundamental motive for its spread, but it was Arab-led armies which actually took the language into western Asia and northern Africa, creating new states in which proselytising would follow. Arabs were also famous as traders round the Indian Ocean, but the acceptance of Islam in this area has never given Arabic anything more than a role in liturgy. Curiously, the linguistic effects of spreading conversions turn out to be almost independent of the preachers’ own priorities: Christians have been fairly indifferent to the language in which their faith is expressed, and their classic text, the New Testament, records the sayings of Jesus in translation; and yet Christianity itself has played a crucial role in the preservation of, and indeed the prestige of, many languages, including Aramaic, Greek, Latin and Gothic.

事实上，传教宗教一直是世界上少数语言职业生涯中的一个因素。可以说，宗教只是语言文化维度的一个例子，它代表了语言声望的最终来源。文化当然是一个非常模糊的词，涵盖了从手斧的塑造到企业使命宣言，以及对莎士比亚十四行诗和北斋画作的细细欣赏；所以它的相关性需要更加密切的关注。^*

In fact, proselytising religion has been a factor in the careers of only a minority of world languages. It could be claimed that religion is just an example of the cultural dimension of language, which represents the ultimate source of language prestige. Culture, of course, is an extremely vague word, covering everything from the shaping of hand-axes to corporate mission statements, as well as the finer appreciation of the sonnets of Shakespeare and the paintings of Hokusai; so its relevance will need considerably closer attention.^*

在分析史前民族的运动，以及一个人取代另一个人的表面上的冷酷无情（如在非洲南部三分之一的班图语民族中，随之而来的是对桑人和科伊人的领土的限制；或南岛水手渗透到东南亚并与美拉尼西亚人接触），几乎没有不愿讨论被认为具有优势的文化因素。美术和高等教育通常不被视为重要的竞争者。提高支持更多人口的能力的文化因素（例如，通过新的农业或畜牧业形式）被认为特别重要。但军事实践中的简单创新也可能是有效的。

In the analysis of prehistoric movements of peoples, and the apparent ruthlessness with which one comes to replace another (as in the Bantu-speaking peoples’ spread across the southern third of Africa, with consequent restriction of the domains of the San and Khoi; or the penetration of Austronesian sailors into South-East Asia and into contact with Melanesians), there is little reluctance to discuss the cultural factors presumed to have given the advantage. Finer arts and higher learning are not usually considered serious contenders. Cultural factors that enhance the ability to support larger populations (for example, by new forms of farming or husbandry) are deemed especially important. But simple innovations in military practice may also be effective.

有时，野蛮的生物学会占据主导地位，只是文化差异被搁置一旁，暂时无关紧要。如果一个人口更容易死于疾病，就像 16 世纪新大陆被入侵的居民面临欧洲闯入者一样，那么他们的武器和军事战术也大大低劣并不重要——或者相反，他们的蔬菜栽培（包括土豆和玉米、西红柿和巧克力）被证明是世界一流的。

Occasionally, brute biology takes over, and mere cultural differences are left on the sidelines, for a time irrelevant. If a population was vastly more liable to die from disease, as were the invaded inhabitants of the New World facing European interlopers in the sixteenth century, it hardly mattered that their weaponry and military tactics were also vastly inferior—or by contrast that the vegetables they cultivated (including potatoes and maize, tomatoes and chocolate) turned out to be world-beaters.

但是寻找语言流行的原因通常不是那么容易解决的。在民族之间的接触和语言之间的竞争的历史记录中——当我们有目击者的证词让我们对真正发生的事情保持诚实时——我们常常无法指出明显至关重要的文化差异。然后我们可能需要更深入地研究：不仅要研究不同社区的感知关联，他们如何看待彼此，语言社区的主观声誉以及它们的客观优势，甚至——这是非常非常规的，尤其是在语言学家——语言本身的属性。

But the search for the causes of language prevalence is not usually so easily resolved. In the historic record of contacts between peoples, and contests between languages—when we have eyewitness testimony to keep us honest about what really went on—we often cannot point to cultural differences that were clearly crucial. Then we may have to look deeper: not just into the perceived associations of the different communities, how they looked to each other, the language communities’ subjective reputations as well as their objective advantages, but even—and this is deeply unconventional, especially among linguists—to the properties of the languages themselves.

奇怪的是，语言学家几乎普遍认为，他们研究的语言的基本属性——一种语言使用的声音种类、它的基本词序，无论是通过将短而独立的词串在一起还是通过前缀或后缀的协调系统来工作——是无关紧要的语言的生存前景。毕竟，他们认为，根据定义，每种语言都是儿童可以学习的：这就是使它成为人类语言的原因。如果一个社区在传播其语言方面遇到问题，那一定是社会原因，而不是语言原因。

Bizarrely, linguists almost universally assume that the basic properties of languages which they study—the kinds of sounds a language uses, its basic word order, whether it works by stringing together short and independent words or by coordinating systems of prefixes or suffixes—are irrelevant to languages’ prospects of survival. After all, they reckon, every language is by definition learnable by children: that’s what makes it a human language. If a community has problems propagating its language, there must be a social cause, not a linguistic one.

但对我们来说，将语言视为说它的社区的独特之处，我们只能想知道这种语言结构到底是为了什么。也许一种语言的类型甚至具有生存价值，它决定了长期使用另一种语言的新人群是否可以轻易地接受它。这是本书的创新之一：提出了一些方法，这些方法实际上可能对社区所说的语言类型很重要。（参见第 14 章，“什么使语言可学习”，第 552 页。）

But for us, viewing the language as distinctive of the community that speaks it, we can only wonder what all that linguistic structure is there for. Perhaps a language’s type even has survival value, determining whether a new population that has long spoken another language can readily take it up or not. This is one of the innovations of this book: to suggest ways in which it might actually matter what type of a language a community speaks. (See Chapter 14, ‘What makes a language learnable’, p. 552.)

整本书的宣传计划是按时间顺序或多或少地回顾一下在世界上大行其道的语言的历史。它从识字开始，因为那是我们第一次清楚地证明人们说什么语言的时候。我们在每一点的政策都是要求明确的证据，实际上是书面痕迹，因此忽略了许多被认为发生在文字前的过去的事件。^*这个故事一直持续到我们面对最近增长的主要语言，我们称之为“并购”语言。

The plan of campaign for the book as a whole is to review, more or less in temporal order, the histories of languages that have loomed large in the world. It starts from the onset of literacy, because that is when we first have clear evidence of what languages people were speaking. Our policy at every point has been to require explicit evidence, in effect written traces, and so to pass over many events that are believed to have happened in a pre-literate past.^* And the story continues until we confront the major languages of recent growth, what we have called ‘M&A’ languages.

事实证明，这个故事分为两个主要时代，分别在 1492 年。这是欧洲及其一些语言在全球范围内扩张的开始。在此之前，语言几乎总是沿陆路传播，其结果是区域性的：大型语言在连贯的、集中的区域中使用。在此之后，海洋成为语言发展的主要通道，并且传播可能是全球性的：一种语言可以在许多不同大陆的不同区域使用，其货币仅通过横跨整个大陆的贸易和军事治理的力量联系起来。海洋。

As it turns out, the story falls into two major epochs, which divide at 1492. This is the beginning of the worldwide expansion of Europe and some of its languages. Before this point, languages almost always spread along land routes, and the results are regional: large languages are spoken across coherent, centred regions. After this point, the sea becomes the main thoroughfare of language advance, and spread can be global: a language can be spoken in distinct zones on many different continents, with its currency linked only by the sinews of trade and military governance that stretch across the oceans.

除了这种地理差异之外，还可以看到区分这两个时代的其他总体模式。

Besides this geographical difference, it is possible to see other gross patterns which distinguish the two epochs.

1492年之前，传播语言的关键力量首先是识字和公民文化，然后是启示宗教。但是，当一个社区拥有这些优势时，它的语言往往会在剑尖上传播开来。没有它们，军事胜利或商业发展将收效甚微。传播的一般模式是通过渗透：整个民族不会移动，但语言是由移动的小社区和零散的殖民地传播的。但发生在这一时期的英语基础似乎是这一切的一个例外。

Before 1492, the key forces that spread languages are first literacy and civic culture, and later revealed religion. But when a community has these advantages its language is often spread at the point of a sword; without them, military victories or commercial development will achieve little. The general mode of spread is through infiltration: whole peoples do not move, but languages are transmitted by small communities and piecemeal colonies which do. But the foundation of English, which occurs in this period, appears to be an exception to all this.

1492 年之后，传播的力量起初更加基本：疾病摧毁了美洲和其他地方的人口，征服者和受害者之间的技术差距在任何地方都比区域传播时代更加明显。但一旦力量平衡恢复平衡，随着欧洲人全球军事帝国的稳定，就很难区分军事、商业和语言优势。起初旅行困难，语言传播缓慢，仍以渗透为主。然而，随着识字率的普及和更便宜的交通方式，模式转向移民，因为大量欧洲人口寻求利用新的机会。在 20 世纪，这种情况也有所缓和。但是新的交流形式出现了，而且速度越来越快，更便宜、更全面：结果是语言传播的主要模式从迁移转向传播。英语再一次出类拔萃，因为它已经准备好首先利用新技术，但它的前景仍然不太明朗，因为其他大大小小的语言都在它后面安顿下来。它面临着任何即时名人的不确定未来，也许也是这样一个未来不可避免的最终结果。这不仅是因为，对于世界领先的通用语，语言社区的整个概念开始崩溃。但它的前景仍然不那么明朗，因为其他大大小小的语言都在它后面安顿下来。它面临着任何即时名人的不确定未来，也许也是这样一个未来不可避免的最终结果。这不仅是因为，对于世界领先的通用语，语言社区的整个概念开始崩溃。但它的前景仍然不那么明朗，因为其他大大小小的语言都在它后面安顿下来。它面临着任何即时名人的不确定未来，也许也是这样一个未来不可避免的最终结果。这不仅是因为，对于世界领先的通用语，语言社区的整个概念开始崩溃。

After 1492, the forces of spread are at first much more elemental: disease devastates populations in the Americas and elsewhere, and the technological gap between conquerors and victims is everywhere much starker than it had been in the era of regional spread. But once the power balance moves back into equilibrium, with the stabilisation of the Europeans’ global military empires, it becomes hard to distinguish military, commercial and linguistic dominance. At first, travel is difficult, and language spread is slow, still based on infiltration. However, with the spread of literacy and cheaper transport, the mode switches to migration, as large European populations seek to take advantage of the new opportunities. In the twentieth century, this too eases off; but new forms of communication arise, continually becoming faster, cheaper and more comprehensive: the result is that the dominant mode of language spread switches from migration to diffusion. English is once again exceptional, as it has been uniquely poised to take first advantage of the new technologies, but its prospects remain less clear as the other languages, both large and small, settle in behind it. It faces the uncertain future of any instant celebrity, and perhaps too the same inevitable ultimate outcome of such a future. This is not least because, for the world’s leading lingua franca, the whole concept of a language community begins to break down.

但是一旦了解了世界上最大的语言的各种故事，我们的调查就可以继续提出一些相关的问题。

But once informed with the varied stories of the world’s largest languages, our inquiry can move on to ask some pertinent questions.

语言传播的现代力量有多新和前所未有？它们与过去传播的语言有共同的重要属性吗？

How new and unprecedented are modern forces of language diffusion? Do they share significant properties with language spread in the past?

语言社区的古老特征将如何表现出来？特别是，所有语言都可以作为社区的外在符号吗？他们能否有效地将来自共同经历的协会组织编织在一起？每种语言还能创造自己的世界吗？当科学——以及一些天启宗教——宣称普遍有效时，他们会愿意吗？

How will the age-old characteristics of language communities assert themselves? In particular, can all languages still act as outward symbols of communities? And can they effectively weave together the tissues of associations which come from a shared experience? Can each language still create its own world? Will they want to, when science—and some revealed religions—claim universal validity?

这些是我们要问的问题。但首先我们必须检查人类语言史的大量资料。

These are the questions we shall want to ask. But first we must examine the vast materials of human language history.

^*因此，它在形成当今排名前 20 的语言社区方面非常突出，被认为接近本书的结论（参见第 527 页）。

^*As such it is prominent in forming the present-day Top Twenty language communities, to be considered close to the conclusion of this book (see p. 527).

^†英语在欧盟的广泛使用可以看作是渗透强化了扩散（在英国于 1973 年加入后）。

^†The widespread use of English in the European Union can be seen as Diffusion reinforced (after the UK’s accession in 1973) by Infiltration.

^*这也是一个固有的危险术语，很难与评估整个民族成就的全面尝试区分开来。（例如，见麦考利对梵文和阿拉伯文化的臭名昭著的判决（见第 12 章，“改变视角——印度的英语”，第 496 页）。）

^* It is also an inherently dangerous term, hard to separate from sweeping attempts to evaluate the achievements of whole peoples. (See, e.g., Macaulay’s notorious verdict on Sanskrit- and Arabic-based cultures (see Chapter 12, ‘Changing perspective—English in India’, p. 496).)

^*这导致了两种重要的已知语言传播的完全遗漏，一种是推测的。从公元前 3000 年开始的四千年里，波利尼西亚群岛获得了数十种密切相关的语言，这可能是有史以来最勇敢的持续探索。班图语在同一时期传播到南部非洲，始于喀麦隆，止于开普敦。这两个故事对于理解当今世界语言的完整模式至关重要，但它们纯粹基于考古学和语言比较。从那些万古的谈话中，我们没有一个词被记录下来。至于印欧语的地理路径，为了理解赫梯语、梵语、俄语、亚美尼亚语、希腊语、拉丁语、高卢语、

^* This has led to the total omission of two important known language spreads, and one conjectured one. The Polynesian islands gained their dozens of closely related languages over the four millennia from 3000 BC in perhaps the most intrepid sustained exploration ever. And the Bantu languages spread across southern Africa over much the same period, beginning in Cameroon and ending at the Cape. Both of these stories are crucial to understanding the full pattern of languages in today’s world, but they are based purely on archaeology and linguistic comparisons. We have not a single word recorded from all the talk of those aeons. As for the geographical path of Indo-European, the ancestral language that is reconstructed to make sense of the evident systematic relationships among Hittite, Sanskrit, Russian, Armenian, Greek, Latin, Gaulish, Lithuanian and English, and many, many more, we can only speculate, and those speculations are the stuff of historical linguistics, not of language history.

第二部分

土地语言

PART II

LANGUAGES BY LAND

关于强加的共同语言的价值的两种意大利意见，相隔十五个世纪：

Two Italian opinions, separated by fifteen centuries, on the value of an imposed common language:

nec ignoro ingrati et segnis animi existimari posse merito si, obiter atque in transcursu ad hunc modum dicatur terraomium terrarum alumna eadem et parens, numine deum electrota quae caelum ipsum clarius faceret, sparsa congregaret imperia ritusque molliret et tot populorum discordes ferasque linguas sermonis commerci ad colloquia et humanitatem homini faret, breviterque una cunctarum gentium in toto orbe patria fieret。

nec ignoro ingrati et segnis animi existimari posse merito si, obiter atque in transcursu ad hunc modum dicatur terra omnium terrarum alumna eadem et parens, numine deum electa quae caelum ipsum clarius faceret, sparsa congregaret imperia ritusque molliret et tot populorum discordes ferasque linguas sermonis commercio contraheret ad colloquia et humanitatem homini daret, breviterque una cunctarum gentium in toto orbe patria fieret.

我知道，如果我如此轻轻地触摸那片土地，这片土地既是所有土地的养子，又是所有土地的父母，被天意召唤来让天空变得更亮，把它的遥远——开疆拓土，使他们的生活方式文明化，通过共同使用其语言，在谈话中团结所有民族的野蛮、争吵的语言，为人类提供文化，简而言之，成为世界各国的共同祖国世界。

I am aware that I may be quite rightly thought thankless and lazy if I touch so lightly on that land which is both the foster-child and parent of all lands, called by Providence to make the very sky brighter, to bring together its far-flung domains, to civilise their ways of life, to unite in conversation the wild, quarrelsome tongues of all their many peoples through common use of its language, to give culture to mankind, and in short to become the one fatherland of every nation in the world.

老普林尼 (AD 24-79), Naturalis Historia , iii.39

Pliny the Elder (AD 24-79), Naturalis Historia, iii.39

臣民比语言的枷锁更容易摆脱武器的枷锁。

The yoke of arms is shaken off more readily by subject peoples than the yoke of language.

归功于意大利人文主义者洛伦佐·瓦拉 (Lorenzo Valla)（1406-57 年），

在他的《Elegantiarum Libri VI 》中

attributed to Lorenzo Valla, Italian humanist (1406-57),

in his Elegantiarum Libri VI

3

沙漠之花：中东的语言创新

3

The Desert Blooms: Language Innovation in the Middle East

阿尤埃姆伊利	qereb šamě ilammad
米利克·萨·安赞农齐	我阿金曼努
ēkšma ilmada	阿拉克蒂伊利阿普什蒂
šaina amšat iblu u	伊穆特乌德斯
surriš uštādir	扎马尔乌塔巴尔
开始应用程序	伊萨穆尔埃莱拉
在 pīt purīdi	你萨拉拉拉里什
kī petě u katami	ēnšina Šitni
妈妈_	伊姆什·萨拉姆蒂什
伊舍布斯马	伊沙纳纳伊尔辛
伊娜阿比伊塔姆什	elš šamā 'i
乌塔什萨马伊达布巴	阿拉德·伊尔卡拉
安娜安娜塔 ušta-	克雷布希纳拉阿尔坦达

天上诸神的旨意，谁能知晓？

有谁能了解冥界诸神的计划？

人是从哪里学来的神道？

昨天还活着的人今天死了。

前一刻他很担心，下一刻他就很热闹。

片刻他在唱一首欢乐的歌，

片刻后他像丧葬者一样哀号。

他们的状况会像打开和关闭 [腿] 一样变化。

饿时如死尸，

饱时与神为敌。

顺时说登天，

烦恼时说下地狱。

我对这些事情感到困惑；我无法说出它们的意思。

Who can know the will of the gods in heaven?

Who can understand the plans of the underworld gods?

Where have humans learned the way of a god?

He who was alive yesterday is dead today.

One moment he is worried, the next he is boisterous.

One moment he is singing a joyful song,

A moment later he wails like a funeral mourner.

Their condition changes like opening and closing [the legs].

When starving they become like corpses,

When full they oppose their god.

In good times they speak of scaling heaven,

When they are troubled they talk of descent to hell.

I am perplexed at these things; I cannot tell what they mean.

来自Ludlul Bēl Nēmeqi，“我将赞美智慧之主”，阿卡德语¹

from Ludlul Bēl Nēmeqi, ‘I will Praise the Lord of Wisdom’, Akkadian¹

出现在古代近东的文明的名字现在响起了遥远的远古气息。从记录开始的三千年中，已知有三打甚至更多的人蓬勃发展。公元前3300年直到公元前330年亚历山大入侵，其中包括巴比伦、亚述、腓尼基、吕底亚和波斯等大国。它们让人想起东方专制主义、令人叹为观止的冷酷和华而不实的华丽。尽管他们有许多自命不凡、文化丰饶，有时甚至是真正的普遍权力，但他们没有留下任何继承人。至少他们自己的一位作家预见到了这一点：

The names of civilisations that arose in the ancient Near East now ring with the note of remote antiquity. Three dozen and more are known that flourished in the three millennia from the start of records c.3300 BC until the invasion of Alexander in 330 BC, among them such powers as Babylon, Assyria, Phoenicia, Lydia and Persia. They bring to mind visions of oriental absolutism, breathtaking ruthlessness and gaudy magnificence. Despite their many pretensions, their cultural fertility and sometimes truly universal power, they have left no heirs. Something of this was foreseen by at least one of their own writers:

阿拉德米坦古拉尼

arad mitanguranni

annŭ bēlī annŭ

umma usātu ana mātia luppuš kimi

epuš bēlī epuš

amēlu ša usātam ana mātišu ipuš

šakna usātu-šu in kippat ša marduk

e arad anāku usātamma ana mātia ul epuš

拉特普什贝利拉特普什

la teppuš bēlī la teppuš

ilīmaina mu itillāni labīrūti itallak

ilīma ina mui tillāni labīrūti itallak

amur gulgullē ša arkŭti u pānŭti

ayyu bēl lemuttima ayu bēl usāti

仆人，听我说。

Servant, listen to me.

是的，主人，是的。

Yes, master, yes.

我将使我的国家受益。

I will benefit my country.

做吧，主人，做吧。

So do, master, do.

为国谋利的人

The man who benefits his country

他的善行记录在马杜克的[记录]中。

has his good deeds set down in the [record] of Marduk.

不，仆人，我不会造福我的国家。

No, servant, I will not benefit my country.

不要这样做，主人，不要这样做。

Do not do it, master, do not.

上古遗址堆，四处走走；

Go up to the ancient ruin heaps and walk around;

看看卑微和伟大的头骨。

look at the skulls of the lowly and the great.

哪个属于作恶的，哪个属于行善的？

Which belongs to one who did evil, and which to one who did good?

来自“悲观主义的对话”，阿卡德语²

from ‘The Dialogue of Pessimism’, Akkadian²

但是，在两到四千年的差距之后，权衡政治成就的持久性也许有点苛刻。他们的一些作品确实是在挑战时代。正是在这里，书写被发明并从一种记笔记的媒介发展成为完整、明确地记录人类生活和思想的基础。作为对此的幸运补充，我们采用了丰富且不可生物降解的材料在河泥饼上书写，铺开、刻字，有时还硬烤。因此，我们不仅可以追溯事件的大致轮廓，还可以追溯王室的个性甚至外交对话，人民神灵的神话和仪式以及他们的形象，他们生活的法律和爱情他们唱的歌，尤其是他们五花八门的语言。

But perhaps it is a little harsh to weigh up the persistence of political achievements after a gap of two to four millennia. Some of their works really did defy the ages. It was here that writing was invented, and developed from a medium for taking notes into the basis for a full, explicit record of human life and thought; as a lucky complement to this, a plentiful and non-biodegradable material had been adopted to write on, patties of river clay, rolled out, inscribed, and sometimes baked hard. As a result we can trace not just the broad outlines of events, but the personalities and even the diplomatic dialogue of royal families, the myths and rituals of the peoples’ gods as well as their images, the laws under which they lived and the love songs they sang, and above all their multifarious languages.

这最后一份礼物是过去 200 年考古学的特别天赐之物，因为在该地区的人民中，只有西边的希伯来人和东边的伊朗人有幸存到现代的文字和文化传统。然而，他们的经典，旧约和 Zend-Avesta，辅以旁观者如希腊希罗多德的传闻——所有这些都为 18 世纪的学者所掌握——给出了一个非常片面的观点，而且只有在完成了，完全没有任何做这件事的人所说的话。

This last gift is a particular godsend of the last two hundred years of archaeology, since among the peoples of the area only the Hebrews on the western margin and the Iranians on the east have texts and cultural traditions that have survived to modern times. Yet their scriptures, the Old Testament and the Zend-Avesta, supplemented by the hearsay of bystanders such as the Greek Herodotus—all that was available to eighteenth-century scholars—give a very partial view, and that only of the latter stages of what was done, with no sense at all of what was said by those who did it.

如果不是 19 世纪的欧洲发现它可以通过挖掘来进行历史研究，以及后来英勇地应用于出土的破译和语言重建的新技能，我们应该对苏美尔和埃拉姆的所有创始城市一无所知，不断扩大来自高加索地区的乌拉尔图的力量，或者赫梯人在现在的土耳其的卓越地位。这些群体中的每一个都说着一种与其邻居完全无关的语言，暗示着截然不同的起源，以及在他们更遥远的过去中的大量不为人知的故事。不同语言的这一事实惊人地闪耀在许多人使用的基于楔形标记模式的单一脚本中，尽管它最初旨在表示单词的含义而不是它们的发音。

Without nineteenth-century Europe’s discovery that it could do historical research through digging, and the novel skills of decipherment and language reconstruction then heroically applied to what was unearthed, we should know nothing at all of the founding cities in Sumer and Elam, the steadily expanding might of Urartu from the Caucasus, or the pre-eminence of Hittites in what is now Turkey. Each of these groups spoke a language quite unrelated to that of its neighbours, hinting at radically different origins, and a wealth of unknown stories in their even more remote past. This fact of different languages amazingly shines through the single script that so many of them used, based on patterns of wedge-shaped marks, even though it was originally designed to represent the meanings of words rather than how they sounded.

这是一个拥有众多语言创新世界第一的地区。与埃及、中国或印度不同，它的城市和州一直有意识地使用多种语言，无论是为了与说不同语言的邻居交流，还是因为他们的历史使他们采用外语来提升宫廷、宗教或商业的尊严。这是我们第一次有意识地使用古典语言的领域。但是，相比之下，为了方便交流，第一次普遍使用完全外语作为通用语，这是外交实用主义对民族情绪的早期明显胜利。

This is a region of so many world firsts for linguistic innovation. Unlike Egypt, China or India, its cities and states had always been consciously multilingual, whether for communication with neighbours who spoke different languages, or because their histories had made them adopt a foreign language to dignify court, religion or commerce. This is the area where we find the first conscious use of a classical language; but also, by contrast, the first generalised use of a totally foreign language for convenience in communication, as a lingua franca, an early apparent triumph of diplomatic pragmatism over national sentiment.

该地区包含已知最早的文字遗址，位于幼发拉底河谷的下游。但在其西部地区，即叙利亚的沿海城市，它也是第一个将表示单词和音节的象形文字彻底简化为代表简单声音的短字母表的人。这样做的政治影响是巨大的。识字第一次可以超越贵族文士阶层，即那些在童年有闲暇学习旧的、复杂的系统的人；整个亚述帝国的权力和影响地位随后向更广泛的社会范围开放。

This area contains the site of the earliest known writing, in the lower reaches of the Euphrates valley. But in its western zone, in the coastal cities of Syria, it was also the first to make the radical simplification from hieroglyphs that denoted words and syllables to a short alphabet that represented simple sounds. The political effects of this were massive. For the first time, literacy could spread beyond the aristocratic scribal class, the people who had leisure in childhood to learn the old, complicated, system; positions of power and influence throughout the Assyrian empire were then opened to a wider social range.

该地区还包含第一个已知的博物馆和图书馆，通常是国家集中的多语言机构。但是，命运的讽刺使这个以粘土为基础的社会记忆犹新，它的文件最好通过烧制来保存，最简单的是通过它们所在建筑物的大火，这种情况在其暴风雨的历史中并不少见。这些灾难是保护的奇迹，整个图书馆都在原地存档，有时甚至它们的分类完好无损，并在物质上帮助了我们这个时代许多未知历史的快速阅读。

The area also contains the first known museums and libraries, often centralised, multilingual institutions of the state. But by an irony of fate which has favoured the memory of this clay-based society, its documents were best preserved by firing, most simply through conflagrations in the buildings in which they were held, a circumstance that was not uncommon in its tempestuous history. These catastrophes were miracles of conservation, archiving whole libraries in situ, on occasion with even their classification intact, and have materially helped the rapid reading of much unknown history in our era.

并非该地区的所有州都集中在新月沃地，这是一片水源充足的土地，从底格里斯河和幼发拉底河的山谷一直延伸到金牛座山脉的南坡，一直延伸到叙利亚和巴勒斯坦的地中海沿岸。从巴勒斯坦的西海岸，腓尼基的城市向远方和广泛的贸易远征，主要是在地中海。一个结果是迦太基的基础，因此是世界上第一个殖民帝国，是使英语成为全球语言的那种制度的先驱。其他人是第一次环游非洲（代表埃及法老），发现通往英国的锡和波罗的海的琥珀的通航路线。在路上，腓尼基人在他们的商业网络中传播字母书写的做法，

Not all the states of the area stayed focused within the Fertile Crescent, the zone of well-watered land that runs from the valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates up round the southern slopes of the Taurus mountains and down the Mediterranean coasts of Syria and Palestine. From the western coast of Palestine, the cities of Phoenicia sent trading expeditions far and wide, mostly within the Mediterranean. One result was the foundation of Carthage, and hence the world’s first colonial empire, precursor of the kind of institution that has made English a global language. Others were the first circumnavigation of Africa (on behalf of the Egyptian pharaoh), and the discovery of navigable routes to Britain for tin, and the Baltic Sea for amber. On the way, the Phoenicians spread the practice of alphabetic writing throughout their network of trading emporia, providing perhaps the most important single key to unlock the progress of their great rivals, the Greeks and the Romans, who would ultimately supplant them as masters of the Mediterranean.

这个中东社会最好的词是国际化，世界公民，但它的世界从来都不是一个庇护的世界。良好的沟通和没有自然边界使任何文化都难以稳定地掌权。我们发现一系列王国来自各个不同的方向，并且（事实证明）许多不同的语言家族，以控制现代伊拉克的中心地区。在记录了该地区三千多年的权力平衡变化之后，控制权让位于遥远的群体，即来自西方的希腊语和后来的罗马人，然后是来自东部伊朗东北角的帕提亚人。但这些外国势力在实现稳定方面并没有更有效：阿拉伯人、蒙古人和土耳其人在现代的几个世纪中相互继承，

The best word for this Middle Eastern society is cosmopolitan, citizens of the world, but its world was never a sheltered one. Good communications and absence of natural borders made it difficult for any culture to hold power stably. We find a succession of kingdoms coming from every different direction, and (it turns out) many different language families, to seize control of the central area that is modern Iraq. After three thousand documented years of shifting power balances within the region, control was yielded to groups based far away, the Greeks and later the Romans from the west, then the Parthians from the north-eastern corner of Iran in the east. But these foreign powers were no more effective in achieving stability: Arabs, Mongols and Turks have succeeded one another through the centuries of the modern era, with the twentieth century from start to finish being a particularly bitterly contested period in its history.

跨越4500年历史的三姐妹

Three sisters who span the history of 4500 years

这个社会唯一享有的稳定在于其统治语言的实质。阿卡德语是公元前 2300 年第一位亚述国王萨尔贡一世所说的语言，是他的继任者萨达姆侯赛因于公元 2000 年在这片土地上所说的阿拉伯语的近亲。另一个近亲，中东的古老通用语，阿拉姆语，弥合了公元前 600 年左右阿卡德语的衰落与公元 600 年左右穆斯林与阿拉伯语开始之间的差距。它们都是非常接近的闪米特语系中的姐妹语言。^*

The only stability this society has enjoyed has been in the substance of its ruling language. Akkadian, the language spoken by Sargon I, the first Assyrian king in 2300 BC, is a close relative of the Arabic spoken by his successor in this same land, Saddam Hussein, in AD 2000; another close relative, the Middle East’s old lingua franca, Aramaic, bridges the gap between the decline of Akkadian around 600 BC and the onset of Arabic with the Muslims around AD 600. They are all sister languages within the very close Semitic family.^*

它们有许多独特的共同点。它们的辅音发音为喉咙收缩（据说是声门化或咽化）。阴性词以-at结尾。名词屈折只有两三个格；以-ī结尾表示形容词，前缀m - 表示名词；动态时态和静态时态在动词形式上是有区别的——动态有前缀来标记人称，而静态有后缀。最重要的是，闪米特语言是高度变形的，使用一个独特的系统，其中单词的辅音骨架具有独立于它们之间可能出现的元音和辅音的不同模式的含义：举一个最简单的例子，在阿卡德语中，根k-š-d, 'catch', 可以在kašādu , 'to达到, catch', ikaššadu , '他们在捕捉', kišidtu , 'booty' 和kuššudu , 'captured'中识别，就像š-pr , 'order', 是体现在šapāru，“发送、统治、写作”和šipirtu，“使命、信函”和š-lm，“休息”，在šalāmu，“健康”、šalimtu，“和平”和šulmu，“和平、问候、休息、日落”。

They have many distinctive points in common. They have consonants pronounced with constriction of the throat (said to be glottalised or pharyngealised). Feminine words end in -at. There are only two or three cases in noun inflexion; there is an ending in -ī to make adjectives, and a prefix m- to make nouns; there is distinction in verbal forms between dynamic and stative tenses—dynamic have prefixes to mark the persons, but stative have suffixes. Above all, Semitic languages are highly inflected, using a distinctive system in which the consonantal skeleton of the word has a meaning independent of the varying patterns of vowels and consonants that may come between them: to give the simplest of examples, in Akkadian, the root k-š-d, ‘catch’, can be discerned in kašādu, ‘to attain, catch’, ikaššadu, ‘they were catching’, kišidtu, ‘booty’, and kuššudu, ‘captured’, just as š-p-r, ‘order’, is reflected in šapāru, ‘to send, rule, write’, and šipirtu, ‘mission, letter’, and š-l-m, ‘rest’, in šalāmu, ‘to be well’, šalimtu, ‘peace’, and šulmu, ‘peace, greeting, rest, sunset’.

除了涵盖古代和现代中东的主要语言外，闪米特族还吸收了埃塞俄比亚和厄立特里亚一些人口最多的语言，包括阿姆哈拉语、提格雷语、提格里尼亚语和埃塞俄比亚教会的古老语言 Ge'ez。

Besides covering the major languages of the ancient and modern Middle East, the Semitic group also takes in some of the most populous languages of Ethiopia and Eritrea, including Amharic, Tigre, Tigrinya and the ancient language of the Ethiopian Church, Ge’ez.

这些闪米特语实际上与一个更大的群体共享大部分这些特性，称为亚非语或哈米托语-闪米特语，其中包括埃及语、柏柏尔语和一些更南端的语言家族、库希特语、奥莫特语和乍得语（包括现在广阔的豪萨语） . 它们都在非洲北部地区使用，通常的假设是这也是闪米特语的原始家园。事实上，有一些间接证据表明史前时期部落的大规模迁移，而不是简单地在邻国之间传播语言：在某些方面，阿卡德语和埃塞俄比亚语比它们的介入闪米特表亲更相似；和撒哈拉沙漠猖獗的沙漠化c．公元前 3500 年将提供离开北非的公平动机。³

These Semitic languages in fact share most of these properties with a larger group, called Afro-Asiatic or Hamito-Semitic, which includes Egyptian, Berber and some language families spoken farther south, Cushitic, Omotic and Chadic (including the now vast Hausa language). They are all spoken in northerly parts of Africa, and the usual assumption is that this is the primeval home of the Semitic languages too. There is in fact some indirect evidence of a mass movement of tribes at a prehistoric date, rather than simple diffusion of the languages among neighbours: in certain ways Akkadian and Ethiopic are more alike than their intervening Semitic cousins; and the rampant desertification of the Sahara c.3500 BC would have provided a fair motive to be moving out of North Africa.³

无论如何，当我们在他们自己的历史记录中第一次遇到他们时，大约在公元前 2400 年，^*从埃布拉（阿勒颇以南 60 公里）到纳巴达（告诉Beydar，Al Hasake 以北 20 公里），一直到幼发拉底河上的 Mari（靠近 Abu Kamal）和 Kish（巴比伦以东 15 公里）。（在基什统治的国王的名字表明这是闪米特人和苏美尔人的混合定居点。）所有这些社区都坚定地使用苏美尔语标作为其楔形文字的主要内容，但这种语言明显是闪米特语，用语音符号书写显示动词和名词结尾和虚词，并以与苏美尔语不同的词序。也有双语学校教科书指定至少一些苏美尔语标应该如何发音。埃布拉语的书写方式似乎不是很一致，通常很难与阿卡德语的早期形式区分开来，这些早期形式出现在 24 世纪萨尔贡一世征服后的基什和苏美尔。

At any rate, by the time we first encounter them in their own historical record, about 2400 BC,^* there are Semitic language speakers (and by the nature of the evidence, writers) in centres dotted along the northern edge of the Fertile Crescent, pretty much on the borders of modern Syria, from Ebla (60 kilometres south of Aleppo) through Nabada (Tell Beydar, 20 kilometres north of Al Hasake) and down to Mari on the Euphrates (near Abu Kamal) and Kish (15 kilometres due east of Babylon). (The names of the kings who ruled at Kish suggest that it was a mixed settlement of Semites with Sumerians.) All these communities were steadfastly using Sumerian logograms as the staple of their cuneiform script, but the language is discernibly Semitic, written with phonetic symbols to show the verb and noun endings and function words, and in a different word order from Sumerian. There are also bilingual school texts which specify how at least some of the Sumerian logograms should be pronounced. The language of Ebla does not seem to be written very consistently, and is in general difficult to differentiate from early forms of Akkadian, occurring in Kish and down in Sumer after the conquests of Sargon I in the twenty-fourth century.

这些征服是政治统一的第一个历史证据，但主要是它们统一了已经讲密切相关的闪米特方言的人。中东的语言史由此拉开序幕，它的领军人物已经登上舞台，用苏美尔楔形文字写成的闪米特语。我们不知道说闪米特语的人是如何到达那里的，他们非常统一的方言（或语言）是如何传播到整个新月沃地的。在地图上，叙利亚和阿拉伯的沙漠看起来像是开始扩张的良好中心点——但它们似乎是难以想象的地区，无法在其中培养必要的大量过剩人口。

These conquests are the first historical evidence of political unification, but mostly they unified people who were already speaking closely related Semitic dialects. The language history of the Middle East opens therefore with its leading player already on stage, Semitic written in Sumerian cuneiform. We do not know how the Semitic speakers had got there, how their remarkably unified dialects (or languages) had spread out to cover the whole Fertile Crescent. On the map, the deserts of Syria and Arabia look like good central points from which to start an expansion—but they seem inconceivable as areas in which to bring up the necessary large surplus populations.

作为闪米特语持续存在的结果之一，可以证明，四千多年来，或两百代人，数到十在这里几乎没有改变：^†

As one result of Semitic language persistence, it can be shown that counting to ten has hardly changed here in over four thousand years, or two hundred generations:^†

故事简介：语言跨越式

The story in brief: Language leapfrog

'al tha šwî la 'rabî yāmš ūl îdōnî bārš

kî 'šbîdathem prîsš

’al thašwî la ’rabî yāmš ūlîdōnî bārš

kî ’šbîdathem prîsš

不要让阿拉伯人看到大海，也不要让西顿人看到沙漠；因为他们的工作是不同的。

Do not show an Arab the sea nor a Sidonian the desert; for their work is different.

阿拉姆语：Ahiqar 箴言，110 ⁴

Aramaic: Proverbs of Ahiqar, 110⁴

近东——更客观地说，西南亚——的语言历史不需要重建：它在自己的文件中被讲述，从公元前四千年后期开始。它充满了有趣的细节，尤其是语言和文化的第一，但五千年的叙事曲折太多，难以把握。我们将从一个非常简短的主要参与者开始，从苏美尔人到阿拉伯语，将它们置于从伊拉克到巴勒斯坦的新月沃地的中心区域；然后我们返回更详细地研究它们对我们理解语言的特殊贡献。

The language history of the Near East—more objectively, of South-West Asia—does not need to be reconstructed: it is told in its own documents, from the late fourth millennium BC. It is brimming with interesting details, especially with linguistic and cultural firsts, but there are so many twists and turns in a narrative that takes in five thousand years that it is hard to keep one’s bearings. We shall start with a very brief run-through of the major players, from Sumerian to Arabic, situating them around the central area of the Fertile Crescent from Iraq to Palestine; then we return to look in more detail at their particular contributions to our understanding of languages through time.

故事的整体焦点是它在波斯湾幼发拉底河口的脉动中心。随着几个世纪的流逝，该中心的影响力不断扩大，先是向北，然后向西，邻近的民族开始产生兴趣，创造出新的，而且往往更强大的自己的中心，直到故事变成了相互竞争的影响力（和美索不达米亚、安纳托利亚、伊朗和叙利亚的语言）；参照系已扩大到西部的希腊和埃及，东部的阿富汗和印度的边界。结局不止一次，而是两次，在导致语言灾难的两次全面征服中，首先是来自北方的希腊语，然后是来自南方的阿拉伯语。

The overall focus of the story is on its pulsating centre at the mouth of the Euphrates on the Persian Gulf. As the centuries roll by, the centre’s influence expands, first north, then westward, and neighbouring peoples come to take an interest, creating new, and often stronger, centres of their own, until the story becomes a struggle between the contending influence (and languages) of Mesopotamia, Anatolia, Iran and Syria; and the frame of reference has expanded to the borders of Greece and Egypt in the west, and Afghanistan and India in the east. The finale comes not once but twice, in two sweeping conquests that lead to linguistic cataclysm, first by Greek from the north, and then by Arabic from the south.

故事开始时，波斯湾上游有两种具有写作技巧的文化：苏美尔，位于底格里斯河和幼发拉底河交汇处的圣经“Shin'ar之地”，和以拦，穿过沼泽向东，在扎格罗斯山脉和大海之间。每个国家与其说是一个国家，不如说是一群说着共同语言的城镇和村庄的聚集地。苏美尔人的起源是未知的。然而，埃兰语似乎与德拉威语有关，因此在古代与布拉惠语联系在一起，在巴基斯坦西部仍有超过 200 万人使用，在印度中部和南部使用更多的语言。⁵

When the story opens, there are two cultures with the skill of writing, next door to each other in the upper reaches of the Persian Gulf: Sumer, the Biblical ‘land of Shin‘ar’ at the confluence of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, and Elam, across the marshes to the east, between the Zagros mountains and the sea. Each was not so much a state as a gathering of towns and villages of people speaking a common language. The origins of Sumerian are quite unknown; Elamite, however, appears to be related to Dravidian, and so linked anciently with Brahui, still spoken by over 2 million in the west of Pakistan, and many more languages spoken in central and southern India.⁵

这两种文化似乎都独立发明了他们的书写系统，而且大约是同时（大约在公元前 31 世纪）。但苏美尔注定要拥有比埃兰更有影响力的历史。埃兰语确实保留了三千多年（它是第一个千年后期波斯帝国的三大官方媒体之一），但已经在 2400 年左右发现了以苏美尔楔形文字书写的埃兰语，其当地文字已绝迹在接下来的几个世纪里。这种苏美尔文字的文化传播实际上遍及整个新月沃地：同样，到 2400 年，我们在 1000 公里外的现代叙利亚地中海沿岸的埃布拉的铭文中发现了苏美尔文字和楔形文字符号。Eblaite 是闪米特语，就像阿卡德语一样，

Both these cultures seem to have invented their writing systems independently, and approximately at the same time (around the thirty-first century BC). But Sumer was destined for a much more influential history than Elam. Elam did retain its language for over three thousand years (it was one of the three official media of the Persian empire in the late first millennium), yet already around 2400 Elamite is found written in Sumerian-style cuneiform, and its local script died out in the next couple of centuries. This cultural spread of Sumerian writing was actually occurring all over the Fertile Crescent: likewise by 2400 we find Sumerian words and cuneiform symbols common in inscriptions in Ebla, 1000 kilometres away on the Mediterranean coast of modern Syria. Eblaite was a Semitic language, like Akkadian, with a sound system and a morphological structure that, from a modern standpoint, makes Sumerian really quite awkward as a basis for writing: nevertheless the expressive power of Sumerian symbols was irresistible.

在政治上，靴子在另一只脚上。不久之后（2334-2200 年），苏美尔人自己被北方的说阿卡德语的邻居统治，当时萨尔贡国王——或者更准确地说是“正义的国王”沙鲁金——强加了自己。尽管这个阿卡德帝国在几代人之后被来自东北部库提姆的入侵者推翻，而以乌尔市为首的苏美尔人能够在八十年后重新获得独立，但此后美索不达米亚南部在“苏美尔和阿卡德之地”的联名。^*

Politically, the boot was on the other foot. The Sumerians themselves were dominated a little later (2334-2200) by their Akkadian-speaking neighbours to the north when King Sargon—or more accurately Šarrukîn, ‘the righteous king’—imposed himself. Although this Akkadian empire was overthrown after a few generations by invaders from Qutium in the north-east, and the Sumerians, spearheaded by the city of Ur, were able eighty years later to reclaim their independence, southern Mesopotamia was henceforth known to all under the joint name of ‘the land of Sumer and Akkad’.^*

在第三个千年末期，最伟大的苏美尔城市乌尔落入了更多的闪米特语使用者手中，这一次是来自西北部的游牧亚摩利人，一种新的模式出现了：在接下来的 1500 年里，这片土地周期性地统一在阿卡德-从南方的巴比伦或北方的亚述统治的朝代，每隔几个世纪就会因为他们之间的权力斗争或来自西方或东方的入侵而破坏他们的权力。入侵虽然可能持续很长时间，特别是在卡西特人于公元前 1570 年控制巴比伦之后的四百年，但从未产生任何重大的语言影响。就像各种征服华北的土耳其人，或者推翻罗马对西欧控制的德国人一样，这些都是默认了受害者语言的入侵者。大约从公元前 2000 年开始，阿卡德语已成为该地区唯一使用的语言。但苏美尔人并没有被遗忘。它向高端市场转移，并在书面语言中保持影响力。巴比伦和亚述作为美索不达米亚境内的两个大国持续了一千年半，经常与无情的野蛮人竞争，但说的是同一种语言的方言。

When at the end of the third millennium Ur, the greatest Sumerian city, fell to more Semitic speakers, this time nomadic Amorites from the north-west, a new pattern set in: for the next 1500 years the land was periodically unified under Akkadian-speaking dynasties ruling from Babylon in the south or Assyria in the north, only to have their power disrupted every few centuries by power struggles between them, or invasions from the west or east. The invasions, although they might last a long time, notably four hundred years after the Kassites took control of Babylon in 1570 BC, never had any great linguistic effect. Like the various Turks who would conquer north China, or the Germans who were to topple Roman control of western Europe, these were all invaders who acquiesced in their victims’ languages. From about 2000 BC, Akkadian had become the only language spoken throughout the region. But Sumerian was not forgotten. It moved upmarket, and kept its influence in the written language. Babylon and Assyria went on for a millennium and a half as the two powers within Mesopotamia, competing often with ruthless savagery, but speaking dialects of the same language.

虽然阿卡德语一直占据着中部地区，直到公元前一千年中叶，它的东、北和西都被不相关的语言所包围。Hurrian，后来被“Urartian”（它的名字生活在亚拉腊山）取代，是北方的主要语言，从现代亚美尼亚到现代伊拉克的基尔库克。（它的幸存亲属，东高加索语系中的阿瓦尔语和莱兹金语等小语言，仍然在里海的西海岸使用。）

While Akkadian held the central area until the middle of the first millennium BC, it was surrounded to the east, north and west by unrelated languages. Hurrian, replaced later by ‘Urartian’ (whose name lives on in Mount Ararat), was the major language of the north, spoken from modern Armenia as far south as Kirkuk in modern Iraq. (Its surviving relatives, tiny languages such as Avar and Lezgian in the East Caucasian family, are still spoken on the western shores of the Caspian.)

在它的西边，在安纳托利亚的中部平原，也就是现在的土耳其，我们看到了第一个已知的印欧人赫梯人，以及他们的近亲，他们讲卢维语和帕拉语。^*赫梯人在公元前 16 世纪到 13 世纪蓬勃发展，创造了一个拥有大量文化的文明，他们在哈图萨斯的皇家图书馆位于安卡拉以西 150 公里的现代博阿兹科伊发现，其中不仅包含赫梯语和阿卡德语的资料，还包含Hurrian、Luwian 和 Palaic，到处散布着 Hattic、Sumerian 和 Mitannian 贵族的印度-雅利安语的短语。赫梯人经常对苏美尔和阿卡德构成威胁，而且这是一次迅速的赫梯入侵，没有跟进，这使得巴比伦对前面提到的卡斯特接管开放。结果，赫梯帝国在 13 世纪末崩溃了，但相关的语言仍然存在了许多世纪，特别是卢维语，以及更远的吕底亚西部。^†

To the west of this, in the central plain of Anatolia, which is now Turkey, we see the first known Indo-Europeans, Hittites, with their close relatives who spoke Luwian and Palaic.^* The Hittites, flourishing from the sixteenth to the thirteenth century BC, created a massively literate civilisation, and their royal library at Hattusas, discovered in modern Boğaz Köy, 150 kilometres west of Ankara, contains materials not only in Hittite and Akkadian, but also in Hurrian, Luwian and Palaic, interspersed here and there with phrases in Hattic, Sumerian and the Indo-Aryan language of the Mitannian aristocracy. The Hittites were often a threat to Sumer and Akkad, and it had been a swift Hittite invasion, not followed up, which had left Babylon open to the Kassite takeover already mentioned. In the event, the Hittite empire collapsed about the end of the thirteenth century, but related languages lived on for many centuries, particularly Luwian, and farther to the west Lydian.^†

在现代叙利亚，赫梯人以南，苏美尔和阿卡德以西，这些语言是闪米特语，是阿卡德语的近亲。我们已经看到，正是从这个方向入侵的亚摩利人（以叙利亚北部的Amurru地区命名，阿卡德语意为“西部”）导致苏美尔人独立，因此苏美尔人作为口语语言，大约在公元前 2000 年。

South of the Hittites but due west of Sumer and Akkad, in modern Syria, the languages were Semitic, close relatives of Akkadian. We have seen that it was from this direction that the Amorite invasion came (named after the region Amurru, Akkadian for ‘the west’, in northern Syria), which had delivered the coup de gršce to Sumerian independence, and hence Sumerian as a spoken language, around 2000 BC.

事实上，从乌加里特（在拉塔切赫附近的海岸）到伊阿姆哈德（阿勒颇）、叙利亚北部的卡尔凯米什和卡特纳，再到幼发拉底河上的马里，这些闪米特语城市之间似乎存在某种兄弟情谊。Mari 和 Ugarit 都离开了公元前二千年的大型图书馆。但就这一时期的外国影响而言，这里有一种向南看向埃及权力中心的趋势，而不是他们在美索不达米亚的语言表亲。腓尼基港口城市古布拉（后来被希腊语称为比布鲁斯）因向缺乏木材的埃及人出口木材，特别是黎巴嫩的雪松而变得越来越富有。亚摩利人的城市刚刚提到所有剩余的从埃及进口的皇家花瓶、珠宝和雕像。再往南，在巴勒斯坦，财富和城市化的总体水平较低，'apiru ) 对更定居的社区构成威胁。也许这个民族的祖先后来称自己为“ibri（希伯来人）”。

There seems, in fact, to have been some fraternity among these cities of Semitic speech, from Ugarit (on the coast near Lataqieh) through Iamhad (Aleppo), Karkemish and Qatna in northern Syria to Mari on the Euphrates. Mari and Ugarit both left massive libraries from the second millennium BC. But as to foreign influence in this period, there was a tendency here to look south towards the power centre in Egypt, rather than to their linguistic cousins in Mesopotamia. The Phoenician port city of Gubla (known to the Greeks later as Byblos) was growing rich on exporting timber, specifically the cedars of Lebanon, to the wood-starved Egyptians. The Amorite cities just mentioned all left quantities of royal vases, jewels and statues imported from Egypt. Farther south, in Palestine, the general level of wealth and urbanisation was lower, and marauding Habiru (known to the Egyptians as ‘apiru) were a threat to more settled communities. Perhaps the ancestors of the nation later calling themselves ‘ibri (Hebrews) were among them.

在整个公元前二千年，苏美尔和阿卡德的土地已经享有很高的文化声望。这清楚地反映在其楔形文字系统向所有邻国的传播中，甚至包括独立开发了自己的替代方案的埃兰。除了文字之外，它的语言阿卡德语在这一时期是外交的通用语，即使巴比伦人或亚述人不是所讨论问题的当事方。

Throughout the second millennium BC, the land of Sumer and Akkad already enjoyed serious cultural prestige. This is clearly reflected in the spread of its cuneiform writing system to all its neighbours, including even Elam, which had independently developed its own alternative. Besides the script, its language, Akkadian, was in this period the lingua franca for diplomacy, even where the Babylonians or Assyrians were not a party to the matters under discussion.

但这种有利的局面最终被外部事件所打破：东部、北部和西部发生了对美索不达米亚及其语言影响深远的事态发展。

But this favourable situation was ultimately upset by outside events: developments now occurred in the east, north and west which were to affect Mesopotamia, and its linguistic influence, profoundly.

在公元前第二个千年结束和第一个千年开始时，印欧人的新公司正在进入安纳托利亚的北部领土。他们将来自巴尔干地区，将讲弗里吉亚语和后来的亚美尼亚语的人带到中部和北部地区。有一次（公元前 1115 年）他们被称为Muški，当时他们突破了与亚述统治者 Tiglath Pileser I 的对峙，^*但除此之外，他们对美索不达米亚几乎没有直接影响，在很大程度上受到乌拉尔人的缓冲王国的保护安纳托利亚东部。

At the end of the second millennium BC and the beginning of the first, new companies of Indo-Europeans were entering the northerly territory of Anatolia. They would have come from the Balkans, bringing speakers of Phrygian, and later Armenian, into the central and northern areas. They are known as Muški on the one occasion (1115 BC) when they broke through to confront the Assyrian ruler Tiglath Pileser I,^* but otherwise they had little direct impact on Mesopotamia, largely shielded as it was by the buffer kingdom of the Urartians in the east of Anatolia.

在东方，大约在同一时间，印欧语系的人再次大规模入侵：波斯语或其直系祖先（与吠陀梵语密切相关）第一次在高原上使用。伊朗。这种语言是在乌克兰平原和西伯利亚南部广泛传播至少两千年的人的伊朗语的表亲，他们的名字是斯基泰语或萨卡语。那些入侵伊朗的人只有在与美索不达米亚接触几个世纪后才会识字，因此他们到达的早期证据纯属考古学。部落名称中有两个（来自阿卡德记录）似乎定居在靠近苏美尔和阿卡德边界的地方，即Mādāi在北部的阿格巴塔纳（现代哈马丹），以及居住在南部（现代法尔斯省）的帕苏阿或“边境地区”的人：这些人是玛代人和波斯人，他们现在分别从北方和南方。起初，他们似乎只是东侧扎格罗斯山脉的野蛮人的轮换，是自古以来就在那里的库蒂人、鲁鲁比人和卡斯特人的继任者；但是从七世纪开始，他们就开始破坏并摧毁美索不达米亚这个独立的权力中心。

In the east, at about the same time, there came another large-scale invasion by people with an Indo-European language: for the first time Persian, or its direct ancestor (closely related to Vedic Sanskrit), was spoken on the plateaux of Iran. This language was a cousin of the Iranian speech of the people who remained widespread on the plains of the Ukraine and southern Siberia for at least another two thousand years, under the names Scythian or Śaka. Those who invaded Iran would become literate only after some centuries of contact with Mesopotamia, so the early evidence for their arrival is purely archaeological. Among the names of the tribes were two which (from the Akkadian records) seemed to settle close to the borders with Sumer and Akkad, the Mādāi in the north round Agbatana (modern Hamadan), and those who inhabited the Parsūa or ‘borderlands’ in the south (modern Fars province): these were to be the Medes and Persians, and they now hemmed in the land of Elam respectively from the north and the south. At first, they seemed just to be a rotation of the barbarians in the Zagros mountains on the eastern flank, successor to the Quti, Lulubi and Kassites who had been there from time immemorial; but from the seventh century they were to undermine, and then destroy, Mesopotamia as an independent centre of power.

许多人现在认为，所有这些印欧语言的传播是在没有大规模改变人口的情况下实现的，而是通过战争使新精英控制了旧土地，新语言通过新的声望在旧人口中传播社会秩序。至于为什么这些闯入者能够强行进入，想必这也是铁器的使用确立的时代，这绝非巧合。

Many now believe that the spread of all these Indo-European languages was achieved without massive change of people, but through wars that put a new elite in control of the old lands, with new languages spreading in the old populations through the prestige of the new social order. As to why these interlopers were able to force an entry, presumably it is no coincidence that this was also the era in which the use of iron became established.

但对中东语言史最直接重要的是第三个群体，阿拉米人，来自叙利亚北部的沙漠游牧民族，讲闪米特语。公元前 12 世纪末，在同一个 Tiglath Pileser I 的铭文中，他们首次被认为是一个特别顽固的敌人。不久之后，我们听说大马士革是一个阿拉米城市。到了 10 世纪，他们已经确立了自己作为一个重要力量的地位，主要是以牺牲剩余的赫梯-卢维安殖民地为代价。然后他们不顾亚述君主的抵抗向东扩散，到九世纪末，他们在苏美尔和阿卡德的土地上显然有了定居点。巴比伦王位的继承在这一时期并不是例行公事，至少有一个王朝，十世纪初的比特巴兹，似乎是阿拉米人。迦勒底人（Kaldŭ）也是一个定居在苏美尔的阿拉米部落，并在七至六世纪建立了最后一个巴比伦王朝，包括纳布波拉萨、尼布甲尼撒二世和拿波尼度。阿拉米人使自己成为了体制的重要组成部分。

But most immediately significant for the linguistic history of the Middle East is a third group, the Aramaeans, desert nomads from northern Syria speaking a Semitic language. They are first heard of as a particularly persistent enemy in an inscription of the same Tiglath Pileser I at the end of the twelfth century BC. Soon after we hear that Damascus was an Aramaean city. By the tenth century they had established themselves as a significant power, largely at the expense of the remaining Hittite-Luwian colonies. Then they spread out towards the east, despite resistance from Assyrian monarchs, and by the end of the ninth century there were apparently settlements of them all over the land of Sumer and Akkad. The succession to the throne of Babylon was not routine in this period, and at least one dynasty, Bît Bazi in the early tenth century, appears to have been Aramaean. The Chaldaeans (Kaldŭ) were also an Aramaean tribe who settled in Sumer, and went on to found the last Babylonian dynasty in the seventh to sixth centuries, including Nabupolassar, Nebuchadrezzar II and Nabonidus. The Aramaeans had made themselves very much part of the establishment.

这一定是对从 8 世纪开始，他们的语言取代阿卡德语成为美索不达米亚的通用媒介，并很快（随着亚述征服叙利亚和巴勒斯坦）确立自己为整个肥沃的新月。这不是文化主导的扩张，因为阿拉米人与他们自己的任何独特风格或文明无关；尽管如此，他们还是将简单的字母文字（他们的邻居腓尼基人的发明）带到了旧帝国的中心，两千多年来，所有的文化和行政都建立在复杂的楔形文字技巧之上。他们因此彻底改变了它的通讯方式，也许也改变了它的社会结构。

This must be part of the explanation for the way in which, beginning in the eighth century, their language came to replace Akkadian as the universal medium of Mesopotamia, and soon (as Assyria conquered Syria and Palestine) established itself as the lingua franca of the whole Fertile Crescent. This was not a culture-led expansion, since the Aramaeans are not associated with any distinctive style or civilisation of their own; nevertheless, they were the ones who brought simple alphabetic writing, the invention of their neighbours the Phoenicians, into the heart of the old empire, where for over two thousand years all culture and administration had been built on skill in the complicated cuneiform writing. They had thereby revolutionised its communications, and perhaps its social structure as well. Twenty-two simple signs could now do the work previously requiring over six hundred.

当这在亚洲发生时，腓尼基人自己，沿着现在黎巴嫩的地中海沿岸，正在向相反的方向扩张，或者更确切地说是探索和利用。在语言上，腓尼基人（或他们自称的迦南人）与他们的内陆和南部邻居希伯来人非常相似。但他们对自己的祖国有着截然不同的态度。

While this was going on in Asia, the Phoenicians themselves, strung out along the Mediterranean coast of what is now Lebanon, were expanding, or rather exploring and exploiting, in the opposite direction. In language, the Phoenicians (or Canaanites, as they called themselves) were very similar to their neighbours inland and to the south, the Hebrews; but they had a very different attitude to their homeland.

“腓尼基”是黎巴嫩沿海贸易城市的语言表达，更是经济表达。^*甚至连一个联盟都没有将它们联系起来的政治单位的记录，但是从公元前二千年中叶起，这条由十几个独立城市组成的线（其中最著名的是比布鲁斯、西顿和提尔）已将自己确立为塞浦路斯铜和锡、黎巴嫩木材和奢侈品，尤其是服装和珠宝的首选供应中心。由于他们的供应商或客户（尤其是埃及，木材）经常居住在海外，这促进了船舶的发展和航海技术的发展。有了这些，在中东独一无二，这些城市有足够的资金进行更远的探索。最初的探险可能更早（古代历史学家认为是十二世纪末），gader，“堡垒”）。他们大多是贸易站，尤其是采矿点，而不是城市，但在一种情况下，定居点不仅仅是商业风险。这就是迦太基，位于现代突尼斯的一个天然港口，很快在北非、西西里岛和撒丁岛不仅发展了贸易网络，而且还发展了自己的帝国。

’Phoenicia’ is a linguistic, and even more an economic, expression for the trading cities of coastal Lebanon.^* There is no record of a political unit linking them even as a league, but from the middle of the second millennium BC this line of a dozen or so independent cities (Byblos, Sidon and Tyre the most famous among them) had established themselves as the preferred centres for the supply of copper and tin from Cyprus, timber from Lebanon and luxury goods, especially clothing and jewellery. Since either their suppliers or their customers (especially Egypt, for the timber) often lived overseas, this fostered the development of ships and the know-how for navigation. With these, uniquely in the Middle East, the cities had the wherewithal for exploration much farther afield. The original expeditions may have been earlier (ancient historians suggest the end of the twelfth century), but it is clear that by the eighth century there was a network of Phoenician settlements from one end of the Mediterranean to the other, with particular concentration on Sicily, Sardinia, the north-western shores of Africa and Cadiz (Phoenician gader, ‘the fortress’). Mostly they were trading posts, and above all mining outlets, rather than cities, but in one case the settlement became much more than a commercial venture. This was Carthage, situated on a natural harbour in modern Tunisia, and soon developing not just a trade network but an empire of its own, in North Africa, Sicily and Sardinia.

通过他们的存在，腓尼基人的定居点将广泛传播近东文明和有文化的社会是什么样的感觉，并开辟了金属的长途出口贸易。腓尼基人是美索不达米亚文化的全球化者。最具体地说，他们将字母书写系统的知识传播给了希腊语和伊比利亚人，甚至可能也传播给了伊特鲁里亚人和罗马人。所以他们可以声称已经为欧洲提供了初等教育。

By their presence, the Phoenician settlements will have spread far and wide a sense of what the cultivated and literate society of the Near East was like, as well as opening up a long-distance export trade in metals. The Phoenicians were the globalisers of Mesopotamian culture. Most concretely, they spread knowledge of their alphabetic writing system to the Greeks and Iberians, and just possibly also to the Etruscans and Romans; so they can claim to have given Europe its primary education.

在公元前一千年的大部分时间里，整个地中海都可以听到腓尼基语的声音，尤其是在其岛屿和南部边缘。然而从语言上讲，它对欧洲的长期影响很小。希腊语和其他人非常明确地接受腓尼基人的书写系统作为他们自己的基础（使用术语phoinik$ēAia grámmata），但不是他们语言的一个元素。这在一定程度上可能是对腓尼基人的文化有多少的评论，他们总是认为自己是局外人，只是在商业上，实际上并没有传递给他们的新客户或合作伙伴。^*

Phoenician could be heard all round the Mediterranean, especially in its islands and on its southern rim, for most of the first millennium BC. Yet linguistically it had very little long-term impact on Europe. The Greeks and others accepted, quite explicitly, the Phoenicians’ writing system as the basis of their own (using the term phoinik$ēAia grámmata), but not a single element of their language. This is partly perhaps a comment on how little of their culture the Phoenicians, always thinking of themselves as outsiders, only there on business, were in fact passing on to their new customers or partners.^*

但进一步，它显示了字母表比表意文字系统更抽象的工具。有了正确理解的字母表，您就可以清楚地书写自己的语言，而无需额外的包袱。将其与苏美尔楔形文字思想被采纳时的连锁效应形成对比。2000 年后，巴比伦的抄写员仍在使用苏美尔语的片段作为阿卡德语等价词的速记符号，而且确实还没有找到一种方法来表达超越苏美尔语的所有阿卡德语语音。这也不是阿卡德语抄写员的一个特别弱点：在其他用楔形文字书写的语言中也可以看到类似的效果，例如赫梯语和乌拉尔语。^†

But further, it shows how much more abstract a tool an alphabet is than an ideographic writing system. With an alphabet, properly understood, you get a means of cleanly writing your own language, without further baggage. Contrast this with the knock-on effects when ideas of Sumerian cuneiform had been taken up. Two thousand years later, Babylonian scribes were still using bits of Sumerian as shorthand symbols for equivalent words in Akkadian, and indeed had still not worked out a way to express all the Akkadian sounds when they went beyond those in Sumerian. Nor was this a particular weakness on the part of Akkadian scribes: similar effects can be seen in other languages written in cuneiform, such as Hittite and Urartian.^†

矛盾的是，腓尼基语在欧洲几乎没有语言影响，尽管它的说话者对他们接触的语言的影响确实很重要。但是布匿语，就像迦太基人所说的同一种语言一样，确实在北非建立起来了。很明显，它在公元前 146 年迦太基作为一个国家的垮台之后，在它建立大约 655 年后，甚至在接下来的 500 年的拉丁语罗马政府中幸存了很长时间，因为河马的奥古斯丁仍在引用该语言的单词公元五世纪，评论它对努米迪亚乡村教区的牧师的效用。⁶但令人着迷和令人心碎的是，这种曾经被广泛使用的语言以及将字母识字传播到欧洲的工具，无法确保一本书从古代流传下来。

Paradoxically, then, Phoenician had little linguistic impact in Europe, even though the effect its speakers had on the languages they contacted was truly momentous. But Punic, as the same language is known when spoken by Carthaginians, did get established in North Africa. It evidently long survived the downfall of Carthage as a state in 146 BC, some 655 years after its foundation, and even the Latin-speaking Roman administration that followed for another five hundred years, since Augustine of Hippo is still quoting words of the language in the fifth century AD, remarking on its utility for a priest in a country parish in Numidia.⁶ But tantalisingly and heartbreakingly, this language, once so widely used and the vehicle that had spread alphabetic literacy to Europe, could not ensure the survival of a single book from antiquity.

回到西亚，从七世纪中叶开始，变化的步伐似乎加快了。在公元前 627 年的 40 年里，亚述将势力扩张到了极点，北面的吕底亚，西面的腓尼基，南面的埃及尼罗河三角洲，东面的埃兰。但仅仅十五年后，它就崩溃了。巴比伦的迦勒底人推翻了亚述人，征召玛代人帮助他们，并从他们自己的角度着手重建他们的帝国。这是巴比伦最后一位伟大的皇帝尼布甲尼撒二世统治下的美索不达米亚权力的最后白热化。他死于公元前 562 年。25 年前，就在他征服耶路撒冷并驱逐其犹太人之际，其他人开始了政治巩固进程，这将抹去巴比伦的伟大。米底人在 580 年代击败了乌拉尔人，从而控制了北部的大部分地区。但在公元前 550 年，他们自己屈服于由他们的西南邻国波斯在其新国王居鲁士的领导下处决的王室政变。居鲁士先是吞并了吕底亚（从而占领了安纳托利亚的其他地区），然后是伊朗的东端，直至现代的塔吉克斯坦、阿富汗和俾路支斯坦。最后他转向巴比伦帝国本身，几乎不费吹灰之力就拿下了它。他的儿子冈比西斯甚至征服了埃及，尽管他很快就死了。到公元前 522 年，从安纳托利亚和埃及到现代突厥斯坦和印度河流域的边界，所有土地都有一个单一的霸主。如果这是典型的美索不达米亚成就，那么在一代人的时间内就会崩溃。但是波斯人使用了不同的方法，

Back in western Asia, from the mid-seventh century the pace of change seemed to accelerate. In four decades to 627 BC Assyria expanded its power to its maximum, taking in Lydia in the north, Phoenicia in the west, the Nile delta of Egypt in the south, and Elam in the east. But just fifteen years later it collapsed. The Chaldaeans in Babylon had overthrown the Assyrians, enlisting the Medes to help them, and proceeded to rebuild their empire from their own perspective. This was the final incandescence of Mesopotamian power, under the last great emperor of Babylon, Nebuchadrezzar II. He died in 562 BC. Twenty-five years earlier, even as he had been conquering Jerusalem, and deporting its Jews, others were beginning a process of political consolidation that would erase the greatness of Babylon. The Medes defeated the Urartians in the 580s and so established control of most of the north; but in 550 BC they themselves succumbed to a royal putsch executed by their southwestern neighbour Persia, under its new king Cyrus. Cyrus went on to absorb first Lydia (thus grabbing the rest of Anatolia), then the eastern extremities of Iran, as far as modern Tajikistan, Afghanistan and Baluchistan. Finally he turned on the Babylonian empire itself, and took it with hardly a battle. His son Cambyses even conquered Egypt, though he died soon after. By 522 BC, there was a single overlord of all the land from Anatolia and Egypt to the borders of modern Turkestan and the Indus valley. If this had been a typical Mesopotamian achievement, a collapse would have been expected within a generation; but Persians used different methods, and the unitary empire they had created was to last for two hundred years.

霸主的名字叫大流士，他的行政才能堪比居鲁士的天才，赢得胜利并保持被征服者的忠诚。从我们的角度来看，最有趣的是，他下令帝国的行政语言不应该是波斯语或吕底亚语，而是亚拉姆语。结果是这种闪米特语的使用有效地传播到了以前所有的界限——跨越爱琴海沿岸、西部的巴尔干半岛和埃及，以及东部的兴都库什山脉和印度河沿岸。

The overlord’s name was Darius, and he had administrative talents comparable to Cyrus’s genius for winning victories and retaining the loyalty of those conquered. Most interestingly from our point of view, he decreed that the administrative language of the empire should be not Persian or Lydian, but Aramaic. The result was the effective spread of the use of this Semitic language beyond all previous bounds—across to the coast of the Aegean, the Balkans and Egypt in the west, and out to the Hindu Kush and the banks of the Indus in the east.

这个决定一定是纯粹的实用主义，因为亚拉姆语并不是波斯皇室阿契美尼德家族实际使用的语言。或许为了解决这个问题，同一统治时期第一次将波斯语变成了一种文学语言，设计了一个音节来书写它（基于楔形文字符号），并将它与埃兰语和阿卡德语一起用于纪念性铭文。（亚拉姆语字母本可以很容易地用来书写波斯语，但显然被认为对于帝国纪念碑来说过于正式。）但是这种文字并没有流行起来，甚至在公元前 338 年就被抛弃了，甚至在公元前波斯帝国属于希腊语。尽管如此，口语仍然存在，并且确实蓬勃发展，因为它是现代波斯语和相关方言的祖先，至今仍在伊朗使用。

This decision must have been purely pragmatic, for Aramaic was not the language that Persian royalty, the Achaemenid clan, actually spoke. Perhaps to remedy this problem, the same reign undertook to make Persian too a literary language for the first time, devising a syllabary with which to write it (based on cuneiform symbols) and using it, together with Elamite and Akkadian, on monumental inscriptions. (The Aramaic alphabet, which could just as easily have been used to write Persian, was evidently seen as too informal for imperial monuments.) But the script did not catch on, and had been abandoned by 338 BC, even before the fall of the Persian empire to the Greeks. Nonetheless, the spoken language lived on, and indeed flourished, since it is the ancestor of the modern Persian language and related dialects, spoken in Iran up to the present day.

尽管亚拉姆语没有作为西亚的语言继续存在，但大流士对行政语言的统一，在接下来的 200 年波斯统治期间基本实现，产生了许多重要的后果。

Although Aramaic did not live on as the language of western Asia, the unification of administrative language by Darius, essentially realised during the next two hundred years of Persian administration, had a number of important consequences.

它使人们熟悉了以不同于白话语言的通用语进行的管理。因此，在帝国沦陷给亚历山大及其继任者之后，为了同样的目的，这些结构已经到位，以允许希腊语迅速传播。在接下来的 200 年里，希腊语流经为亚拉姆语而设的渠道。（参见第 6 章，“亚洲诸王：希腊在战争中的传播”，第 243 页。）

It created a familiarity with administration conducted in a lingua franca, separate from the vernacular languages. So the structures were in place to allow the rapid spread of Greek, for the same purposes, after the fall of the empire to Alexander and his successors. Greek flowed through channels made for Aramaic for the next two hundred years. (See Chapter 6, ‘Kings of Asia: Greek spread through war’, p. 243.)

这种表面上的语言统一在帝国的各个部分产生了不同的长期结果。在安纳托利亚，希腊语在两个世纪以来似乎比亚拉姆语更深入：它取代了所有剩余的土著语言。（这些主要是吕底亚语及其较小的亲戚，还有弗里吉亚语，迈达斯国王的语言。）在现代伊朗和阿富汗地区，与波斯语有关的伊朗语言被广泛使用，它取代了亚拉姆语作为通用语，但确实不碰白话。新成立的希腊殖民地，无论多么遥远，当然是例外。⁷在美索不达米亚、叙利亚、巴勒斯坦和埃及，希腊语在公众中反对亚拉姆语几乎没有进展。但是某些当地团体，例如长途商人，以及令人惊讶的是居住在埃及亚历山大港的犹太人，似乎已经接受了它。

This superficial linguistic unity gave different long-term results in the various parts of the empire. In Anatolia, Greek seems to have gone deeper in its two centuries than Aramaic had: it replaced all the remaining indigenous languages. (These had largely been Lydian and its smaller relatives, but also Phrygian, the language of King Midas.) In the area of modern Iran and Afghanistan, where Iranian languages related to Persian were widely spoken, it supplanted Aramaic as lingua franca, but did not touch the vernaculars. The newly founded Greek colonies, however far flung, were of course exceptions to this.⁷ In Mesopotamia, Syria, Palestine and Egypt, Greek made little headway with the general public against Aramaic; but certain local groups, such as long-distance merchants, and surprisingly the Jews resident in Alexandria in Egypt, seem to have taken it up.

公元前二世纪中叶，西方罗马人和东方帕提亚人的出现，意味着希腊语受到了挑战。它以不同的方式回应。对拉丁语来说，它产生了法律和军事用途，但几乎没有其他用途，因此叙利亚、巴勒斯坦和埃及现在发现自己处于三种或三种以上语言竞争的地区。但是在帕提亚语之前，它是波斯语的近亲（其使用者共同效忠琐罗亚斯德教的圣经，阿维斯塔语），希腊语被有效地淘汰，而亚拉姆语至少作为一种书面语言有所复兴。它的使用继续启发了除一种书写系统之外的所有书写系统，这些书写系统后来用于伊朗语言，西方的帕提亚语和波斯语（巴列维语），花剌子模语、粟特语和东方的斯基泰语 Śaka 和 Ossetic，^*

The advent of the Romans in the west, and the Parthians in the east, in the middle of the second century BC, meant that Greek was challenged. It responded in different ways. To Latin, it yielded legal and military uses, but very little else, so that Syria, Palestine and Egypt found themselves now areas where three languages or more were in contention. But before Parthian, which was a close relative of Persian (and whose speakers shared allegiance to the Zoroastrian scriptures, the Avesta), Greek was effectively eliminated, while Aramaic had something of a resurgence at least as a written language. Its use went on to inspire all but one of the writing systems henceforth used for the Iranian languages, Parthian and Persian (Pahlavi) in the west, Khwarezmian, Sogdian and the Scythian languages Śaka and Ossetic in the east, as well as for the Avesta scriptures themselves.^*

到目前为止，阿拉姆语还没有成为官方语言，并且仅在新月沃地成为多数社区的语言。尽管如此，它仍然是这片大片地区的主要语言近一千年，直到公元七世纪，一种全新的语言压倒了它。

Aramaic was by now an official language nowhere, and a majority-community language only in the Fertile Crescent. Nevertheless, it remained the predominant language over this large area for almost a thousand years until the seventh century AD, when a completely new language overwhelmed it.

这是阿拉伯语，由先知穆罕默德的早期皈依者带来了伊斯兰的灵感和热切的意愿。这种几乎不为人知的语言经过两代人的发展，以覆盖整个近东到伊朗边界，以及整个北非到大力神之柱，是历史上最引人注目的事件之一。但它的进步并非完全不可抗拒：当我们在下面更详细地描述它时，思考那些被证明是不屈不挠的语言障碍将会很有趣。

This was Arabic, brought with Islamic inspiration and a fervent will by the early converts of the prophet Muhammad. The progress of this virtually unknown language over two generations, so as to cover the whole Near East to the borders of Iran, and the whole of North Africa to the Pillars of Hercules, is one of the most striking events in history. But its progress was not totally irresistible: and it will be interesting, when we describe it in greater detail below, to ponder the linguistic obstacles that proved unyielding.

这结束了我们对西亚语言跨越式的快速回顾，这个语言区最终扩展到了北非的大部分地区。我们现在可以放慢速度，更仔细地研究一些单独的语言：许多是世界已知语言历史上的独特先驱。

This ends our exhaustingly rapid review of language leapfrog in West Asia, a linguistic zone which ultimately expanded to take in most of North Africa. We can now slow down a little, and look more closely at some of the individual languages: many were unique pioneers in the known language history of the world.

苏美尔语——第一种古典语言：死后的生活

Sumerian—the first classical language: Life after death

恩基神父回答宁舒布尔：

Father Enki answers Ninshubur:

“我女儿怎么了！我很烦恼，

’What has happened to my daughter! I am troubled,

伊南娜怎么了！我很烦恼，

What has happened to Inanna! I am troubled,

万国女王怎么了！我很烦恼，

What has happened to the queen of all the lands! I am troubled,

天界之神怎么了！我很困扰。

What has happened to the hierodule of heaven! I am troubled.’

他从他的指甲里带出泥土，塑造了库尔加鲁，

From his fingernail he brought forth dirt, fashioned the kurgarru,

他从他的另一只指甲中带出泥土，塑造了卡拉图鲁。

From his other fingernail he brought forth dirt, fashioned the kalaturru.

他给了库尔加鲁生命的食物。

To the kurgarru he gave the food of life.

他给了卡拉图鲁生命之水。

To the kalaturru he gave the water of life.

恩基神父对kalaturru和kurgarru 说： ……

Father Enki says to the kalaturru and kurgarru: …

‘六十倍的生命之食，六十倍的生命之水，洒在上面，

’Sixty times the food of life, sixty times the water of life, sprinkle upon it,

伊南娜肯定会出现。⁸

Surely Inanna will arise.’⁸

苏美尔人比任何语言都更清楚生命和名声的诱人消逝。当古亚述首都尼尼微的皇家图书馆于 1845 年被挖掘出来时，关于这种语言的所有知识已经消失了近 2000 年，事实证明，最早的文件是用一种比阿卡德语更古老的语言写成的，而且如此不同从中可以看出，公元前七世纪的亚述人带着学生的大量双语词典、语法和平行文本接近了它。在美索不达米亚的希腊或圣经记录中，没有任何东西让新研究人员准备好期待这个文明有这样一个外星基础。毕竟，大部分文件都是用与希伯来语和亚拉姆语相似的语言编写的。在尼尼微和巴比伦的伟大时代幸存下来的一切，

Sumerian knows better than any the tantalising evanescence of life and fame for a language. All knowledge of this language had been lost for almost two thousand years when the royal library of the ancient Assyrian capital, Nineveh, was excavated in 1845, and it turned out that the earliest documents were written in a language older than Akkadian, and so different from it that the Assyrians of the seventh century BC had approached it armed with a student’s panoply of bilingual dictionaries, grammars and parallel texts. Nothing in the Greek or biblical record of Mesopotamia had prepared the new researchers to expect such an alien foundation for this civilisation; the majority of the documents after all were written in a language reassuringly similar to Hebrew and Aramaic. Whatever had survived down the ages of the greatness of Nineveh and Babylon, the linguistic basis of their achievements had been totally effaced.

苏美尔语，苏美尔语的原始语言，他们称之为美索不达米亚的最南端，事实上，当这些来自西拿基立图书馆的文件写成时，它已经死了 1300 年。但事实证明，理解阿卡德楔形文字的唯一方法是将其视为重新解释为苏美尔人使用而设计的符号系统的尝试。早期苏美尔文字的错综复杂，而且可能声望很高，以至于任何想要将其用于自己的语言的外来者在很大程度上不得不将苏美尔语带走。

Sumerian, the original speech of Šumer, as they called the southernmost part of Mesopotamia, had in fact already been dead for another 1300 years when those documents from Sennacherib’s library were written. But it turned out that the only way to understand Akkadian cuneiform writing was to see it as an attempt to reinterpret a sign system that had been designed for Sumerian use. The intricacy, and probably the prestige, of the early Sumerian writing had been such that any outsiders who wanted to adopt it for their own language had largely had to take the Sumerian language with it.

在符号具有明确含义的情况下，这不是一个太大的问题：代表苏美尔单词的符号只是被赋予了新的发音，并作为阿卡德语的相应单词阅读。但阿卡德语与苏美尔语完全不同，无论是在语音上还是在单词结构上。由于没有为阿卡德语引入新符号，因此在很大程度上不得不忽略这些差异：实际上，说阿卡德语的人放弃了自己写他们的阿卡德语，因为它可能是由带有浓重苏美尔口音的人产生的。以语音方式阅读的苏美尔符号继续以苏美尔语进行阅读，但将它们放在一起以近似于阿卡德语单词；在阿卡德语的声音在苏美尔语中没有使用的地方，他们只是使用最接近的声音。

This was not too big a problem in cases where signs had a clear meaning: signs that stood for Sumerian words were just given new pronunciations, and read as the corresponding words in Akkadian. But Akkadian was a very different language from Sumerian, both in phonetics and in the structure of its words. Since no new signs were introduced for Akkadian, these differences largely had to be ignored: in effect, Akkadian speakers resigned themselves to writing their Akkadian as it might be produced by someone with a heavy Sumerian accent. Sumerian signs that were read phonetically went on being read as they were in Sumerian, but put together to approximate Akkadian words; and where Akkadian had sounds that were not used in Sumerian, they simply made do with whatever was closest.

因此，苏美尔语作为一种活的语言至少以两种方式幸存下来。它作为一种古典语言继续存在，其伟大的文学作品被每一代楔形文字抄写员规范和引用。但它也作为对阿卡德语表达的强加限制而存在，事实上，在接下来的两千年中，任何渴望使用完整楔形文字系统的后续语言，如埃兰语、胡里安语、卢维语、赫梯语和乌拉尔语都将这样做. 就好像现代西欧语言被谴责为尽可能接近拉丁语，用少量的语音注释来说明应该如何发音历史悠久的罗马拼写，以便在荷兰语、爱尔兰语、法语或英语。^*

So Sumerian survived its death as a living language in at least two ways. It lived on as a classical language, its great literary works canonised and quoted by every succeeding generation of cuneiform scribes. But it also lived on as an imposed constraint on the expression of Akkadian, and indeed any subsequent language that aspired to use the full cuneiform system of writing, as Elamite, Hurrian, Luwian, Hittite and Urartian were to do, over the next two millennia. It is as if modern western European languages were condemned to be written as closely as possible to Latin, with a smattering of phonetic annotations to show how the time-honoured Roman spellings should be pronounced to give a meaningful utterance in Dutch, Irish, French or English.^*

苏美尔人的起源是模糊的；只有一些格鲁吉亚人声称他们的语言是相关的，⁹但这一说法并未被广泛接受。无论他们以前的历史如何，从公元前四千年开始，显然有一群活跃的社区活跃在美索不达米亚南部，吸收了当时农业制度化的成果，并建立了第一批城市，这些城市似乎首先都是集体的以主宰神祇的名义持有他们所有的财物，有效的管理权力掌握在祭司手中。陶轮、摆犁、帆都开始使用，开始了金、银、铜的加工。由于象形文字及其向楔形文字的发展是在这一时期发明的，这为我们提供了世界语言史的第一个直接证据。商业用途似乎是第一位的：¹⁰

The origin of Sumerian is obscure; only some Georgians claim that their language is related,⁹ but the claim has not been widely accepted. Whatever their previous history, there was evidently a lively set of communities active in southern Mesopotamia from the fourth millennium BC, absorbing the gains from the then recent institutionalisation of agriculture, and establishing the first cities, which seem first of all to have been collectives each holding all their goods in the name of a presiding deity, with effective managerial power in the hands of the priesthood. The potter’s wheel, the swing-plough and the sail all came into use, and a beginning was made in working gold, silver and bronze. Since pictograms, and their development into cuneiform writing, were invented in this period, this gives us our first direct testimony of the language history of the world. It seems that commercial uses came first: impressions of symbols on clay began as convenient substitutes for sets of clay tokens, used for inventories and contracts.¹⁰

在第三个千年苏美尔城邦前所未有的财富和文化辉煌很快引起了北方不受欢迎的关注，导致阿卡德国王的敌意收购和政治整合。萨尔贡在 24 世纪入侵的结果，以及随后的五代阿卡德统治，必然是苏美尔语和阿卡德语之间更多的接触。苏美尔-阿卡德双语在精英阶层中很普遍，人们可以在最高级别看到这一点的证据，因为萨尔贡的女儿恩赫杜安娜应该创作了两首苏美尔赞美诗，而最著名的（对伊南娜来说）已经被发现大约五十份。¹¹

The unprecedented riches and cultural brilliance of the city-states in third-millennium Sumer had soon attracted unwelcome attention from the north, resulting in a hostile takeover and political consolidation under the king of Akkad. The result of Sargon’s invasion in the twenty-fourth century, and the five generations of Akkadian dominance that followed, must have been much greater contact between the Sumerian and Akkadian languages. Sumerian-Akkadian bilingualism would have become common in the elite, and one can see evidence of this at the highest level, since Sargon’s daughter Enheduanna is supposed to have composed two cycles of Sumerian hymns, and the most famous (to Inanna) has been found in some fifty copies.¹¹

女性，尤其是公主和女祭司参与苏美尔文学并不少见。他们写葬礼赞美诗、信件，尤其是情歌。

This participation by women, especially princesses and priestesses, in Sumerian literature was not uncommon. They wrote funeral hymns, letters and especially love songs.

你的城市像瘸子一样举起手，我的主Shu-Sin，

Thy city lifts its hand like a cripple, O my lord Shu-Sin,

舒尔吉之子啊，它像幼狮一样躺在你的脚下。

It lies at thy feet like a lion-cub, O son of Shulgi.

哦，我的上帝，酒女有甜酒要给，

O my god, the wine-maid has sweet wine to give,

就像她的约会酒一样甜是她的外阴，甜是她的酒…… ¹²

Like her date-wine sweet is her vulva, sweet is her wine …¹²

还有偶尔的摇篮曲。

There is also the occasional lullaby.

美国 ŋanu 美国 ŋanu

usa ŋanu usa ŋanu

美国 ŋanu ki dumuŋaše

usa ŋanu ki dumuŋaše

美国 kulu ki dumuŋaše

usa kulu ki dumuŋaše

igi badbadani u kunib

igi gunani šuzu ŋarbi

u eme za malilikani

za mallilil u nagule…

快睡快睡

Come sleep, come sleep,

来到我儿子身边，

Come to my son,

快点睡给我的儿子，

Hurry sleep to my son,

让他不安的眼睛入睡，

Put to sleep his restless eyes,

把手放在他闪闪发光的眼睛上，

Put your hand on his sparkling eyes,

至于他喋喋不休的舌头

And as for his babbling tongue

不要让咿呀学语阻碍他的睡眠。

Let not the babbling hold back his sleep.

他会用小麦填满你的腿。

He will fill your lap with wheat.

我会为你做甜的小奶酪，

I will make sweet for you the little cheeses,

那些治愈人类的小奶酪……

Those little cheeses that are the healer of man…

我的花园里的莴苣浇水很好……

My garden is lettuce well-watered…

愿妻子成为你的支持者，

May the wife be your support,

愿儿子成为你的命运，

May the son be your lot,

愿风选的大麦成为你的新娘，

May the winnowed barley be your bride,

愿硕果累累的女神阿什南成为你的盟友，

May Ashnan the goddess of fruitfulness be your ally,

愿你有一个能言善辩的守护天使，

May you have an eloquent guardian angel,

愿你实现幸福日子的统治...... ¹³

May you achieve a reign of happy days …¹³

这些作品通常用Emesal写成，“精美的舌头”是苏美尔语的一种单独方言，在抄写词典中有详细记载。在对话作品中，这种方言用于女神的讲话。它与标准的苏美尔语、埃梅吉尔语、“王侯之舌”不同，无论是在词汇上（包括许多神的名字）还是在发音上（辅音在口中的发音都更靠前）；它的语法完全不同。例如，当女神伊南娜装腔作势地拒绝一个顽固的追求者的求婚时，她哭了：

These works are usually written in Emesal, ‘the fine tongue’, a separate dialect of Sumerian, well documented in scribal dictionaries. In dialogue works this dialect is used for the speech of goddesses. It differs from standard Sumerian, Emegir, ‘the princely tongue’, both in vocabulary (including the names of many gods) and also in pronunciation (consonants by and large being articulated farther forward in the mouth); it differs not at all in its grammar. For example, when the goddess Inanna is affecting to repel the advances of an importunate suitor, she cries:

kuli Mulila šu bamu emeše daŋen

amaŋu lulaše ta munaben

amaŋu Gašangale lulaše ta munaben

恩利尔的朋友，让我自由吧！让我去我家吧！

Friend of Enlil, let me free! Let me go to my house!

我该对妈妈说什么谎？

What lie shall I tell my mother?

我该对我妈妈宁格尔说什么谎？

What lie shall I tell my mother Ningal?

恩利尔和宁格尔当然都是神。在 Emegir 中，这将是（突出显示差异）：

Both Enlil and Ningal are, of course, gods. In Emegir this would have been (with the differences highlighted):

kuli Enlila šu bamu eŋuše gaŋen

amaŋu lulaše ana munaben

amaŋu Ningale lulaše ana munaben ¹⁴

amaŋu Ningale lulaše ana munaben¹⁴

因此，苏美尔语似乎与世界上许多其他语言一样，有一种特殊的女性演讲方言。苏美尔语的特点在于，它获得了一种特殊的、明确的地位，记录在语法书中：这可以进一步证明女性在苏美尔文学中的地位很高。

So it seems that Sumerian, like many other languages all over the world, had a special dialect for women’s speech. What marks out Sumerian is that this had gained a special, explicit, status, recorded in the grammar books: this could be taken as further evidence of the high status of women in Sumerian literature.

回到苏美尔-阿卡德语双语问题，专家们一致认为，在公元前 2400-1600 年期间，苏美尔语的平衡从完全苏美尔语转变为完全阿卡德语。苏美尔在这一时期开始时是一个独立的城邦，在 23 世纪受到阿卡德人的统治，在 19 世纪受到亚摩利人和（简称）埃兰人的统治，在 18 世纪受到巴比伦人的汉谟拉比统治。在第一个巴比伦帝国瓦解后，它以恢复独立，或者更确切地说是无政府状态而告终，但街道和家庭中的语言现在是阿卡德语。

Returning to the question of Sumerian-Akkadian bilingualism, specialists agree that the balance of language spoken in Sumer shifted over the period 2400-1600 BC from total Sumerian to total Akkadian. Sumer began this period as a collection of independent city-states, suffered Akkadian domination in the twenty-third century, Amorite and (briefly) Elamite domination in the nineteenth, and the Babylonian rule of Hammurabi in the eighteenth. It ended with a restored independence, or rather anarchy, after the breakdown of this first Babylonian empire, but the language on the streets and in the homes was now Akkadian.

这是不稳定的双语制的一个有趣例子，因为在许多方面，这种情况让人想起罗马帝国中希腊语和拉丁语之间的关系，一个主宰文化生活，另一个主宰政治生活。在这种情况下，尽管政治不稳定，希腊语的名声普遍不稳定，与罗马人崇高的政治威望和稳定形成鲜明对比的是，希腊语在任何地方都没有输给拉丁语。然而在美索不达米亚，各种闪米特人尽管在政治上占据主导地位，但却是混乱的根源，苏美尔人显然没有大的人口流动，苏美尔文化的声望没有受到挑战，苏美尔人逐渐失去了阵地。

It was an interesting example of unstable bilingualism, since in many ways the situation is reminiscent of the relation between Greek and Latin in the Roman empire, one dominating cultural and the other political life. In that case, despite the political instability, and the generally shifty reputation of the Greeks, contrasting with the towering political prestige and steadiness of the Romans, Greek nowhere lost ground to Latin. Yet here in Mesopotamia, where the various Semitic peoples, for all their political dominance, were sources of disruption, where there was apparently no major movement of the Sumerian population, and where Sumerian culture’s prestige was unchallenged, Sumerian steadily lost ground.

在某些情况下，甚至闪米特统治者也试图代表苏美尔文化进行后卫行动。在公元前 20 至 19 世纪拥有三个最重要的苏美尔城市尼普尔、乌鲁克和埃里都的伊辛王国，统治王朝起源于美索不达米亚北部讲阿卡德语的马里；但它的国王自称“乌尔之王、苏美尔和阿卡德之王”，所有官方铭文都是用苏美尔语书写的，新版苏美尔文学经典的生产也很兴旺。

In some cases even Semitic rulers attempted to fight a rearguard action on behalf of Sumerian culture. In the kingdom of Isin, which held the three most important Sumerian cities of Nippur, Uruk and Eridu in the twentieth to nineteenth centuries BC, the ruling dynasty stemmed from Mari, in the Akkadian-speaking north of Mesopotamia; yet its king termed himself ‘King of Ur, King of Sumer and Akkad’, all its official inscriptions were in Sumerian, and there was flourishing production of new editions of the classics of Sumerian literature.

阻碍苏美尔语作为与阿卡德语并存的活语言的一个因素可能是，有影响力的新移民已经讲了一种闪米特语，因此发现在阿卡德语中更容易相处。只有阿卡德人从远古时代就与苏美尔人住得很近，并且可能会说双语。其他人会对他们在南方发现的文化复杂性更加不耐烦。很容易想象移动中的普通亚摩利人会说：“毕竟，他们都说阿卡德语，不是吗？” 整个新月沃地都熟悉某种闪米特语或其他语言，从本质上讲，它们都非常相似，并且在某种程度上可以相互理解。尽管他们的文化声望（显然从未减弱），

One factor working against the survival of Sumerian as a living language alongside Akkadian may have been the fact that the influential newcomers already spoke a Semitic language, and so found it easier just to get by in Akkadian. Only the Akkadians had lived in close proximity with Sumerian from time immemorial, and perhaps become bilingual. Others would be more impatient of the cultural complications they found down south. It is easy to imagine the average Amorite on the move saying: ‘After all, they all speak Akkadian, don’t they?’ The whole Fertile Crescent was familiar with some Semitic language or other, and by their nature they were all very similar, and to some extent mutually comprehensible. For all their cultural prestige (which clearly never diminished), the Sumerians found themselves having to compromise on language in their daily and business lives.

不过，从某种意义上说，阿卡德语已经承担了苏美尔语使用者放下的负担。像往常一样，学习以任何方式书写阿卡德语仍然是不可想象的，除了作为苏美尔语的延伸，尽管事实上苏美尔语和阿卡德语在语言上是截然不同的，它们的所有基本词汇都完全不相关，而且相当不同的音响系统。该系统从未提供一致区分b和p、d、 t和t或g、 k和q的方法在阿卡德语。阿卡德语似乎相当缺乏其许多闪米特姐妹所特有的许多语音微妙之处，只有一个 h 音，而它们可能最多三个，三个s音，而它们最多四个。很难说是否只是苏美尔拼写的贫乏导致了这种外观。

In a sense, though, Akkadian had already taken up the burden that the speakers of Sumerian were laying down. It remained unthinkable, as it always had been, to learn to write Akkadian in any way but as an extension of Sumerian, and this despite the fact that Sumerian and Akkadian were poles apart as languages, with all their basic vocabulary totally unrelated, and quite different sound systems. The system never provided the means to distinguish consistently between b and p, among d, t and t, or among g, k and q in Akkadian. Akkadian appears to be rather lacking in many of the phonetic subtleties that are characteristic of many of its Semitic sisters, having only one h sound where they may have up to three, three s sounds where they have up to four. It is difficult to tell whether it is just the poverty of Sumerian spelling which causes this appearance.

阿卡德语抄写员似乎允许自己的唯一创新是声门塞音的新标志，'，以及对苏美尔文字符号或语标的相当大的许可：它们一直作为双关语使用，能够象征与他们用苏美尔语表示的词；现在他们也可以对阿卡德语做同样的把戏。因此，例如，苏美尔符号，意思是“手”，现在可以在阿卡德语中读作idu，“手”；它还可以表示音节id、it、it、ed、et和et。

The only innovations that Akkadian scribes appear to have permitted themselves were a new sign for the glottal stop, ’, and considerable licence with the Sumerian word symbols or logograms: they had always been available as punning devices, able to symbolise the same sound as the word they signified in Sumerian; now they could do the same trick for Akkadian as well. So, for example, the Sumerian sign , meaning ‘hand’, could now be read as idu, ‘hand’, in Akkadian; it could also represent the syllables id, it, it, ed, et and et.

苏美尔文字符号和苏美尔文学仍然是书面阿卡德语的基础，即使语言席卷了新月沃地，并且远远超出了闪米特语民族的领域，成为国际交流的通用语言。相同的教育体系，基于edubba“平板屋”学校至少维持了两千年，因为在第三个千年的苏美尔城市乌鲁克和亚述首都尼尼微的亚述巴尼帕尔图书馆中发现了以相同顺序教授符号的标志列表从公元前七世纪中叶开始。对苏美尔文学经典的掌握，在第二个千年中叶之后没有扩展的经典文本，仍然是学术成就的顶峰，也是晚年在学校度过的重点。即使在数学方面，大部分术语都是苏美尔语，尽管教科书是用阿卡德语写的。似乎苏美尔语继续在课堂上使用：这使得剩下的练习和教科书对发音的明确程度低于我们应有的水平。

Sumerian word symbols, and Sumerian literature, remained the basis of written Akkadian, even as the language swept all round the Fertile Crescent, and well beyond the domains of the Semitic-speaking peoples, as a lingua franca for international communication. The same educational system, based on the edubba ‘tablet-house’ schools, was maintained for at least two millennia, since sign lists to teach the symbols, in the same order, have been found in the Sumerian city of Uruk dating from the third millennium and Ashurbanipal’s library in the Assyrian capital Nineveh from the mid-seventh century BC. Mastery of the classics of Sumerian literature, a canon of texts which was not extended after the mid-second millennium, remained the pinnacle of scholarly achievement, and the focus of later years spent at school. Even in mathematics, most of the terminology was in Sumerian, though the textbooks were written in Akkadian. It appears that Sumerian went on being spoken in the classroom: this has made the remaining exercises and textbooks less explicit on pronunciation than we should have liked.

正是阿卡德文化对所有苏美尔人事物的热情拯救了苏美尔人的优良文化。几乎所有已发现的苏美尔文学文本都是在第二个千年的前半叶，在苏美尔语作为一种活的语言去世后，被小学生抄袭的。相比之下，在前阿卡德时代，苏美尔的城市自豪而自由（仍然说苏美尔语），留下来的大部分内容是大量的铭文和行政文件。

It is the Akkadian culture’s enthusiasm for all things Sumerian which has in fact saved Sumer’s finer culture. Almost all the Sumerian literary texts that have been found were copied, often by schoolboys, in the first half of the second millennium, after the death of Sumerian as a living language; by contrast, most of what has come down from the pre-Akkadian days, when the cities of Sumer were proud and free (and still spoke Sumerian), is a mass of inscriptions and administrative documents.

但这个长达六百年的苏美尔全盛期，在活的语言消亡之后，终于走到了尽头，表明阿卡德语无法无限期地支持它。在公元前 1594 年巴比伦沦陷于掠夺的赫梯国王穆尔西利斯之后，以及随后的卡斯特山地部落接管美索不达米亚之后，对苏美尔文化的真正欣赏从未恢复。在第二个和第一个千年的剩余时间里（实际上一直到公元前 323 年希腊接管塞琉古帝国），没有再尝试过任何苏美尔作品，事实上只有两部文学作品继续被复制：尼努尔塔的功绩（其中我们已经采样了），以及一个配套的作品，安吉姆，关于尼努尔塔从山区返回尼普尔的故事。从此以后，其余的苏美尔经典只能在翻译中为人所知。

But this six-hundred-year-long Sumerian heyday, after the death of the living language, at last came to an end, and showed that Akkadian could not support it indefinitely. After the fall of Babylon to the marauding Hittite King Mursilis in 1594 BC, and the takeover of Mesopotamia by the Kassite mountain tribes which followed, true appreciation of Sumerian culture never recovered. For the rest of the second and first millennia (indeed down to the Greek takeover under the Seleucid empire in 323 BC), no more Sumerian compositions were attempted, and in fact only two literary texts continued to be copied: The Exploits of Ninurta (which we have already sampled), and a companion piece, Angim, about Ninurta’s return from the mountains to Nippur. Henceforth, the rest of the Sumerian classics would be known only in translation.

正如一位诗人所说（关于早先摧毁一个渴望将苏美尔人置于他们控制之下的阿卡德城市）：

As a poet had remarked (on the earlier destruction of an Akkadian city that aspired to take the Sumerians under their control):

iribia gatuš bindugga kituš nummandadug

agadea ganu bindugga kinu nummandadug

agade hula inana zami。

iribia gatuš bindugga kituš nummandadug

agadea ganu bindugga kinu nummandadug

agade hula inana zami.

那些说“我会住在那个城市”的人，在那里找不到一个好的住处。

He who said ‘I would dwell in that city’ found not a good dwelling place there.

说“我会睡在阿加德”的人发现那里不是一个好的睡觉地方。

He who said ‘I would sleep in Agade’ found not a good sleeping place there.

阿加德被摧毁。赞美伊南娜。¹⁵

Agade is destroyed. Praise Inanna.¹⁵

由于阿卡德语也注定要最终被取代——当它发生时，被一种读写能力不依赖于古代楔形文字传统的语言所取代——苏美尔最终将消亡。除了在伊拉克故事中等待被发现的石板外，它没有留下任何痕迹。

Since Akkadian too was destined ultimately to be replaced—and when it happened, by a language whose literacy did not depend on the ancient tradition of cuneiform writing—Sumerian was ultimately to die out. Aside from the tablets waiting to be discovered in the tells of Iraq, it left no trace.

第一个插曲：埃兰米特发生了什么？

FIRST INTERLUDE: WHATEVER HAPPENED TO ELAMITE?

产生苏美尔文字的黏土代币似乎很普遍：这不足为奇，因为它们在长途贸易中作为提单发挥了关键作用。粘土上的符号组在苏美尔独立发展，在更远的东部在以拦的中心地带舒西姆（希腊语称为苏萨）发展。埃兰的象形符号从未超出其作为库存媒介的初始阶段，尽管在第三个千年早期使用了一种原始埃兰文字，显然是一个音节。这条发展路线在第三个千年中叶流产，当时苏美尔系统是一个真正的书写系统，即使是一个非常适合苏美尔语言的系统，也被接管了。

The clay tokens that had given rise to Sumerian script seem to have been widespread: not surprisingly, since they would have played a key role as bills of lading for long-distance trade. The development into groups of symbols on clay came independently in Sumer, and farther to the east in Shusim (known to the Greeks as Susa), the heartland of Elam. Elam’s pictographic symbols never went far beyond their initial stage as a medium for inventories, although a proto-Elamite script, apparently a syllabary, was in use in the early third millennium. This line of development was aborted in the middle of the third millennium when the Sumerian system, which was by then a true writing system, even if one heavily adapted for the Sumerian language, was taken over.

事实上，埃兰比借用文字系统走得更远：从公元前 2200 年开始的九百年间，几乎所有已发现的官方铭文都用阿卡德语书写。在这段时间的大部分时间里，它处于其西部的一个大国苏美尔人、巴比伦人或亚述人的直接政治控制之下。尽管如此，埃兰语一定会继续在埃兰语中使用，因为在公元前 1300 年它作为官方语言重新焕发生机，取代了阿卡德语的所有书面用途，除了诅咒。¹⁶

In fact, Elam went farther than borrowing the writing system: for the nine hundred years from 2200 BC almost all the official inscriptions that have been found are in Akkadian. For much of this time it was under the direct political control of one of the powers to its west, Sumerian, Babylonian or Assyrian. Nevertheless, Elamite must have continued to be spoken in Elam, since in 1300 BC it springs back to life as the official language, replacing Akkadian for all written purposes, except curses.¹⁶

埃兰随后的事业表现出至少八百年的坚持。

Elamite’s subsequent career showed persistence for at least eight hundred years.

从公元前 1300 年起，埃兰与底格里斯沼泽地对面的邻国进行了一连串的战争，但并不总是防御性的。通过这些经常导致外国控制时期的变幻莫测的权力斗争，埃拉姆能够通过保留进入其东南部扎格罗斯山脉的广阔但可防御的腹地鞍山，从而长期保持其独立性，从未被阿卡德语使用者渗透。¹⁷真正的灾难发生在公元前七世纪，当时埃兰人失去了这个堡垒：它被波斯人占领了，波斯人第一次从南方进攻。此后鞍山便被称为帕尔沙。（该地区至今仍称为法尔斯。）

From 1300 BC Elam pursued a succession of wars, not always defensive, with its neighbours from across the Tigris marshes. Through the vagaries of these power struggles, which often resulted in periods of foreign control, Elam was able to retain its independence in the long term through retaining access to a large but defensible hinterland, Anshan, in the Zagros mountains to its south-east, never penetrated by Akkadian speakers.¹⁷ The real disaster came only in the seventh century BC when the Elamites lost this stronghold: it was taken by the Persians, whose attack came, for the first time, from the south. Thereafter Anshan came to be called Parša. (The area is called Fars to this day.)

埃兰人失去了他们在紧急情况下的安全堡垒。几乎同时，在 646 年，亚述亚述巴尼帕尔人洗劫了苏萨。这场灾难结束了最后一个独立的埃兰王国，即使不是埃兰人或他们的语言。但以亚述人特有的方式，亚述巴尼拔以自己的名义将许多人口驱逐到亚述，并根据以斯拉记 (iv.9-10) 记载，远至巴勒斯坦的撒玛利亚。

The Elamites had lost their safe redoubt for emergencies. Almost at once, in 646, the Assyrian Asshurbanipal sacked Susa. This calamity put an end to the last independent kingdom of Elam, if not to the Elamites or their language. But in the characteristic Assyrian way, Asshurbanipal deported many of the population, to Assyria on his own account, and according to the Book of Ezra (iv.9-10) as far away as Samaria in Palestine.

但现在事件正在超越美索不达米亚内部权力转移的传统钟摆摆动。埃兰人几乎没有满意地看到亚述在 612 年落入玛代人和巴比伦人手中，然后他们发现自己处于巴比伦人的控制之下，然后在一代人的时间里被波斯人控制。这使埃兰第一次成为世界事件的中心。两代之后，即公元前 522 年，鞍山的波斯继承人大流士 ( Dārayavauš ) 控制了整个波斯帝国，该帝国从埃及和安纳托利亚一直延伸到印度边境。尽管在他即位后不久发生了两次失败的埃兰叛乱，但他选择埃兰作为这个帝国的中心，苏萨本身（他称为舒珊）作为行政首都，帕尔萨，即鞍山，作为新的礼仪之都的所在地，在西方以其希腊名称波斯波利斯而闻名。

But events were now moving beyond the traditional pendulum swing of power shifts within Mesopotamia. The Elamites scarcely had the satisfaction of seeing Assyria itself fall to the Medes and Babylonians in 612 before they found themselves under Babylonian control, and then, within a generation, under Persian. This put Elam, for the first time, at the centre of world events. Two generations later, in 522 BC, Darius (Dārayavauš), the Persian heir to Anshan, took control of the whole Persian empire, which by now extended from Egypt and Anatolia to the borders of India. Despite two abortive Elamite rebellions shortly after his accession, he chose Elam as the hub of this empire, with Susa itself (known to him as Šušan) as the administrative capital, and Parša, i.e. Anshan, as the site for a new ceremonial capital, to be better known in the West by its Greek name of Persepolis.

波斯人从未高度重视识字。众所周知，他们的领导人只受过三件事的教育：骑马、射箭和说真话。因此，他们的埃兰邻居拥有 2000 年的楔形文字教育，完全可以在帝国建设的单调乏味的一面中发挥极大的作用。

The Persians had never prized literacy very highly. Famously, their leaders were educated in three things only: to ride a horse, to shoot a straight arrow, and to tell the truth. So their Elamite neighbours, with two thousand years of cuneiform education behind them, were well placed to be extremely useful in the more humdrum side of empire-building.

在大流士在他的领地周围（最著名的是丝绸之路上的贝希斯顿）竖立的巨大铭文上，这个传说不仅是用波斯语和阿卡德语写成的，而且是用埃兰语写成的。尽管帝国的官方语言被指定为亚拉姆语，但很明显，直到大约 460 年，中央行政实际上是在埃兰语中进行的，因为 1930 年代在波斯波利斯发现了数千份用粘土制成的行政文件档案。他们很可能是由于公元前 330 年亚历山大征服的士兵纵火造成的。

On the monumental inscriptions that Darius set up round his domains (most notably at Behistun, on the Silk Route), the legend was written not only in Persian and Akkadian but in Elamite. And although the official language of the empire was designated as Aramaic, it is clear that until about 460 the central administration was actually conducted in Elamite, since an archive of several thousand administrative documents on clay was discovered in Persepolis in the 1930s. They most likely owed their preservation to arson by Alexander’s conquering soldiers in 330 BC.

但这些是在任何地方幸存下来的最后一份埃兰文件。¹⁸亚拉姆语成为书面行政语言，而埃兰语缺乏任何政治焦点来维持楔形文字传统，显然不再被书写。一段时间后，也许是很久以后，口语也一定已经消失了。公元 10 世纪的阿拉伯人提到了胡齐斯坦使用的一种语言，它不是波斯语、阿拉伯语或希伯来语：他们不记录任何单词，所以没有人知道那是否是埃兰语的最后一个。¹⁹

But these are the last Elamite documents to have survived anywhere.¹⁸ Aramaic took over as the language of written administration, and Elamite, lacking any political focus to sustain the cuneiform tradition, apparently ceased to be written. Some time later, perhaps much later, the spoken language too must have simply died away. Arabs writing in the tenth century AD mention a language spoken in Khuzistan which was not Persian, Arabic or Hebrew: they do not record any words, so no one knows whether that was the last of Elamite.¹⁹

据推测，苏美尔和阿卡德为控制埃兰背后的山脉而进行的斗争，其原材料富含石头、木材和金属，可能在这一时期幸存的文献中有所抽象地反映。²⁰在诗Lugale u melambi nirgal中，英文被称为The Exploits of Ninurta，神向他的母亲打招呼，他的母亲在他的山地征服中来看望他：

It has been speculated that Sumer and Akkad’s struggles for control of the mountains behind Elam, with their raw material riches in stone, timber and metals, may be reflected somewhat abstractly in the surviving literature of the period.²⁰ In the poem Lugale u melambi nirgal, known in English as The Exploits of Ninurta, the god greets his mother, who has come to visit him in his mountain conquests:

既然你，夫人，已经来到了崎岖的土地上，

Since you, Madam, have come to the rough lands,

贵妃既然因我的名声来到敌国，

Since you, Noble Lady, because of my fame, have come to the enemy land,

既然你不惧怕我可怕的战斗，

Since you feared not my terrifying battles,

我，英雄，堆积起来的土堆

I, the hero, the mound I had heaped up

将被称为hursag，你将成为它的女王，

Shall be called hursag, and you shall be its queen,

从现在起，宁胡尔萨格就是你的名字——应该是这样。

From now on Ninhursag is the name by which you shall be called—thus it shall be.

…

hursag将给你充足的神的芬芳，

The hursag shall provide you amply with the fragrance of the gods,

必赐给你丰富的金银，

Shall provide you with gold and silver in abundance,

为你开采铜和锡，将它们作为贡品带给你，

Shall mine for you copper and tin, shall carry them to you as tribute,

崎岖之地必为你繁衍大大小小的牲畜，

The rough places shall multiply cattle large and small for you,

hursag将为你带来所有四足生物的种子。²¹

The hursag shall bring forth for you the seed of all four-legged creatures.²¹

事实上，征服埃兰和安山的国王是拉加什的古迪亚（前 2141-2122 年）：他侍奉的是宁吉尔苏神，而不是尼努尔塔。尽管如此，尼努尔塔还是尼普尔的神，尼普尔后来成为了苏美尔城市的文化中心，因此中央神的变化会给这部作品带来某种无私的宏伟，这使它成为它成为的文学经典。

In fact the king who had achieved the conquest of Elam and Anshan had been Gudea of Lagash (2141-2122 BC): and he served the god Ningirsu, not Ninurta. Still, Ninurta was the god of Nippur, which later became the cultural centre of the Sumerian cities, and so the change of central god would have given the piece a certain disinterested grandeur, which fitted it to be the literary classic it became.

阿卡德语——世界一流的技术：识字模式

Akkadian—world-beating technology: A model of literacy

现在整个地球都有一种共同的语言和文字。向东移动，人们在示拿找到了一块平原，并在那里定居。他们互相说：“来吧，让我们做砖，把它们烤透！” 他们用砖代替石头，用焦油代替砂浆。然后他们说：“来吧，让我们为自己建造一座城市，有一座通天的塔，这样我们就可以为自己取名，而不至于分散在整个地球上。” 但耶和华降临，要察看人子所建造的城。耶和华说：‘所以当所有人都共享一种语言时，这就是他们所能做的！如果他们有心，他们可以完成的事情是没有限制的。“ 于是耶和华将他们从那里分散到全地。他们停止建造这座城市。这就是为什么它被称为巴比伦（bāběl ) 因为他在那里混淆了 ( bālšl ) 整个地球的语言。从那里耶和华将他们分散在全地。

Now all the earth had one language and words in common. And moving east, people found a plain in Shinar and settled there. And they said to each other: ‘Come, let us make bricks and bake them thoroughly!’ They used brick instead of stone, and tar instead of mortar. Then they said: ‘Come, let us build ourselves a city, with a tower that reaches to the heavens, so that we may make a name for ourselves and not be scattered over the face of the whole earth.’ But Yahweh came down to see the city that the sons of man were building. And Yahweh said: ‘So this is what they can do when all share one language! There will be no limit on what they can accomplish if they have a mind for it. I shall go down and stupefy their languages so that they may not understand one another.’ So Yahweh scattered them from there all over the earth. And they stopped building the city. That is why it is called Babylon (bāběl) because there he mixed up (bālšl) the language of all the earth. And from there Yahweh scattered them all over the earth.

希伯来圣经，创世记 x

Hebrew scriptures, Genesis x

这个犹太神话显然受到了国际大都市巴比伦展示的巨大建筑的启发，以及在其街道上可以听到的多种语言，仍然对欧洲文化具有深刻的象征意义。但不知何故，一个傲慢的超级大国和一个嫉妒的神之间的核心冲突机制已经失去了。现在，它被视为一个单一语言如何带来统一的故事，这种统一是实现一项伟大事业所必需的：只要混淆他们的语言，合作就变得不可能。因此，它作为巴比伦寓言的位置很奇怪，在其历史上以单一语言的主导作用而闻名。在将近两千年的时间里，这种语言一直是阿卡德语，尽管在其帝国的最后几个世纪中，正如已经看到的那样，它让位于阿拉姆语。

This Jewish myth, evidently inspired by the stupendous architecture on show in the cosmopolitan city of Babylon, and the polyphony of languages to be heard on its streets, is still deeply symbolic for European culture. But somehow the central mechanism of conflict between an arrogant superpower and a jealous god has been lost. It is now taken as a story of how a single language can give unity, the kind of unity that is necessary to bring off a magnificent enterprise: just confound their languages, and cooperation becomes impossible. As such, it is bizarrely ill placed as a fable of Babylon, which was notable throughout its history for the leading role of a single language. For almost two thousand years this language was Akkadian, although in the last few centuries of its empire, as already seen, it yielded to Aramaic.

对于六世纪被巴比伦皇帝尼布甲尼撒二世摧毁并驱逐出家园的犹太人来说，分散和杂乱无章的巴比伦人的梦想也许是一种令人欣慰的实现愿望的练习。或许它甚至可以被视为对亚述亚述巴尼拔人如何能够在七世纪洗劫巴比伦的讽刺评论：许多巴比伦传统主义者毕竟一定质疑那些粗鲁的阿拉米人的传播影响力，并推测不会有任何好处。来吧。但是，尽管巴比伦在时间上失去了它的荣耀——事实上，在尼布甲尼撒之后不久——它的衰落不能归咎于语言的堕落，或者沟通上的失败。在波斯人之后的许多世纪，然后是希腊语，人们继续说阿拉姆语，学习阿卡德语，

Perhaps the dream of Babylonians scattered and disorganised was a comforting exercise in wish fulfilment for the sixth-century Jews who had been shattered and driven from their homeland by the Babylonian emperor Nebuchadrezzar II. Perhaps it might even be taken as an ironic comment on how the Assyrian Asshurbanipal had been able to sack Babylon in the seventh century: many Babylonian traditionalists must after all have questioned the spreading influence of those rough-talking Aramaeans, and speculated that no good would come of it. But although Babylon was to lose its glory in time—indeed, very soon after Nebuchadrezzar—its decline cannot be blamed on language decadence, or some failure in communication. People went on speaking Aramaic, and studying Akkadian, for many centuries after the Persians, and then the Greeks, had taken away all their power.

然而，在它的极致，阿卡德语是一种卓越的权力和影响力语言。如果说苏美尔语作为教育标准的试金石而传播到苏美尔之外，那么阿卡德语则通过经济和政治声望传播。

Yet at its acme, Akkadian was pre-eminently a language of power and influence. If Sumerian had spread beyond Sumer as the touchstone of an educational standard, Akkadian spread through economic and political prestige.

阿卡德语以阿加德或阿卡德命名，阿卡德曾是美索不达米亚南部的主要城市，但其位置现在是个谜。（可能离巴比伦不远。）该语言的记录开始于第三个千年中叶，在萨尔贡的征服中达到了早期的高潮（他的长期统治集中在二十四世纪和二十世纪之交）公元前三世纪）。他在各个方向上成功地进行了竞选，从而不仅在北部（马里和埃布拉）传播了阿卡德语的官方使用，而且在西部的埃兰语中开始了长达千年的官方统治。我们已经看到，在第一次帝国繁荣之后，第四代（公元前 22 世纪末）的崩溃，以及主体人口的短暂语言复兴，随着苏美尔人和埃兰人回归官方使用了一个世纪左右。然而，很快，讲闪米特语的“西方人”亚摩利人开始出现在美索不达米亚各地。^*他们的运动并没有在政治上加强阿卡德，但似乎确实排挤了除了阿卡德以外的任何东西作为交流手段的广泛使用；并且从第二个千年开始的书面记录（外部文献）完全是这种语言。

Akkadian is named after Agade or Akkad, once the major city of southern Mesopotamia but whose location is now a mystery. (It was possibly not far from Babylon.) Records of the language begin in earnest with the middle of the third millennium, with an early climax in those conquests by Sargon (whose long reign centred on the turn of the twenty-fourth and twenty-third centuries BC). He campaigned successfully in all directions, thus not only spreading the official use of Akkadian in the north (Mari and Ebla), but also beginning a millennium-long official dominance of the language in Elam to the west. We have seen that this first fit of imperial exuberance was followed by a collapse in the fourth generation (end of the twenty-second century BC), and a brief linguistic resurgence of the subject populations, with the return of Sumerian and Elamite to official use for a century or so. Soon, however, the Amorites, Semitic-speaking ‘Westerners’, began to make their appearance all over Mesopotamia.^* Their movements did not strengthen Akkad politically, but did seem to crowd out the wide-scale use of anything but Akkadian as a means of communication; and the written record (outside literature) from the beginning of the second millennium is exclusively in this language.

在早期，在阿卡德语和苏美尔语之间存在某种均等，也许还有某种功能的特殊化：我们已经注意到，萨尔贡自己的女儿在苏美尔语中是一位有成就的女诗人。但是双语证明是不稳定的。虽然阿卡德语因其日常使用而被强化为新月沃地的主要语言，并且与西方闪米特语有一定程度的相互理解性，但苏美尔语仅因其在教育和文化中的作用而得到保证。巴比伦崛起时期（公元前 2000-1600 年）仍然促进了这一点，但是当权力基础被打破，外国统治者（卡西特人）接管时，苏美尔人的严肃学习似乎已经无关紧要了。它只是作为阿卡德研究的附属品而保留下来，

In the early days, there was some parity, and perhaps some specialisation of function, as between Akkadian and Sumerian: we have already noted that Sargon’s own daughter had been an accomplished poetess in Sumerian. But the bilingualism proved unstable. While Akkadian was fortified as the major language of the Fertile Crescent by its everyday use for all literate purposes, and some degree of mutual intelligibility with the Semitic languages of the west, Sumerian was guaranteed only by its role in education and culture. The period of the rise of Babylon (2000-1600 BC) still fostered this, but when the power bases were shattered, and foreign rulers (the Kassites) took over, serious learning in Sumerian must have seemed an irrelevance. It was retained merely as an adjunct to Akkadian studies, in the same spirit as the list of Latin tags sometimes still found at the end of an English dictionary.

事实证明，这个“旧巴比伦”时期对阿卡德人和苏美尔人一样重要，但方式不同。正是在这一时期，南方（巴比伦语）和北方（亚述语）之间的一些相当细微的方言差异才开始显现。在更远的地方，马里、苏萨和迪亚拉山谷的东部也可以看到不同的阿卡德语方言。各个时期的信件都存在，为口语提供了最好的证据。

This ‘Old Babylonian’ period turned out to be as significant for Akkadian as it was for Sumerian, but in a different way. It was in this period that some fairly slight dialect differences are first noticeable between the south (Babylonian) and the north (Assyrian). Different dialects of Akkadian also become visible farther afield, in Mari, in Susa and to the east in the valley of the Diyala. Letters are extant from all periods, and provide the best evidence for spoken language.

与此同时，巴比伦方言（甚至巴比伦人仍称为阿卡杜）成为文学标准，其经典版本将用于整个美索不达米亚的官方目的。这种特权地位在该语言的其余历史中一直存在，基本上不管巴比伦、亚述或它们中的任何一个都不是当前的政治权力中心。经典巴比伦语的伟大典范是汉谟拉比法典，编纂于公元前 18 世纪，当时这种方言还是白话。但最著名的文学作品，如吉尔伽美什史诗和埃努玛·埃利什（“当在高处……”，创世史诗），也在这种方言中，在它不再流行时写下来。

At the same time, the dialect of Babylon (which even the Babylonians still called Akkadū) became established as the literary standard, the classic version of which would be used for official purposes throughout Mesopotamia. This privileged position endured for the rest of the language’s history, essentially regardless of whether Babylon, Assyria or neither of them was the current centre of political power. The great model of classic Babylonian is the Laws of Hammurabi, compiled in the eighteenth century BC when this dialect was still the vernacular. But the best-known literary texts, such as the Epic of Gilgamesh and Enuma eliš (’When on high …’, the Creation Epic), are also in this dialect, written down when it was no longer current.

在北部，阿卡德语的使用在公元前 600 年左右消失，完全被亚拉姆语取代。但是巴比伦一直使用这种语言，直到公元一世纪初。似乎到了这个阶段，大部分语言知识都掌握在专业抄写员手中，他们甚至会阅读、写作和翻译私人信件——但并非没有他们实际思考和交谈的阿拉姆语的干扰。

In the north, the use of Akkadian was to die out about 600 BC, fully replaced by Aramaic. But use of the language persisted in Babylon till the beginning of the first century AD; it seems that by this stage most of the knowledge of the language was in the hands of professional scribes, who would read, write and translate even personal letters—but not without interference from the Aramaic in which they were actually thinking and talking.

除了被美索不达米亚的大多数居民用作母语，以及它作为任何地方闪米特人的第一识字语言的历史作用外，阿卡德语还作为一种完全外国人的通用语发挥了更广泛的作用。这怎么可能？归根结底，这是因为它与当时最复杂的技术——写作有关。

Besides its use as a native language by most of the inhabitants of Mesopotamia, and its historic role as the first language of literacy for Semites anywhere, Akkadian also came to achieve a wider role as a lingua franca among utter foreigners. How was this possible? Ultimately, it was due to its association with the most sophisticated technology of its day, writing.

这种世界性传播的第一个证据是亚述商人在远离金牛座山脉北部的安纳托利亚中部的活动，在市场中心或卡鲁姆的综合体中在 Nesas 和 Hattusas 之间建立（现代地图上的 Kültepe 和 Boğaz Köy）。这是在第二个千年的第一季度，即公元前 1950 年至 1750 年。商人来自阿舒尔的富裕家庭，他们使用驴商队在金牛座山脉进行运输。他们的动机是金属贸易：他们找到了银、金和铜的来源。在相反的方向，他们带来了锡、山羊毛毡、纺织纺织品和香水。贸易商显然已准备好向当地的哈蒂当局缴纳关税。这可以从他们留下的交易信件（在粘土信封中的粘土片上）以古亚述语（一种阿卡德语的方言）书写。

The first evidence of this cosmopolitan spread is the activity of Assyrian merchants in central Anatolia far to the north of the Taurus mountains, in a complex of market centres or karum set up between Nesas and Hattusas (Kültepe and Boğaz Köy on modern maps). This was in the first quarter of the second millennium, 1950-1750 BC. The merchants came from rich families of Asshur, and used donkey caravans for transport through the Taurus mountains. Their motive was trade in metals: they had found a source of silver, gold and copper. In the reverse direction, they brought tin, goat-hair felt, woven textiles and perfumes. The traders were apparently ready to pay duties to the local Hatti authorities. This is known from the trading correspondence (on clay tablets in clay envelopes) which they left behind, written in Old Assyrian, a dialect of Akkadian.

贸易似乎在 1750 年左右结束，也许是人类入侵，也许是赫梯扩张的第一次激荡，库萨拉诸王的战役。然而，当我们在大约四百年后写于 Nesas-Hattusas 地区的赫梯人最早的编年史中找到它时，这已经是一个遥远的记忆了。当然，这些都是用楔形文字书写的，大量使用了源自阿卡德传统的苏美尔语和阿卡德语语标。

The trade seems to have been ended around 1750, perhaps by Human incursions, perhaps by the first stirrings of Hittite expansion, the campaigns of the kings of Kussara. This, however, was already a distant memory by the time we find it described in the earliest chronicles of the Hittites themselves, written in the Nesas-Hattusas area about four hundred years later. And these, of course, are written in a cuneiform script, with copious use of Sumerian and Akkadian logograms, which itself derived from the Akkadian tradition.

赫梯人只是提供了一个例子，说明阿卡德语是如何被周边国家的识字阶层所接受的。在第二个千年，阿卡德语在美索不达米亚周围的每个首都都被教授和使用，基本上不管周围的语言如何。仅通过迄今为止发现的可以追溯到第二个千年中叶的文件，我们可以看到在苏萨（Susa）为讲埃兰语的人、在 Nuzi（基尔库克附近的现代Yorgan Tepe）为 Hurrians、在 Hattusas赫梯人和卢维安人，在靠近地中海沿岸的阿拉拉和乌加里特，为讲其他闪米特语和人类的人提供服务，在阿赫塔滕（简称为埃及首都）为埃及人提供服务。

The Hittites provide just one example of how Akkadian was taken up by the literate class in surrounding states. In the second millennium, Akkadian was being taught and used in every capital city that surrounded Mesopotamia, essentially regardless of the ambient language. Just going by the documents so far found which date from the middle of the second millennium, we can see that the same Sumerian edubba system was being practised in Susa for Elamite speakers, in Nuzi (modern Yorgan Tepe near Kirkuk) for Hurrians, in Hattusas for Hittites and Luwians, in Alalah and Ugarit near the Mediterranean coast for speakers of other Semitic languages as well as Human, and in Akhetaten (briefly the Egyptian capital) for Egyptians.

不同国家的语言情况有不同的细微差别：例如，在这一时期，似乎埃兰有不同的人口部分，主要使用阿卡德语（北部平原）或埃兰语（南部山区），而乌加里特有一种更为普遍的双语制度，因此用于家庭消费的阿卡德语文本可能会被乌加里特语中奇怪的解释性光泽所欺骗。²²但无论国内情况如何，普遍的做法似乎是阿卡德语用于国际通信，并且经常用于条约。

The linguistic situations of the various nations were differently nuanced: in this period it seems that Elam, for example, had different segments of the population using predominantly either Akkadian (in the northern plain) or Elamite (in the mountainous south), while in Ugarit there was a much more general bilingualism, so that texts in Akkadian intended for home consumption may be tricked out with the odd explanatory gloss in Ugaritic.²² But whatever the home situation, the general practice seemed to be that Akkadian was used for international correspondence, and often for treaties.

这方面的经典证明是 Amarna 信件，这是在当时的埃及首都遗址上发现的公元前 14 世纪的外交信件缓存。该集合中有 350 封信件和附件，除了三封以外，其他所有的都是阿卡德语（两封在赫梯语，一封在人类语中）。

The classic demonstration of this is the Amarna correspondence, a cache of diplomatic letters from the fourteenth century BC, found on the site of the then Egyptian capital. There are 350 letters and attachments in this collection, and all but three are in Akkadian (two in Hittite and one in Human).

反思阿卡德语是如何成为国际通用语的，这很有趣。对于说闪米特语的人来说，第二个千年中叶并不是一个辉煌的时期。公元前 1400 年，巴比伦在卡西特人的控制下已经牢牢控制了两个世纪，而亚述则成为米坦尼的附庸国长达一个世纪之久。在叙利亚北部，赫梯人对已建立的米坦尼控制权存在争议。巴勒斯坦的其余部分是埃及主权下的附庸国的集合。

It is interesting to reflect on how Akkadian had achieved this role as an international lingua franca. The middle of the second millennium was not a glorious period for the speakers of Semitic languages. In 1400 BC Babylon had been firmly under Kassite control for two centuries, and Assyria in vassalage to the Mitanni for a century. In northern Syria, established Mitanni control was being disputed by the Hittites. And the rest of Palestine was a collection of vassal states under Egyptian sovereignty.

因此，不是最近的政治影响使阿卡德语成为当时方便的语言。唯一的解释是文化问题，特别是识字问题，以及抄写员 edubba 的文化。

It was not recent political influence, then, which made Akkadian the language of convenience at this time. The only explanation is a cultural one, and specifically the matter of literacy, and the culture of the scribal edubba.

除了埃及及其在腓尼基的贸易伙伴外，每一个大国在过去的千年中都通过吸收苏美尔和阿卡德的楔形文字文化而变得有文化。正如我们所见，这个书写系统非常忠于其原始语言，使用只有在苏美尔和阿卡德语双关语中才有意义的音标，并通过大规模复制苏美尔和阿卡德语经典进行实践教学文学。尽管巴比伦和亚述都渴望成为世界帝国——两者都将至少再次将自己视为整个新月沃地的情妇——但它们的文化主导地位几乎完全是因为它们是共享语言技术的领导者。

With the exception of Egypt, and its trading partners in Phoenicia, every one of the powers had become literate in the course of the previous millennium through absorbing the cuneiform culture of Sumer and Akkad. As we have seen, this writing system was extremely committed to its original languages, shot through with phonetic symbols that only made sense in terms of puns in Sumerian and Akkadian, and taught in practice through large-scale copying of the classics of Sumerian and Akkadian literature. Although Babylonia and Assyria aspired to be world empires—and both would see themselves at least once more as mistress of the whole Fertile Crescent—their cultural dominance was almost wholly a matter of having been the leaders in a shared language technology.

阿卡德语历史上的下一个也是最后一个重要问题是，为什么它的统治地位，甚至它的使用，走到了尽头。这种语言的历史确实教给我们的一件事是，语言的生死原则上与相关国家的政治命运无关。奇怪的是，正如阿卡德语在亚述-巴比伦权力长期衰落期间达到其声望和扩张的顶峰一样，它的衰落始于亚述帝国的鼎盛时期。

The next, and last, great question in the history of Akkadian is why its dominance, and indeed its use, came to an end. One thing that the history of this language does teach is that the life and death of languages are in principle detached from the political fortunes of their associated states. For curiously, just as Akkadian had reached the height of its prestige and extension during a long eclipse of Assyro-Babylonian power, its decline began when the Assyrian empire was at its zenith.

悖论越深入，它被考虑得越仔细。不仅阿卡德语在其政治影响的鼎盛时期被取代：它的替代语言阿拉姆语直到最近还主要由游牧民族使用。这些人不能声称没有文化优势，也极不可能建立一个敌对的文明。预期会像八百年前在巴比伦的卡西特人一样，说亚拉姆语的人会在文化和语言上被美索不达米亚的伟大传统同化。毕竟，类似的事情也会发生在其他闯入大帝国的人身上——德国人入侵罗马帝国，或者蒙古人入侵中国。

The paradox deepens the more closely it is considered. Not only was Akkadian, the language replaced, at the height of its political influence: its replacement language, Aramaic, had until recently been spoken mainly by nomads. These people could claim no cultural advantage, and were highly unlikely to set up a rival civilisation. The expectation would have been that, like the Kassites eight hundred years before in Babylon, Aramaic speakers would have been culturally and linguistically assimilated to the great Mesopotamian tradition. Similar things, after all, were to happen to others who burst in upon great empires—the Germans invading the Roman empire, or the Mongols the Chinese.

但正是在文化领域，讲亚拉姆语的人带来了他们最大的惊喜。当然，他们确实很大程度上同化了阿卡德文化。但有一个关键方面他们没有做到，那就是划时代的语言技术。随着阿拉姆语出现了一种新的书写传统，它使用字母脚本。伴随着语言表现的这场革命，出现了新的书写材料：人们在新媒体、纸莎草纸或皮革上写下他们的笔记，以及越来越多的正式记录和文学文本。

But it was in the cultural sphere that the Aramaic speakers brought their greatest surprise. They did assimilate largely to Akkadian culture, certainly. But there was one crucial respect in which they did not, the epoch-making one of language technology. With Aramaic came a new tradition of writing, which used an alphabetic script. Along with this revolution in language representation came new writing materials: people wrote their notes, and increasingly their formal records and literary texts, on new media, sheets of papyrus or leather.

这些变化触及了亚述和巴比伦文化的核心。以至于传统观点一直认为它解释了阿拉姆语作为一种语言的胜利。例如，乔治·鲁克斯（Georges Roux）写道：“然而，这些野蛮的阿拉米人却有幸将他们的语言强加于整个近东地区。部分原因是他们数量庞大，部分原因是他们采用了略为修改的腓尼基字母，而不是繁琐的楔形文字，并随身携带着简单实用的未来文字。²³还有约翰·索耶：“亚拉姆语的成功无疑主要是因为它是用相对简单的字母书写的。” ²⁴

These changes went to the heart of Assyrian and Babylonian culture; so much so that the traditional view has been that it explains the triumph of Aramaic as a language. So Georges Roux, for example, writes: ‘Yet to these barbaric Aramaeans befell the privilege of imposing their language upon the entire Near East. They owed it partly to the sheer weight of their number and partly to the fact that they adopted, instead of the cumbersome cuneiform writing, the Phoenician alphabet slightly modified, and carried everywhere with them the simple, practical script of the future.’²³ And John Sawyer: ‘The success of Aramaic was undoubtedly due in the main to the fact that it was written in a relatively easy alphabetical script.’²⁴

这不可能是对的。毕竟，书写系统的存在是为了记录人们所说的话，反之亦然。历史上没有其他案例表明写作技术的变化会导致流行语的变化。即使有可能，在像亚述帝国这样的社会中也特别不可能，那里只有极少数的人口识字。伴随阿拉米语而来的书写系统变化的真正意义在于为阿拉米语悖论提供了一个额外的维度：像阿拉米人这样一个流动的、在政治上服从的群体如何不仅传播其语言，而且获得其书写系统被其文化和政治大师亚述人和巴比伦人接受？

This cannot be right. Writing systems, after all, exist to record what people say, not vice versa. There is no other case in history of a change in writing technology inducing a change in popular speech. And even if it were possible, it is particularly unlikely in a society like the Assyrian empire, where a vanishingly small portion of the population were literate. The real significance of the change in writing system that came with the Aramaic is to give an extra dimension to the Aramaic paradox: how could a mobile, and politically subservient, group such as the Aramaeans not only spread its language but also get its writing system accepted among its cultural and political masters, the Assyrians and Babylonians?

答案在于亚述军事政策的意想不到的效果。

The answer lies in an unexpected effect of Assyrian military policy.

我们已经注意到在 12 世纪末，阿拉米游牧民族与亚述人之间的第一次敌对接触。阿拉米人从叙利亚北部的荒野进来，大概是靠武力，能够在该国所有有人居住的地区定居。他们并没有将自己限制在大马士革地区，而是向北、向南，尤其是向东扩展。巴利赫河和哈布尔河之间的幼发拉底河上游的整个地区被称为亚兰纳哈林，即“河流中的亚兰”。他们向南向巴比伦进发是稳定的：他们在 11 世纪中叶摧毁了 Sippar 的 Shamash 神殿，到了 10 世纪初，他们在巴比伦周围定居了足够多的人，将其与郊区 Barsippa 隔离开来，因此阻止了适当的庆祝活动元旦节，这需要马杜克和纳布的偶像往返巴比伦。与此同时，在北方，亚述人的抵抗同样无法阻止他们的前进，到 9 世纪初，他们已经在底格里斯河畔。

We have already noted the first hostile contacts between the Aramaean nomads and the Assyrians, at the end of the twelfth century. The Aramaeans, coming in from the wilderness of northern Syria, were able, presumably by force of arms, to settle all over the inhabited parts of that country. They did not limit themselves to the area of Damascus, but spread out north, south and, significantly, to the east. The whole area of the upper reaches of the Euphrates between the rivers Balikh and Khabur became known as Aram Naharaim, ‘Aram of the Rivers’. Their progress southward towards Babylon was steady: they smashed the temple of Shamash in Sippar in the middle of the eleventh century, and by the early tenth century were sufficiently settled around Babylon to cut it off from its suburb Barsippa, and so prevent the proper celebration of New Year Festival, which required the idols of Marduk and Nabu to process to and from Babylon. Meanwhile, in the north, Assyrian resistance proved equally unable to stop their advance, and by the beginning of the ninth century they were on the banks of the Tigris itself.

第一次成功的抵抗来自亚述国王 Adad-niršri（公元前 911-891 年），他将亚兰人赶出了底格里斯河谷和北部的喀什里山脉。此后，亚述国王开始了一项针对他们的一个或另一个邻国的年度战争政策，这种无节制的侵略政策持续了 150 多年，只有在 827-811 和 754- 的重大内战期间，当侵略转向内战时才暂停。 745。一百年内，整个肥沃的新月地带都在他们的控制之下，包括南至塔尔苏斯的安纳托利亚南部，以及东部的大片埃兰。在更远的地方，他们进行了深入乌拉尔图（安纳托利亚东部）的惩罚性探险，甚至对埃及进行了短暂但不可持续的入侵。

The first successful resistance came from the Assyrian king Adad-niršri (911-891 BC), who drove the Aramaeans out of the Tigris valley and the Kashiari mountains to the north. Thereafter, the Assyrian kings began a policy of annual campaigns against one or other of their neighbours, a policy of unrestrained aggression which lasted over 150 years, pausing only when the aggression turned inward, during the major civil wars of 827-811 and 754-745. Within a hundred years the whole Fertile Crescent was under their control, together with southern Anatolia as far as Tarsus, and large swathes of Elam in the east. Farther afield, they undertook a punitive expedition deep into Urartu (eastern Anatolia) and even a brief, but unsustainable, invasion of Egypt.

这些确实是亚述的光辉岁月，但这似乎是这些战争的唯一意义：在胜利之后，被击败的城市或部落被强加了毁灭性的贡品要求。在亚述的商业信函或考古记录中，没有证据表明此后有任何传播亚述文化的尝试，甚至没有在更广泛的基础上建立统治等级的企图。财富以一种方式转移，而且是在剑尖上。从 Tiglath-Pileser III (744-727) 到 Sennacherib (704-681)，增加了一种新的策略：大量被征服的人口被带到帝国其他遥远的地方。据估计，Tiglath-Pileser III 被驱逐出境 37 人（总计 368,543 人），Sargon II 被驱逐 38 人（总计 217,635），Sennacherib 被驱逐 20 人（总计 408,150）。总而言之，²⁵

Truly these were glory days for Assyria, but that seems to have been the sole point of these wars: after a victory, a ruinous demand for tribute was imposed on the defeated city or tribe. There is no evidence, in Assyrian business correspondence or the archaeological record, of any subsequent attempt to spread Assyrian culture thereafter, or even to establish the ruling caste on a wider basis. Wealth was transferred one way, and at the point of a sword. From Tiglath-Pileser III (744-727) to Sennacherib (704-681), a new tactic was added: vast numbers of the conquered populations were led off to some other distant part of the empire. Estimates attribute thirty-seven deportations to Tiglath-Pileser III (totalling 368,543 people), thirty-eight to Sargon II (totalling 217,635), twenty to Sennacherib (totalling 408,150). All in all, the Assyrians claimed to have displaced some 4.5 million persons over three centuries.²⁵

这些驱逐出境中的大多数将涉及说亚拉姆语的人，尽管最著名的是萨尔贡二世在公元前 721 年对以色列首都撒玛利亚实施的，可能涉及说希伯来语的人：

A majority of these deportations would have involved Aramaic speakers, although the most famous, carried out by Sargon II against Samaria, capital of Israel, in 721 BC, probably involved speakers of Hebrew:

在我统治之初，我将撒玛利亚人的城镇视为上帝……谁让我取得了这一胜利。我俘虏了这里的 27,290 名居民，并从其中装备了士兵，为我的皇家军团配备了 50 辆战车……我比以前更好地重建了这座城市，并在其中安置了来自我自己征服的国家的人。我任命我的一名官员为他们的总督，向他们征收贡品，就像对亚述公民一样。²⁶

At the beginning of my rule, I took the town of the Samarians for the god … who let me achieve this triumph. I led away as prisoners 27,290 inhabitants of it and equipped from among them soldiers to man 50 chariots for my royal corps …The town I rebuilt better than it was before and settled therein people from countries which I myself had conquered. I placed an officer of mine as governor over them and imposed upon them tribute as for Assyrian citizens.²⁶

希伯来圣经（2 Kings xvii.6, 24）提供了更多关于以色列流放者被送往哪里的细节（包括哈布尔河上的亚兰纳哈林，以及帝国东北端的米底亚），以及谁被送往替换它们。（他们包括一些巴比伦人。）

The Hebrew scriptures (2 Kings xvii.6, 24) give more details of where the Israelite exiles were sent (including Aram Naharaim on the Khabur river, and the north-eastern extremity of the empire in Media), and of who were sent to replace them. (They included some Babylonians.)

不时地，信件让我们深入了解这些被驱逐者在抵达美索不达米亚时是如何被看待的。²⁷给国王的一封信将qinnāte ša Ninua labīrūti（尼尼微的旧时代家庭）与nasi'ānni（社会新贵）和šaglūti（被驱逐者）进行对比，这本身可能是šaklūti（无知者）的双关语。但很明显，具有西方闪米特名字的人经常被赋予重大责任。

Now and then, correspondence gives an insight into how these deportees were viewed when they arrived in Mesopotamia.²⁷ A letter to the king contrasts qinnāte ša Ninua labīrūti, ‘old-time families of Nineveh’, with nasi’ānni, ‘social upstarts’, and šaglūti, ‘deportees’, itself perhaps a pun on šaklūti, ‘ignorants’. But it is clear that people with western Semitic names were often entrusted with significant responsibility.

亚述臣民的这种分散可以被视为一种精明的政策，通过切断他们的传统来统一帝国的不同人口——这是一种强加的“大熔炉”解决方案。²⁸如上铭文所述，所有被驱逐者都应被“视为亚述人”；因此，他们被认为对palā ili u šarri 负有责任，“敬畏上帝和国王”。

This scattering of Assyria’s subject peoples could be seen as a shrewd policy to unify the diverse populations of the empire by cutting them off from their traditions—an imposed ‘melting pot’ solution.²⁸ All deportees, as the above inscription mentioned, are to be ‘regarded as Assyrians’; as such they were deemed to have a duty to palā ili u šarri, ‘to fear God and King’.

朝同一方向发展的是另一项支持帝国统一的新政策，即招募皇家卫队kisir šarruti。这来自非美索不达米亚省份，补充了更具封建组织的亚述军队。事实上，西方闪米特人名字的持有者很普遍地出现在亚述军官身上。特别有名的是 Itu'aia 部队，由Itu部落的 Aramaean 人组成，他们出现在许多热点地区，负责镇压巴比伦各省内的异议。²⁹

Tending in the same direction was another new policy to buttress imperial unity, the recruitment of a royal guard, the kisir šarruti. This was drawn from non-Mesopotamian provinces, supplementing the more feudally organised Assyrian troops. In fact, bearers of western Semitic names crop up quite commonly as Assyrian army officers. Particularly famous was the force of Itu ’aia, made up of Aramaeans of the Itu ’ tribe, which turns up at many of the hot spots, on duty to crush dissent within Babylonian provinces.²⁹

因此，在公元前 11 至 8 世纪期间，新月沃地的情况是人口极端流动的情况之一。阿拉米人在前两个世纪已经在整个地区定居，尽管他们在后两个世纪受到更有效的国家控制，但亚述政策并没有将他们推回，而是更广泛地分布他们，要么作为被迫移民，或作为武装部队的成员。由于亚兰人是以这种方式分散的最大群体，当其他西方闪米特人，如以色列人或腓尼基人发现自己被移植时，他们可能会发现自己说话越来越像他们的新邻居。^*

The situation in the Fertile Crescent, then, over the period of the eleventh to the eighth century BC, was one of an extreme flux of populations. Aramaeans had settled themselves over the whole area in the earlier two centuries, and although they had been under more effective state control in the latter two, Assyrian policy had served not to push them back but to distribute them even more widely, either as forced migrants, or as members of the armed forces. Since the Aramaeans were the largest group being scattered in this way, when other western Semites, such as Israelites or Phoenicians, found themselves transplanted, they could tend to find themselves speaking more and more like their new neighbours.^*

因此，亚述人设法加强一种新通用语在他们的领土上的传播，这种通用语不依赖于识字或任何共同的教育传统。随着亚述领土的扩大，它的有效用处将会增加，其讲西方闪米特语的人口，主要是讲亚拉姆语的人口，越来越多地超过说阿卡德语的美索不达米亚的原始人口。首府阿舒尔、尼尼微和卡鲁（尼姆鲁德）三合会中的统治阶级保持连续性，但在其他地方社会流动性增加，人们不得不与新来者和解。尤其是在巴比伦，这一定很早就发生了。

The Assyrians had therefore contrived to reinforce the spread of a new lingua franca across their domains, one that was not dependent on literacy or any shared educational tradition. Its effective usefulness would have increased as the Assyrian domain was spread yet wider, and its population of western Semitic speakers, predominantly Aramaic speakers, came to outnumber more and more the original population of Mesopotamia, who spoke Akkadian. The ruling class in the triad of capital cities, Asshur, Nineveh and Kalhu (Nimrud), maintained continuity, but elsewhere there was increasing social flux, and people had to make accommodations with the newcomers. In Babylon, particularly, this must have happened early on.

新来者也没有因缺乏基本的文明艺术，识字而受到阻碍。尽管阿拉米人最初以游牧民族的身份出现，被认为是文盲，但他们甚至在第一个千年开始接管城市（最著名的是大马士革）和整个国家（最后一个赫梯王国，其首都位于现代 Zincirli，在土耳其省仍被称为哈塔伊）。他们中的许多人会知道写作的价值，而且由于他们所知道的城市是西方的，他们会学习的书写系统是简单的字母系统。

Nor were the newcomers handicapped by lack of the basic art of civilisation, literacy. Although the Aramaeans had appeared originally as nomads, presumed illiterate, they had even before the first millennium begun taking over cities (most notably Damascus) and whole countries (the last Hittite kingdom, its capital at modern Zincirli, in the Turkish province still known as Hatay). Many of them would have come to know the value of writing, and since the cities they knew were of the west, the writing system they would have learnt was simple and alphabetic.

当他们向东移动时，我们只能假设字母识字至少在一些阿拉米人中传播，因为新材料，墨水和纸莎草或皮革，是可生物降解的，在考古记录中无法保存。事实上，最早的亚拉姆语铭文，此时与迦南语没有明显区别，是从九世纪中叶开始的。³⁰新媒体的短期实际优势（体积更小，容量更大）肯定很快就会给人留下深刻印象。“抄写员”的新词在阿卡德语中使用，sēpiru，与旧的upsarru，“平板作家”相反，后者直接追溯到苏美尔语dubsar。从 8 世纪中叶开始，抄写员在工作中的照片成对出现，一个拿着手写笔和一个平板电脑，另一个拿着钢笔和一张纸莎草纸或羊皮纸。与计算机的出现一样，优秀的官僚必须确保新旧共存很长时间：直到公元前 610 年米底亚帝国毁灭亚述，“无粘土办公室”才出现

As they moved eastward, we can only presume that alphabetic literacy spread with at least some of the Aramaeans, since the new materials, ink and papyrus or leather, are biodegradable, and do not survive in the archaeological record. In fact, the earliest inscriptions in Aramaic, not clearly distinguishable from Canaanite languages at this time, are from the middle of the ninth century.³⁰ The short-term practical advantages of the new media (less bulk, greater capacity) must soon have made an impression. A new word for ‘scribe’ came into use in Akkadian, sēpiru, as opposed to the old upsarru, ‘tablet writer’, which went right back to the Sumerian word dubsar. Pictures of scribes at work from the mid-eighth century show them in pairs, one with a stylus and a tablet, the other with a pen and a sheet of papyrus or parchment. As with the onset of computers, good bureaucrats must have ensured that the old and the new coexisted for a long time: the ‘clay-free office’ did not happen in Assyria till the destruction of the empire by the Medes in 610 BC

最终的结果似乎是，阿卡德语的口语使用比阿拉米语的口语使用减少了，几乎没有抱怨的低语。乌尔的一位官员曾经请求允许用亚拉姆语写信给国王。³¹但在任何阿卡德石板中都没有发现迂腐或纯粹的杂音。我们最接近的是抄写员和萨尔贡国王 (721-705) 之间的通信往来：

The net result seems to have been that spoken use of Akkadian receded before that of Aramaic with scarce a murmur of complaint. An officer in Ur does once ask permission to write to the king in Aramaic.³¹ But no pedantic or puristic murmur has yet been found in any Akkadian tablet. The closest we have is an exchange of correspondence between a scribe and King Sargon (721-705):

SCRIBE : 如果我的主满意，我会写一份 [Aramaic] 文件。

SCRIBE: If it please my Lord, I will write an [Aramaic] document.

萨尔贡：你为什么不写阿卡德语？³²

SARGON: Why do you not write Akkadian?³²

事实上，根据阿卡德语从阿拉姆语借来的单词模式的证据，与从相反方向借来的单词相比，有人声称，在转换发生时，阿卡德语是不太受欢迎的语言，那些写它本质上是用阿拉姆语思考，同时努力（并且失败）将他们的阿拉姆语动词从他们的脑海中剔除。³³

Indeed, on the evidence of the pattern of words borrowed in Akkadian from Aramaic, as against those borrowed in the reverse direction, it has been claimed that Akkadian, by the time the changeover was taking place, was the less favoured language, with those who wrote it essentially thinking in Aramaic, while struggling (and failing) to put their Aramaic verbs out of their minds.³³

亚拉姆语对阿卡德语的胜利必须归因于一种实用性对古代声望的影响，但这种实用性主要来自于这么多人已经说过它的事实。其相关的书写系统更快、更容易这一事实是一个额外的好处。如果有的话，它只是消除了一个可能使部分亚拉姆语人口也想学习阿卡德语的论点。毕竟，重点是什么？除了šaglūti 之外，一个人永远不会被接受；甚至王室也开始使用亚拉姆语。

The triumph of Aramaic over Akkadian must be ascribed as one of practical utility over ancient prestige, but the utility came primarily from the fact that so many people already spoke it. The fact that its associated writing system was quicker and easier was an added bonus; if anything, it just removed one argument that might have made sections of the Aramaic-speaking population want to learn Akkadian too. After all, what was the point? One would never be accepted as anything other than šaglūti; and even the royal court was taking up Aramaic.

就像曾经的苏美尔语一样，现在阿卡德语成了游牧民族和新移民带来的新语言的牺牲品。不稳定的双语随之而来，伴随着旧语言的消亡。

As once had Sumerian, so now Akkadian fell victim to a new language brought by nomads and newcomers; unstable bilingualism followed, together with the death of the older language.

在这样的时代，阿卡德语教育的唯一理由是保持与前两千年文学的联系，以及与美索不达米亚大城市相关的宏伟传统。在它可能死亡后，它作为一种古典语言在巴比伦生活了六百年：不仅巴比伦的最后一个王朝（公元前 625-539 年）使用它作为他们统治的编年史，尽管它是迦勒底语（即亚拉姆语）的血统，但外国征服者，波斯人居鲁士（公元前 557-529 年）和薛西斯（公元前 485-465 年），甚至希腊语安条克·索特（公元前 280-261 年），都用王室语言留下铭文，以颂扬他们自己的统治。当一位希腊君主可以写下：“我是An-ti-”u-ku-us[Antiochus]，伟大的国王，合法的国王，世界的国王，E [巴比伦] 的国王，所有国家的国王，寺庙的看守者 Esagila 和 Ezida，Si-lu-uk-ku 的长子[塞琉古]，Ma-ak-ka-du-na-aa [马其顿人]，巴比伦国王。³⁴

In such times, the only argument for an education in Akkadian was to maintain the link with the literature of the previous two thousand years, and the traditions of grandeur associated with the great cities of Mesopotamia. It lived on in Babylon as a classical language for six hundred years after its probable death: not only did the last dynasty of Babylon (625-539 BC) use it for chronicles of their rule, despite being of Chaldaean (i.e. Aramaic) extraction, but foreign conquerors, the Persians Cyrus (557-529 BC) and Xerxes (485-465 BC) and even the Greek Antiochus Soter (280-261 BC), all left inscriptions in the royal language glorifying their own reigns. There was certainly a new and, some would say, barbarous resonance when a Greek monarch could write: ‘I am An-ti- ’u-ku-us [Antiochus], the great king, the legitimate king, the king of the world, king of E [Babylon], king of all countries, the caretaker of the temples Esagila and Ezida, the first born of Si-lu-uk-ku [Seleucus], Ma-ak-ka-du-na-a-a [Macedonian], king of Babylon.’³⁴

但能听懂的人寥寥无几。^*

But there were few who could still understand them.^*

腓尼基——没有文化的商业：

迦南，指向西方

Phoenician—commerce without culture:

Canaan, and points west

mī ə- ōr kə- umāh bə ō hayyām

mī ə-ōr kə-umāh bəō hayyām

有谁曾像提尔一样沉默，四面环海？^†

Who was ever silenced like Tyre, surrounded by the sea?^†

以西结书 xxvii.32

Ezekiel xxvii.32

迦南姐妹一起长大，但后来走上了截然不同的人生道路。

The Canaan sisters grew up together, but then set out on very different paths in life.

腓尼基（不是她的真名，而是一个让人想起她著名的光泽颜色的名字^*）选择了高尚的生活，并与珠宝、精美的服装和各种形式的奢侈品联系在一起。她游历广泛，在所有最好的社交圈子中都广为人知和钦佩，并因其高超的沟通技巧而被广泛模仿。她周围都是她那个时代最有创造力、最聪明和最富有的人，作为一名熟练的女主人，她让他们相互联系。她还有一个女儿，艾丽莎，她可能不像她母亲那样才华横溢或多才多艺，但在腓尼基自己的精力减弱时，她建立了自己的家庭，并继续扩大她母亲的人脉。

Phoenicia (not her real name, but one that recalls the lustrous colour for which she was famous^*) chose the high life, and became associated with jewellery, fine clothing and every form of luxury. She travelled extensively, became known and admired in all the best social circles, and was widely imitated for her sophisticated skills in communication. She surrounded herself with all the most creative, intelligent and wealthy people of her era, and as a skilled hostess put them in contact with one another. She also had a daughter, Elissa, who was not perhaps as brilliant or as versatile as her mother, but who set up her own household, and went on to expand her mother’s network, when Phoenicia’s own energies were waning.

另一个姐姐朱迪思年轻时默默无闻，也许声名狼藉，但后来在家里过上了平静的生活。她从不冒险走出自己的社区，满足于家务。尽管她很朴实，但许多人认为她对自己的评价太高了，而且她与当地的恶霸有相当大的困难：偶尔她在自己的家中被袭击并被拖着尖叫；最终她完全失去了家。她所能做的就是努力在她被引导的任何地方生存下来，以一种顽强但不自信的方式，首先依靠她对曾经拥有的家的记忆，以及她坚定不移的宗教信仰。她没有自己的孩子，但时不时地充当养母的角色，尽管她没有从她的指控中得到什么感激或忠诚，但她并没有气馁。

The other sister, Judith, had an obscure and perhaps disreputable youth, but then settled down to a quiet life at home. She never ventured outside her own neighbourhood, contenting herself with domestic duties. For all her homeliness, many thought she had far too high an opinion of herself, and she had considerable difficulties with local bullies: occasionally she was attacked in her own home and dragged off screaming; ultimately she lost her home altogether. All she could do was try to survive wherever she was led, in a dogged but non-assertive way, relying above all on her memories of her home as she had once kept it, and her unswerving religious devotion. She had no children of her own, but now and then she acted as a foster mother, undiscouraged though she received little gratitude or loyalty from her charges.

世界扭转了这两姐妹的命运。尽管腓尼基事业辉煌，进取心强，声名远播，但她却突然消失了，在她常去、刺激和炫耀了这么久的人群中，她完全没有留下任何记忆。她的女儿确实使她的记忆永存，但最终她并没有变得更好：她被情敌重伤，失去了所有的容貌和财富，然后一无所有。

The world reversed the fortunes of these two sisters. Despite Phoenicia’s glittering career, her enterprising nature and all her popularity, she quite suddenly disappeared, and among the people she had frequented, stimulated and dazzled for so long, she left no memory at all. Her daughter did perpetuate her memory, but in the end she did no better: she was mortally wounded by a rival, lost all her looks and wealth, and then wasted away to nothing.

现在好像腓尼基和她的女儿从来没有去过。然而，朱迪思仍然和我们在一起，经常被嘲笑和羞辱——尤其是被她的寄养孩子们，他们奇怪地怨恨她——但显然和以往一样坚强。就在最近，她甚至回到了她的老家，似乎因此获得了新生。

Now it is as if Phoenicia and her daughter had never been. Yet Judith is still with us, often derided and dishonoured—especially by her foster children, who have been strangely resentful of her—but apparently as sturdy as ever. She has even, just recently, returned to her old home, and seems thereby to have gained a fresh lease of life.

这个小寓言指出了迦南地语言命运的奇怪讽刺。希伯来语（通常自称为 [ y ūdīth]，“犹大的她”）和腓尼基语是古代迦南的两种语言，其他语言是约旦河以东的亚扪语、摩押语和以东语。腓尼基北部海岸也有乌加里特语。一切都可能开始于该地区游牧部落的语言，掠夺哈比鲁。但有些人定居在黎巴嫩海岸。在公元前第一个千年，他们的贸易活动蓬勃发展，他们的语言腓尼基语成为该群体中使用最广泛的语言。相比之下，希伯来语和其他语言从未成为主要语言，仅限于迦南的西南部，而且只是在那一千年的前半部分。在公元前六世纪，由于犹太人被强制流放到巴比伦，希伯来语被削弱了，并且可能最终成为白话，

This little parable points out the strange irony in the fates of the languages of the land of Canaan. Hebrew (often self-named as [yūdīth], ‘she of Judah’) and Phoenician are two of the languages of ancient Canaan, the others being Ammonite, Moabite and Edomite, spoken east of the River Jordan. There was also Ugaritic, spoken on the coast north of Phoenicia. All may have begun as the languages of nomadic tribes in this area, marauding Habiru. But some settled on the coast of Lebanon. During the first millennium BC, their trading activities developed mightily, and their language, Phoenician, became much the most widely spoken of the group. Hebrew and the others, by contrast, never became major languages, being restricted to the south-west of Canaan, and that only in the first part of that millennium. In the sixth century BC, Hebrew was weakened, and probably finished as a vernacular, by virtue of the enforced exile of the Jews to Babylon, coinciding with the spread of Aramaic all over the Babylonian empire.

腓尼基语似乎一直在黎巴嫩海岸使用，直到公元前一世纪（在那里被亚拉姆语取代），在北非直到至少公元五世纪。但是，尽管在此之前许多世纪已经不再使用希伯来语，但犹太人将其作为犹太教的神圣语言的书面和仪式使用从未失效。这种地下存在受到学校教学传统以及持续阅读、解释和复制犹太文本的保护，其中《圣经》的“旧约”只是其中的一小部分。^*

Phoenician appears to have gone on being spoken on the coast of Lebanon until the first century BC (where it was replaced by Aramaic), and in North Africa until at least the fifth century AD. But although Hebrew had ceased to be spoken many centuries before this, its written and ritual use by Jews as the sacred language of Judaism had never lapsed. This underground existence was protected by a tradition of teaching in schools, and persistent reading, exposition and copying of the Jewish texts, of which the Bible’s ‘Old Testament’ is quite a small part.^*

迦南语是非常典型的闪米特语。它们的一个共同特点是倾向于将长 A 音变圆：因此希伯来语š'lōm表示阿拉伯语salām，“和平”。在腓尼基语（和布匿语）中，这种趋势更进一步，甚至短的 A 圆角为ō，长的 A 更圆角为ū：所以永恒的腓尼基语是'ūlōm（相对于希伯来语'ōlām，亚拉姆语'āl'm），并且他们的首席法官拥有头衔sūfet，相当于希伯来语šōpet，旧约中的“法官”一词。腓尼基元音的证据必然是间接的，因为他们的书写系统只标记辅音。

The Canaanite languages are very much typical Semitic languages. One distinctive property they all have in common is a tendency to round their long A sound: hence Hebrew š’lōm for Arabic salām, ‘peace’. In Phoenician (and Punic) this tendency goes farther, with even short A rounded to ō, and long A even more rounded to ū: so the Phoenician for eternity is ’ūlōm (versus Hebrew ’ōlām, Aramaic ’āl’m), and their chief magistrates hold the title sūfet, equivalent to Hebrew šōpet, the word for ‘judge’ in the Old Testament. The evidence for Phoenician vowels is necessarily indirect, since their writing system marked consonants only.

除了其在黎巴嫩的家园之外，在埃及、安纳托利亚南部、塞浦路斯、北非、马耳他、西西里岛、撒丁岛和西班牙南部也发现了腓尼基铭文。这些遥远的铭文往往是与邻近城市推罗和西顿有关的腓尼基方言，推罗通常被引述为国外腓尼基人定居点的母城。尤其是传说中的伊莉莎或狄多的故乡，据说是腓尼基公主狄多建立了迦太基（腓尼基语qart hadašt，“新城”）。许多铭文都是双语的，显示出与卢维安人、希腊语、塞浦路斯人以及最终罗马人的积极关系。

Beyond its homeland in Lebanon, Phoenician inscriptions are found in Egypt, in southern Anatolia, in Cyprus, North Africa, Malta, Sicily, Sardinia and the south of Spain. These far-flung inscriptions tend to be in the dialect of Phoenician associated with the neighbouring cities of Tyre and Sidon, and Tyre is usually quoted as the mother city of Phoenician settlements abroad. In particular, it is the legendary original home of Elissa, or Dido, the Phoenician princess who is said to have founded Carthage (Phoenician qart hadašt, ‘new city’). Many of the inscriptions are bilingual, showing active relations with Luwians, Greeks, Cypriots and ultimately Romans.

我们还阅读了主要的腓尼基档案，最早出现在公元前 11 世纪的埃及故事中，其中一位埃及特工温阿蒙前往比布鲁斯订购木材，不得不与国王扎卡尔巴力进行激烈的讨价还价，他读到写在纸莎草卷上的前几代交易的先例。推罗城也保存着记录，因为约瑟夫斯记载希腊历史学家以弗所的米南德从他们那里汇编了他关于推罗的历史。

We also read of major Phoenician archives, the earliest being in an Egyptian tale of the eleventh century BC, where an Egyptian agent, Wen-Amun, goes to Byblos to order timber, and has to bargain aggressively with King Zakar-baal, who reads out the precedents from deals in earlier generations, written on rolls of papyrus. The city of Tyre also kept records, since Josephus records that the Greek historian Menander of Ephesus had compiled his history of Tyre from them.

碰巧的是，最早的腓尼基铭文是比布鲁斯国王阿希拉姆的墓志铭。它的历史（按其语言）可追溯到公元前 11 世纪。

As it happens, the earliest inscription in Phoenician is the epitaph of Ahiram, king of Byblos. It is dated (by its language) to the eleventh century BC.

比布鲁斯国王亚希拉姆的儿子伊托巴尔为他的父亲亚希拉姆制作的棺材，当时他将他安置在永恒之家。

Coffin which Ittobaal, son of Ahiram, king of Byblos, made for Ahiram his father, when he placed him in the house of eternity.

现在，如果一个国王中的国王或总督中的总督或军队的统帅来攻击比布鲁斯并揭开这棺材，愿他的统治权杖被扯断，愿他的王国的王位被推翻，愿和平逃离来自比布鲁斯！至于他，愿他的铭文被抹去……

Now if a king among kings or a governor among governors or a commander of an army should come up against Byblos and uncover this coffin, may the sceptre of his rule be torn away, may the throne of his kingdom be overturned, and may peace flee from Byblos! And as for him, may his inscription be effaced …

尽管有几千年的历史记载，腓尼基没有幸存的艺术文献。然而，1929 年的一项发现揭示了直接在北部的邻近城市乌加里特的古代文献，可追溯到公元前 14 或 13 世纪^*这里记录的神话和史诗中的中心人物是众所周知的在邪教中隐约可见的神灵在腓尼基城市，尤其是哈达或巴力（意为“主”），他的父亲大衮是一位美丽的配偶女神，有各种名字，包括阿什托雷斯和亚舍拉、仁慈的至高神艾尔，以及神圣的工匠科塔尔和史密斯。一千三百年后，在腓尼基语作为一种语言基本上消亡之后，比布鲁斯的一位斐洛人用希腊语写了一本腓尼基语历史，声称它来自贝鲁特的 Sanchuniathon 的作品，他自己在ammouneis上读过它，这是位于腓尼基神庙中的 Baal Ammon 的柱子。由于斐洛以典型的古代方式，用希腊名字（其中有类似的故事被告知的人）来识别许多腓尼基神，他对腓尼基神话的未经证实的描述（近两千年）受到了一些怀疑。但实际上，Philo 确实提到了 El 作为 Kronos 的名字，^†并让 Dagon 成为他的儿子。大衮后来生下了一个不知名的Dēmarūs，经过多次行动 Demarus、Astartē（又名Asteria）和Adōdos在艾尔的指导下最终成为世界的统治者。Khusor 是工匠之神，在世界的创造和发明的起源中很重要。由于 Astarte 和Asteria 是 Ashtoreth 和 Asherah 的似是而非的希腊音译，而没有希腊语结尾 -os 的 Adōdos将（带有长 O）是 Hadad 的自然腓尼基发音，因此腓尼基神的基本演员表已经到位。

For all its thousand years of recorded history, there is no surviving artistic literature in Phoenician. However, a discovery in 1929 revealed an ancient literature in the neighbouring city directly to the north, Ugarit, dated to the fourteenth or thirteenth century BC^* The central characters in the myths and epics recorded here are gods known to have loomed large in the cults in Phoenician cities, especially Hadad or Baal (which means simply ‘the Lord’), his father Dagon, a beautiful consort goddess who has various names, including Ashtoreth and Asherah, El, the benign high god, and Kothar, the divine craftsman and smith. Thirteen hundred years later, after Phoenician had largely died out as a language, one Philo of Byblos wrote in Greek a Phoenician History, claiming that it was derived from the work of Sanchuniathon of Beirut, who had himself read it on ammouneis, the pillars of Baal Ammon that stood in Phoenician temples. Since Philo, in typical ancient fashion, identifies many of the Phoenician gods by Greek names (of those of whom similar tales were told), his unsupported account of Phoenician mythology was received (for almost two thousand years) with some scepticism. But Philo does in fact mention El as the name of Kronos,^† and makes Dagon his son. Dagon later fathers an unknown Dēmarūs, and after much action Demarus, Astartē (aka Asteria) and Adōdos end up as governors of the world, under El’s direction. Khusor is the craftsman god, important in the creation of the world and the origin of inventions. Since Astarte and Asteria are plausible Greek transliterations of Ashtoreth and Asherah, and Adōdos without its Greek ending -os would (with its long O) be a natural Phoenician pronunciation of Hadad, the basic cast of Phoenician gods is in place.

乌加里特文本也给我们暗示了希伯来文学与失踪的腓尼基作品的接近程度。请记住，希伯来语是乌加里特语的近亲，但不如腓尼基语近亲。现在想想乌加里特的女神阿娜丝是如何打扮自己去迎接巴尔的使者的：

The Ugaritic texts also give us a hint of how close Hebrew literature comes to the missing Phoenician works. Remember that Hebrew is a close relative of Ugaritic, but not as close as Phoenician. Now consider how the goddess Anath of Ugarit decks herself out to meet the emissaries of Baal:

她打了些水，洗了个澡；

She draws some water and bathes;

大地肥沃的天露，

Sky-dew of the fatness of earth,

云骑士的喷雾；

Spray of the Rider of the Clouds;

天上洒下的露水

Dew that the heavens do shed

星星洒下的喷雾。³⁵

Spray that is shed by the stars.³⁵

“地球肥沃的天露”的词是l šmm šmn 'r 。这正是以撒在创世记祝福场景中向雅各承诺（并否认以扫）的内容：

The words for ‘Sky-dew of the fatness of earth’ are l šmm šmn ’r. This is precisely what Isaac promises to Jacob (and denies to Esau) in the blessing scene in Genesis:

愿上帝赐你天上的甘露和地上的肥油³⁶

May God give you of dew of heaven and of fatness of earth³⁶

（当然，传统上，希伯来语拼写过于标记只有辅音，以及一些长元音。）

(Traditionally, of course, Hebrew spelling too marked only consonants, as well as some long vowels.)

希伯来语和乌加里特语足够接近，因此可以共享一些固定短语。结合乌加里特史诗的戏剧人物与旧约的用语，以及斐罗的腓尼基三丘尼亚通历史的叙述，我们或许能够重构比布鲁斯、提尔及其姐妹城市的语言文化。

Hebrew and Ugaritic were close enough, then, to share some fixed phrases. Combining the dramatis personae of the Ugaritic epics with the phraseology of the Old Testament, and the narratives of Philo’s Phoenician History of Sanchuniathon, we may be able to reconstruct something of the verbal culture of Byblos, Tyre and their sister cities.

在以西结的一段著名段落中，泰尔诗歌可能是一个清晰的回声。在一系列关于犹大邻国垮台的预言过程中，先知离题了他预见毁灭的一座城市过去的辉煌：你说，哦，提尔，'我在美貌上是完美的。

There is a clear echo of what Tyrian poetry may have been like in a famous passage of Ezekiel. In the course of a series of prophecies of the downfall of Judah’s various neighbours, the prophet digresses on the past glories of one city for which he foresees destruction: You say, O Tyre, ‘I am perfect in beauty.’

你的领地在公海；

Your domain was on the high seas;

你的建造者把你的美丽带到了完美。

your builders brought your beauty to perfection.

他们用色尼尔用松树制成你所有的木材；

They made all your timbers of pine trees from Senir;

他们从黎巴嫩取了一棵香柏木，为你做了一根桅杆。

they took a cedar from Lebanon and made a mast for you.

他们用巴珊的橡树为你做桨；

Of oaks from Bashan they made your oars;

来自塞浦路斯海岸的柏木

of cypress wood from the coasts of Cyprus

他们用象牙镶嵌了你的甲板。

they made your deck, inlaid with ivory.

来自埃及的精美刺绣亚麻布是你的风帆

Fine embroidered linen from Egypt was your sail

并作为你的旗帜；

and served as your banner;

你的遮阳篷是蓝色和紫色的

your awnings were of blue and purple

以利沙的海岸。

with the coasts of Elishah.

西顿和亚瓦得人是你的桨手；

Men of Sidon and Arwad were your oarsmen;

泰尔啊，你的技术娴熟的人作为你的海员在船上。

your skilled men, O Tyre, were aboard as your seamen.

比布鲁斯的资深工匠在船上

Veteran craftsmen of Byblos were on board

作为船匠来填缝。

as shipwrights to caulk your seams.

海上所有的船只和他们的水手

All the ships of the sea and their sailors

来交易你的商品。

came alongside to trade for your wares.

波斯人、吕底亚人和普特人

Men of Persia, Lydia, and Put

在你的军队中担任士兵。

served as soldiers in your army.

他们把盾牌和头盔挂在你的墙上，

They hung their shields and helmets on your walls,

给你带来辉煌。

bringing you splendour.

Arwad 和 Helech 的人守卫着你的城墙；

Men of Arwad and Helech manned your walls on every side;

Gammad 的人在你的塔楼里。

men of Gammad were in your towers.

他们把盾牌挂在你的墙上；

They hung their shields around your walls;

他们把你的美丽带到了完美。

they brought your beauty to perfection.

… ^*

…^*

他施的船只充当你货物的载体。

The ships of Tarshish serve as carriers for your wares.

你装满了沉重的货物

You are filled with heavy cargo

在大海的中心。

in the heart of the sea.

你的桨手会带你到公海。

Your oarsmen will take you out to the high seas.

但东风会把你打成碎片

But the east wind will break you to pieces

在大海的中心。

in the heart of the sea.

…

当他们为你哀号哀悼

As they wail and mourn over you

他们会为你哀叹：

they will take up a lament concerning you:

“谁曾像提尔一样沉默，

’Who was ever silenced like Tyre,

被海包围？³⁷

surrounded by the sea?’³⁷

迦太基人与其他腓尼基人一样，保留了大量的记录。那些本应保存在纸莎草纸上的铭文已经丢失，但已知有数千种铭文，分配了祭品的权利，献给女神坦克或巴力哈蒙神，或纪念仪式。同样清楚的是，迦太基已经将其语言的行政使用权传递给了西部的邻国马西利亚和马赛西利亚：他们的硬币上刻有布匿字母，边界石也是如此。³⁸

The Carthaginians, like other Phoenicians, kept voluminous records. Those that would have been kept on papyrus are lost, but there are several thousand known inscriptions, assigning rights over sacrificial offerings, making dedications to the goddess Tank or the god Baal Hammon, or commemorating ceremonies. It is also clear that Carthage had passed on the administrative use of its language to the neighbouring states to the west, Massylia and Massaesylia: their coins bear inscriptions in Punic letters, as do boundary stones.³⁸

事实上，有证据表明布匿的整个文献。圣奥古斯丁有句名言：“根据许多学者的说法，布匿书中有很多美德和智慧”。³⁹这一观点得到了罗马元老院的认同，即使在公元前 146 年迦太基城最终被摧毁时，元老院仍下令对一篇特别受推崇的农业论文进行新的翻译和版本。“我们的参议院将这座城市的图书馆展示给了非洲王子，唯一的例外是 28 部 Mago 书籍，他们下令将其翻译成拉丁文……文本委托给在布匿学过的学者。” ⁴⁰它的大约四十个片段被后来的拉丁作者引用，但整个作品都丢失了，即使在拉丁语翻译中也是如此。

Indeed, there is evidence for a whole literature in Punic. St Augustine remarked famously that ‘on the word of many scholars, there was a great deal of virtue and wisdom in the Punic books’.³⁹ This view was shared by the Roman Senate, which even as the city of Carthage was being finally destroyed in 146 BC gave orders for a new translation and edition of one especially admired treatise on agriculture. ‘Our Senate presented the libraries of the city to African princes, with the sole exception of the 28 books of Mago, which they decreed should be translated into Latin … The text was entrusted to scholars learned in Punic.’⁴⁰ Some forty fragments of it are quoted by later Latin authors, but the work as a whole is lost, even in Latin translation.

事实上，没有任何布匿文学作品幸存下来。最接近它的是希腊语翻译，大约七百字，刻在迦太基的巴尔哈蒙神庙中的布匿铭文，记录了迦太基领导人汉诺在非洲西海岸的探索航行（也许是远至加蓬）。它结束：

In fact, no Punic literary work has survived. The closest to it is a Greek translation, in about seven hundred words, of a Punic inscription engraved in the temple of Baal Hammon at Carthage, recording the voyage of exploration by a Carthaginian leader, Hanno, round the western coast of Africa (perhaps as far as Gabon). It ends:

……我们来到了名为南方之角的海湾。角落里有一个小岛……在里面有一个湖，岛上有一个满是野蛮人的小岛。到目前为止，他们中的大多数是女性，身体多毛，被口译员称为“大猩猩”。我们抓不住这些男人，因为他们善于攀爬和用石头自卫，但我们带走了三个女人，她们激烈反抗，又咬又撕。然而，我们杀了他们，剥了他们的皮，然后把兽皮带回了迦太基。我们没有继续航行，因为我们的补给已经用完了。⁴¹

… we came to the gulf named Horn of the South. In the corner was an island … and in it a lake with an island full of savage people. By far the majority of them were female, hairy in body, called by the interpreters ‘gorillas’. We could not catch the men because of their skill at climbing and defending themselves with stones, but we took three women, who fiercely resisted, biting and tearing. However, we killed them and skinned them, and brought the hides back to Carthage. We did not sail further since our supplies had given out.⁴¹

这部文本是布匿文学残骸中为数不多的短暂幸存者之一，本应讲述这样一次独特的冒险，这令人着迷。

It is tantalising that this text, one of the few brief survivals from the wreck of Punic literature, should have recounted such a unique adventure.

在地中海世界如此广泛扩张之后，如何解释腓尼基语及其后继方言布匿语的彻底丧失？我们这里还有另一个未回答的问题，而且在很大程度上还没有被问到。

How is the total loss of Phoenician, and its successor dialect Punic, to be explained, after such a widespread expansion across the Mediterranean world? We have here another unanswered, and as yet largely unasked, question.

亚历山大在公元前 332 年洗劫提尔后，腓尼基人的贸易在几个世纪以来一直保持繁荣，没有进一步的灾难威胁到贸易商的稳定。布匿语并没有迅速消亡，即使在其海外省份，与迦太基的所有行政联系都在公元前二世纪末被切断：例如，在撒丁岛，发现了几个“新布匿”铭文，最新的，在最南端的比提亚，直到公元二世纪末才制造。即使迦太基作为一个城市的生活在公元前 146 年被残酷地打断，一个世纪后奥古斯都将它重建为罗马城镇。然后它享受了繁荣的晚年生活，直到西方罗马帝国的终结。我们可以推测它的语言在北非仍然存在，直到公元五世纪：⁴²

After Alexander’s sack of Tyre in 332 BC, Phoenician trade remained prosperous for many centuries, with no further disasters to threaten the traders’ stability. The Punic language did not die out promptly, even in its overseas provinces, where all the administrative links to Carthage were cut by the end of the second century BC: in Sardinia, for example, several ‘neo-Punic’ inscriptions have been found, the latest, at Bithia in the extreme south, made as late as the end of the second century AD. And even if the life of Carthage as a city was brutally punctuated in 146 BC, it was refounded as a Roman town by Augustus a century later. It then enjoyed a flourishing later life till the end of the Roman empire in the west. We may surmise that its language survived in use in North Africa, until the fifth century AD: Augustine tells us that he had to quote his Punic proverbs in Latin since ‘not everybody’ would understand the original.⁴²

然而，自从亚历山大征服西亚以来，近东的文化普遍趋于平缓，希腊语和阿拉姆语的传播以牺牲所有少数民族语言为代价。尽管亚拉姆语是一种与腓尼基语或希伯来语密切相关的语言，但在这一时期，希腊语仍被大部分犹太社区（尤其是埃及人）使用。希腊语也成为罗马人教育的基础学科，到公元前二世纪，罗马人被明确地视为新兴力量。

Nevertheless, ever since Alexander’s conquest of western Asia there had been a general cultural levelling in the Near East, with Greek and Aramaic spreading at the expense of all the minority languages. Although Aramaic was a language closely related to Phoenician or Hebrew, Greek had still been taken up by a large part of the Jewish community (especially those in Egypt) in this period. Greek had also become a basic subject in the education of Romans, who were by the second century BC clearly recognised as the rising power.

因此，文化潮流强烈支持希腊语。事实上，尽管其用户具有商业实力，但腓尼基语或布匿语可能从未被广泛用作通用语，甚至作为非洲以外的贸易术语。毕竟，贸易语言是客户的语言，而不是商人的语言。

The cultural undertow was thus running strongly in favour of Greek. And in fact it is possible that, despite its users’ commercial prowess, Phoenician or Punic had never been widely used as a lingua franca or even as a trade jargon outside Africa. The language of trade is, after all, perforce that of the customer, rather than that of the merchant.

罗马喜剧演员普劳图斯在他的戏剧Poenulus中的一个场景中说明了这一点，“布匿人”——“朋克”？——该剧于公元前 2 世纪初出现，即第二次布匿战争结束后不久。⁴³一位迦太基商人试图在布匿与几个罗马人交谈，尽管他知道拉丁语，但很快就厌倦了他们对他和他的语言不断的双关语和笑话，以掩盖自称是有点布匿专家。（Hanno 的 Punic 用粗体表示，与之相呼应的拉丁语用粗斜体表示。）

The Roman comedian Plautus illustrates this in a scene from his play Poenulus, ‘the Punic guy’—’Punk’?—which came out in the early second century BC, soon after the end of the Second Punic War.⁴³ A Carthaginian merchant tries talking to a couple of Romans in Punic, even though he knows Latin, but soon tires of their constant heavy puns and jokes on him and his language, to cloak the poor language skills of the one who claims to be a bit of Punic expert. (Hanno’s Punic is in bold, and the Latin that echoes it is in bold italics.)

HANNO：mechar bocca MILPHIO：Istuc tibi sit potius quam mihi。AGORASTOCLES：交换？MILPHIO：miseram esse praedicat buccam sibi。fortasse medicos nos esse 任意性。

HANNO: mechar bocca MILPHIO: Istuc tibi sit potius quam mihi. AGORASTOCLES: quid ait? MILPHIO: miseram esse praedicat buccam sibi. fortasse medicos nos esse arbitrarier.

AGORASTOCLES: si ita est nega esse; nolo 自我错误的医院。

AGORASTOCLES: si ita est nega esse; nolo ego errare hospitem.

米尔菲奥：你呢？HANNO: rufe ynny cho is sam

MILPHIO: audin tu? HANNO: rufe ynny cho is sam

AGORASTOCLES: sic volo profecto vera cuncta huic expedirier。roga numquid opu' 坐。MILPHIO：tu qui sonam non habes，quid in hanc venistis urbem aut quid quaeritis？

AGORASTOCLES: sic volo profecto vera cuncta huic expedirier. roga numquid opu’ sit. MILPHIO: tu qui sonam non habes, quid in hanc venistis urbem aut quid quaeritis?

HANNO: muphursa AGORASTOCLES: quid ait？

HANNO: muphursa AGORASTOCLES: quid ait?

HANNO: mi uulech ianna

AGORASTOCLES：交换？

AGORASTOCLES: quid venit?

MILPHIO：非奥迪？mures Africanos praedicat 在 pompam ludis 敢于 se velle aedilibus。

MILPHIO: non audis? mures Africanos praedicat in pompam ludis dare se velle aedilibus.

汉诺：早上好。米尔菲奥：你比我好。

HANNO: Good morning to you. MILPHIO: Better you than me.

AGORASTOCLES：他在说什么？MILPHIO：他说他的下巴疼。

AGORASTOCLES: What is he saying? MILPHIO: He says his jaw hurts.

也许他认为我们是医生。

Perhaps he thinks we are doctors.

AGORASTOCLES：那么说我们不是；作为一个陌生人，我不想让他被误导。

AGORASTOCLES: Then say we’re not; as a stranger, I don’t want him misled.

米尔菲奥：你在听吗？汉诺：医生，没有人是完美的。

MILPHIO: Are you listening? HANNO: Doctor, no one is perfect.

AGORASTOCLES：是的，我当然希望向我解释这一切。问他是否需要什么。MILPHIO：你没有腰带，你为什么来这个城市，或者你想要什么？

AGORASTOCLES: Yes, I certainly want all this explained to me. Ask him if he needs anything. MILPHIO: YOU without a belt, why have you people come to this city, or what are you after?

汉诺：什么意思？AGORASTOCLES：他在说什么？

HANNO: What do you mean? AGORASTOCLES: What is he saying?

汉诺：他对陌生人有什么打算？

HANNO: What is he on about to a stranger?

AGORASTOCLES：他为什么来？

AGORASTOCLES: Why has he come?

米尔菲奥：你没听见吗？非洲老鼠[给“大象”开个玩笑？]他说他想在马戏团游行时向城市管理员展示。⁴⁴

MILPHIO: Don’t you hear? African mice [a joke for ‘elephants’?] he says he wants to present to the city wardens for the circus parade.⁴⁴

尽管如此，布匿语对话在那里的事实表明，当时的罗马人对布匿语并不陌生，而且很值得一笑。

Still, the fact that the Punic dialogue is in there at all suggests that a smattering of Punic was not strange to Romans at the time, and good for a laugh.

据说迦太基军队（主要由来自西地中海各地的雇佣兵组成）是用希腊语指挥的。当然，在公元前 241 年至 238 年的大兵变中，即所谓的“无休战战争”中，士兵们铸造的硬币是用希腊文刻的。众所周知，陪同汉尼拔出征意大利的史莱诺斯和索西洛斯的编年史家都是用希腊语写作的。当汉尼拔在西西里的赫拉神庙竖起一块牌匾记录他的功绩时，它是用希腊语和布匿语写的。⁴⁵

The Carthaginian army (largely made up of mercenaries from all over the western Mediterranean) is said to have been commanded in Greek; certainly the coins struck by the soldiers during the great mutiny in 241-238 BC, the so-called ‘Truceless War’, were inscribed in Greek. And it is known that the annalists who accompanied Hannibal on campaign in Italy, Silenos and Sosylos, wrote in Greek. When Hannibal put up a plaque recording his exploits in a temple of Hera in Sicily, it was in Greek as well as Punic.⁴⁵

腓尼基人和迦太基人，以精明的商人而臭名昭著，一定是实用主义者；就像他们的现代类似物一样，他们会专注于交流手段的实际效用，并相应地选择一种语言。在公元前最后几个世纪，很明显，地中海最普遍有用的国际语言是希腊语。

The Phoenicians and Carthaginians, notorious as shrewd businessmen, must have been pragmatists; like their modern analogues, they would have focused on the practical utility of a means of communication, and chosen a language accordingly. In the last couple of centuries BC, it was clear that the most generally useful international language in the Mediterranean was Greek.

在迦太基本身，以及利比亚（东部）和努米迪亚（西部）的北非省份，布匿确实继续被使用。但是在罗马征服（公元前 146 年）之后，没有证据表明布匿文学活动。读写能力似乎仅限于使用拉丁语和希腊语。布匿文化传统不再被培养，这个曾经高度文化的社会的物质记录也没有持续太久。

In Carthage itself, and the North African provinces of Libya (to the east) and Numidia (to the west), Punic did continue to be used. But there is no evidence of Punic literary activity after the Roman conquest (146 BC). Literacy seems to have become restricted to the use of Latin and Greek. The Punic cultural traditions ceased to be fostered, and the physical record of this once highly literate society did not last much longer.

行政和文学记录的通用媒介是纸莎草纸，这种材料只能在极其干燥的条件下（例如埃及沙漠的条件下）长期保存。没有刻在石头、象牙或粘土等耐用介质上的文本将无法保存，除非它们被反复复制——在整个古代晚期和中世纪，这项服务一直为希腊语和拉丁语，甚至是希伯来语的开创性文本提供服务，直到印刷机使他们安全。没有保存腓尼基或布匿文本的传统，因此它们与写在上面的纸莎草一起灭亡。

The universal medium for administrative and literary records had been papyrus, a material that survives long-term only in extremely dry conditions (such as those of the Egyptian desert). Texts that were not inscribed on a durable medium such as stone, ivory or clay would not survive unless they were repeatedly copied—a service that was maintained for seminal texts in Greek and Latin, and indeed Hebrew, throughout late antiquity and the Middle Ages, until the printing press made them safe. There was no tradition to preserve Phoenician or Punic texts, and so they perished with the papyrus on which they had been written.

至于口语方言，它们很可能会幸存下来，直到被更大规模的相邻语言所取代。有趣的是，在这两种情况下，这些新语言都是闪米特语，与迦南方言密切相关，实际上与它们非常相似。公元前一世纪，黎巴嫩的腓尼基人将屈服于亚拉姆语；北非布匿的最后残余可能在公元七世纪甚至八世纪屈服于阿拉伯语。^*

As for the spoken dialects, they will most likely have survived until succeeded by larger-scale neighbouring languages. Interestingly, in both cases, these new languages were Semitic, closely related to Canaanite dialects and in fact rather similar to them. Phoenician in the Lebanon will have yielded to Aramaic in the first century BC; and the last remnants of Punic in North Africa probably succumbed to Arabic in the seventh or even eighth century AD.^*

阿拉姆语——沙漠之歌：西亚的国际语

Aramaic—the desert song: Interlingua of western Asia

希西家王在位十四年，亚述王西拿基立进攻犹大所有的坚固城，将其夺取。然后他从拉吉派他的野战指挥官率领一支大军在耶路撒冷去见希西家王……野战指挥官对[希西家的使者以利亚敬、舍伯纳和约亚]说：

这就是伟大的亚述王所说的：你基于你的这种信心？……耶和华亲自告诉我要向这个国家进军并摧毁它。

In the fourteenth year of King Hezekiah’s reign, Sennacherib king of Assyria attacked all the fortified cities of Judah and captured them. Then he sent his field commander with a large army from Lachish to King Hezekiah at Jerusalem … The field commander said to [Eliakim, Shebna and Joah, Hezekiah’s emissaries]:

This is what the great king, the king of Assyria says: on what are you basing this confidence of yours? … Yahweh himself told me to march against this country and destroy it.

然后以利亚金、舍伯纳和琼对战地指挥官说，先生，

请用亚拉姆语 [ 'arāmīth ] 与我们交谈，因为我们明白了。不要在墙上的人面前用希伯来语 [ y ūdīth ] 对我们说话。

Then Eliakim, Shebna and Joan said to the field commander,

Please speak to us in Aramaic [’arāmīth], sir, since we understand it. Don’t speak to us in Hebrew [yūdīth] in the hearing of the people on the wall.

指挥官却回答说：

我的主人让我说这些话，难道只是对你和你，而不是对坐在墙上的那些人，像你这样吃自己的屎喝自己的尿？

But the commander replied:

Was it only to your master and you that my master sent me to say these things, and not to the men sitting on the wall—who like you will have to eat their own shit and drink their own piss?

然后元帅站起来用希伯来语喊道：

请听伟大的国王亚述王的话！这就是国王所说的：不要让希西家欺骗你。他不能救你！…

Then the commander stood and called out in Hebrew:

Hear the words of the great king, the king of Assyria! This is what the king says: do not let Hezekiah deceive you. He cannot deliver you!…

以赛亚书 xxxvi.1-14（= 2 个国王 xviii.17-29）

Isaiah xxxvi.1-14 (= 2 Kings xviii.17-29)

这些发生在公元前 701 年的事件表明，在这个阶段，亚兰语虽然是亚述帝国和犹大王国高级军官的通用语，但并不是犹大普通士兵的语言。

These events, which took place in 701 BC, show that at this stage Aramaic, although the lingua franca of senior officers in the Assyrian empire and the kingdom of Judah, was not the language of Judah’s common soldier.

这是要改变的。亚述人如此彻底地实行国内驱逐政策，他们的继任者继续实行，这一次值得注意的受害者是希伯来语，以及在犹大地使用该语的许多人。

This was to change. The policy of internal deportation so thoroughly applied by the Assyrians was continued by their successors, and this time a notable victim was the Hebrew language, along with many of its speakers in the land of Judah.

公元前 609 年，亚述最终被东方的玛代人和南方的巴比伦人联合征服时，除了阿卡德语不再用亚述书写外，没有直接的语言影响。亚拉姆语继续作为美索不达米亚的标准口语，从此由巴比伦统治（如果有的话）。但其他人注意到了重大的政治变化。尤其是埃及，看到了机会，入侵了巴勒斯坦和叙利亚。

When in 609 BC Assyria was at last subjugated by an alliance of Medes from the east and Babylonians from the south, there were no direct linguistic effects, except that Akkadian ceased to be written in Assyria. Aramaic continued as the standard spoken language of Mesopotamia, which was henceforth governed (if at all) from Babylon. But others had noticed the momentous political change. Egypt, in particular, saw an opportunity and invaded Palestine and Syria.

巴比伦王储尼布甲尼撒 ( Nabū-kudurri-u ur , 'Nabŭ, 保护我的后代') 做出了有效回应。20 年后，当这次和也许另外两次埃及入侵被击退时，曾两次站在埃及人一边的耶路撒冷，已经完全落入巴比伦手中。它的大部分人口要么作为难民前往埃及，要么作为被驱逐者前往巴比伦。

Babylon’s crown prince Nebuchadrezzar (Nabū-kudurri-uur, ‘Nabŭ, protect my offspring’) responded effectively. Twenty years later, by the time this and perhaps two more Egyptian invasions had been repulsed, Jerusalem, which had twice sided with the Egyptians, was definitively in Babylonian hands. Most of its population went either as refugees to Egypt or as deportees to Babylon.

这正是扼杀语言的那种处理方式，正如 19 世纪和 20 世纪如此多的土著人的经验所证明的那样，他们被殖民者或社会工程师从北卡罗来纳州等不同地区迁离他们的土地，昆士兰、埃塞俄比亚、西伯利亚和西藏。有希伯来的哀歌，非常清楚危险：

This is precisely the sort of treatment that kills off a language, as can be attested by the experience of so many indigenous people in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, moved off their lands by colonists or social engineers, in regions as varied as North Carolina, Queensland, Ethiopia, Siberia and Tibet. There are Hebrew songs of lamentation, all too conscious of the danger:

'al naharō bābel šām yašbenō gam ba înŭ bəzā rēnŭ ě îôn …

’al naharō bābel šām yašbenō gam baînŭ bəzārēnŭ ě îôn …

当我们想起锡安时，我们坐在巴比伦河边哭泣。

我们把竖琴挂在白杨树上，

因为那里我们的俘虏要我们唱歌，

我们的折磨者要我们欢乐的歌曲；

他们说：“给我们唱一首锡安的歌吧！” 我们在异国

他乡怎么能唱耶和华的歌呢？耶路撒冷啊，如果我忘记了你，愿我的右手忘记它的技巧。如果我不记得你，愿我的舌头贴在我的上颚……

By the rivers of Babylon we sat and wept

when we remembered Zion.

There on the poplars we hung our harps

for there our captors asked us for songs,

our tormentors asked for songs of joy;

They said, ‘Sing us one of the songs of Zion!’

How can we sing the songs of Yahweh

while in a foreign land?

If I forget you, O Jerusalem,

may my right hand forget its skill.

May my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth

if I do not remember you …

诗篇 cxxxvii。1-6

Psalm cxxxvii. 1-6

然而，他们确实忘记了，至少忘记了耶路撒冷的讲话。在巴比伦的人群中，曾经是犹太精英的世界性语言的亚拉姆语成为他们的方言，而人民的语言希伯来语则成为只有博学之士才能知道的语言。两代人之后，它已经从言语中消失了，538 年，波斯国王居鲁士在征服巴比伦后的第一次改革中，允许犹太人返回。^*

Yet they did forget, at least the speech of Jerusalem. Amid the crowds of Babylon, Aramaic, which had been the cosmopolitan language for the Jewish elite, became their vernacular, and Hebrew, the language of the people, became a tongue known only to the learned. It had already vanished from speech two generations later, when in 538 the Persian king Cyrus, in one of his first reforms after conquering Babylon, allowed the Jews to return.^*

亚拉姆语现在与巴比伦帝国密不可分，并且出现了该语言的新标准版本，通常称为帝国亚拉姆语。它在东部地区发展起来，亚兰人定居者在美索不达米亚定居，因此受到阿卡德语的影响比在亚兰语和叙利亚其他地区使用的更古老、有些人会说更真实的版本更受阿卡德语的影响。然而，这种方言注定不仅会成为巴比伦帝国的标准，而且会成为取代它的更大的波斯帝国的标准，用《以斯帖记》中令人敬畏的话来说，“从Hōdŭ到Kŭš 有超过 127 个省”，即从印度斯坦到埃及南部的库什地区。

The Aramaic language was now inseparable from the Babylonian empire, and a new standard version of the language arose, usually known as Imperial Aramaic. It had developed in the eastern areas, where the Aramaean settlers had established themselves in Mesopotamia, and as such was more influenced by Akkadian than its more ancient, and some would say more authentic, version spoken in Aram and the rest of Syria. Yet this dialect was destined to become the standard not just for the Babylonian empire, but for the much greater Persian empire that replaced it, ‘over 127 provinces stretching from Hōdŭ to Kŭš’, in the awed phrase of the Book of Esther, i.e. from Hindustan to the land of Kush, south of Egypt.

这种方言的显着特征是相当小的东西，例如复数 - îm被 - în取代，复数-ayyā被 - ē取代，在动词的某些形式中，首字母 h 被去掉，被声门塞音取代 ' (让人联想到口语的伦敦英语）。事实上，这个标准的模型似乎是受过教育的波斯人说和写的巴比伦亚拉姆语。⁴⁶这种殖民移植成为有效标准的事实并不比当前流行的通用美国英语作为世界英语标准更令人惊讶。作为“标准文学亚拉姆语”，它在接下来的千年中基本保持不变。

The distinctive traits of this dialect were fairly small things, such as plural-îm replaced by -în, plural -ayyā by -ē, and in some forms of the verb the dropping of initial h, to be replaced by a glottal stop ’ (rather reminiscent of colloquial London English). In fact, the model for this standard seems to have been Babylonian Aramaic as spoken and written by educated Persians.⁴⁶ The fact of this colonial transplant becoming the effective standard is no more surprising than the current popularity of General American as a world standard for English. As ‘Standard Literary Aramaic’ it was to remain essentially unchanged for the next millennium.

更令人惊讶的是，阿拉姆语在一定程度上也被用作国际交流的语言。在埃及首都孟菲斯附近的萨卡拉，发现了一张 7 世纪晚期的非利士国王纸莎草纸，用亚拉姆语请求埃及法老帮助对抗巴比伦国王。不久之后，就在巴比伦洗劫耶路撒冷之前，犹大国王的顾问耶利米在希伯来语的长篇大论中闯入亚拉姆语。这是对外国偶像崇拜者的口号：

More surprisingly, Aramaic was also used to an extent as a language for international communication. At Saqqara, near the site of the Egyptian capital Memphis, a late seventh-century papyrus from a Philistine king has been discovered, asking in Aramaic for the Egyptian pharaoh’s help against the king of Babylon; soon afterwards, Jeremiah, an adviser to the kings of Judah just before Babylon sacked Jerusalem, breaks into Aramaic in the midst of a tirade in Hebrew. This is for a slogan to cast in the teeth of foreign idolaters:

这些没有创造天地的神，

These gods, who did not make the heavens and the earth,

必从地上从天下灭亡。

will perish from the earth and from under the heavens.

耶利米 X. 11

Jeremiah x. 11

在事件中，那些神灵的阿拉姆语信徒应该继承地球，至少从印度到库什。然而，这种语言能够跨越这些遥远的距离，并不是因为它实际上是由不同的人群使用的，而是因为它作为一种书面的国际语言，被一个有文化的翻译网络所理解，即sepīru。统治者或官员会用自己的语言口授一封信，而sepīru会用亚拉姆语写下来。当文件到达收件人时——波斯也以其出色的邮政服务而闻名——它会被另一个sepīru阅读，他会用他主人或情妇的任何语言大声说出来。这个过程被称为paraš，在阿拉姆语中的字面意思是“声明”，或uzvārišn，在波斯语中是“解释”。⁴⁷

In the event, the Aramaic-speaking believers in those gods were due to inherit the earth, at least from India to Kush. However, the language was usable across these vast distances not because it was actually spoken by the various populations, but because it acted as a written interlingua, understood by a network of literate translators and interpreters, the sepīru. A ruler or official would dictate a letter in his own language, and the sepīru would write it down in Aramaic; when the document reached its addressee—Persia was also renowned for its excellent postal service—it would be read by another sepīru who would speak it aloud in whatever was the language of his master or mistress. This process was called paraš, literally ‘declaration’ in Aramaic, or uzvārišn, ‘explanation’ in Persian.⁴⁷

在以斯拉记 iv.18 中，波斯国王亚达薛西收到了一些来自幼发拉底河下游的地方政府官员的亚拉姆语信件的口头翻译。他开始回答（用亚拉姆语报道，但毫无疑问是用波斯语口述的）：

In Ezra iv.18, the Persian king Artaxerxes receives in oral translation the Aramaic letter of some local government officials from Trans-Euphrates. He begins his reply (reported in Aramaic, but no doubt dictated in Persian):

问候，现在：

您寄给我们的信已在我们面前翻译和阅读……

Greetings, and now:

the letter you sent us was translated and read in our presence …

相同的实用系统在国际上使用，尽管它必须受到波斯语领域以外语言的双语sēpiru可用性的限制。在希腊语的伯罗奔尼撒战争中，一位从波斯国王到斯巴达的信使于 428 年被雅典人截获：他的信件随后需要被翻译为ek t໗n Assuríōn grammátōn，“来自亚述文字”。如果没有信使的paraš，它在斯巴达的真正收件人不太可能理解它们。⁴⁸

The same practical system was in use internationally, though it must have been limited by the availability of bilingual sēpiru for languages beyond the Persian realm. In the Greeks’ Peloponnesian War, a messenger from the Persian king to Sparta was intercepted in 428 by the Athenians: his letters then needed to be translated ek t໗n Assuríōn grammátōn, ‘from the Assyrian writing’. It is unlikely that its real addressees in Sparta would have been able to make any sense of them without the messenger’s paraš.⁴⁸

该系统的便利性一定是该语言传播的强烈动机，它进入了一些令人惊奇的地方，尤其是犹太经文。除了以斯拉记中的亚拉姆语字母外，但以理书（写于公元前 2 世纪）中的长篇文章也是用亚兰语写成的，因为它叙述了这位犹太顾问在巴比伦宫廷的各种冒险和异象。巴比伦和波斯国王的继位。它开始于希伯来语描述他在被巴比伦国王招募后作为sepīru的训练，为期三年的ēpirū-ləšôn kasdîm 课程，“迦勒底人的文字和语言”。⁴⁹

The convenience of this system must have acted as a strong motive for the spread of the language, and it gets into some amazing places, notably the Jewish scriptures. Besides the Aramaic letters in the book of Ezra, long passages in the book of Daniel (written in the second century BC) are written in Aramaic, appropriately so since it recounts the various adventures and visions of this Jewish counsellor at court in Babylon under a succession of Babylonian and then Persian kings. It begins with a Hebrew description of his training as a sepīru, after being recruited by the Babylonian king, a three-year course in ēpir ū-ləšôn kasdîm, ‘the writing and language of the Chaldaeans’.⁴⁹

这种由多语言paraš伪装的对通用语的谨慎使用（这让人想起那种天真的小说，旅行者可以去任何地方，立即与当地人进行严肃的对话，从未注意到任何语言障碍）与在其他官方职能中继续使用当地语言非常兼容。一个例子是关于铸币的传说：事实上，这种有政府担保的支付方式是最近才发明的（在安纳托利亚西部的吕底亚）。它在波斯帝国的传播速度很慢，大多数当代硬币都来自西部省份。因此，波斯时代的硬币上刻有希腊语和安纳托利亚南部的几乎所有其他语言（吕底亚语、西迪克语、卡里亚语和利西亚语——都与赫梯语和卢维语有关）；亚拉姆语用于安纳托利亚北部（弗里吉亚语可能仍在使用），在西里西亚（曾是巴比伦帝国的一部分，与腓尼基有着密切的联系）和美索不达米亚。在埃及，也有用通俗埃及语铸造的硬币。⁵⁰

This discreet use of a lingua franca disguised by multilingual paraš (rather reminiscent of that naive sort of fiction where travellers can go anywhere and at once get into serious conversations with the local people, never noticing any language barrier) was quite compatible with continuing use of local languages in other official functions. One example is the legends on coined money: in fact, this means of payment with a government guarantee had only recently been invented (in Lydia, western Anatolia). It spread only slowly in the Persian empire, and most contemporary coins come from the western provinces. So there are Persian-era coins inscribed in Greek and pretty much every other language of southern Anatolia (Lydian, Sidetic, Carian and Lycian—all related to Hittite and Luwian); Aramaic is used in northern parts of Anatolia (where Phrygian was probably still in use), in Cilicia (which had been part of the Babylonian empire, and had had strong links with Phoenicia) and in Mesopotamia. In Egypt there were also coins struck in demotic Egyptian.⁵⁰

尽管埃及吞并波斯帝国为时已晚，但埃及人仍然大量使用亚拉姆语。这种语言会提前出现，还有大量来自亚兰、腓尼基、以东、犹大和其他受巴比伦威胁或支配的国家的难民和移民，事实上他们的共同语言是亚拉姆语。但是许多埃及人也被吸引到这个社区中，正如出现在阿拉姆语文本中的埃及名字所显示的那样，当波斯人被托勒密取代时，埃及人继续使用阿拉姆语作为法律文件。⁵¹

Still the Egyptians became heavy users of Aramaic, despite the lateness of Egypt’s annexation to the Persian empire. The language would have come in beforehand, along with a sizeable population of refugees and émigrés from Aram, Phoenicia, Edom, Judah and other countries threatened or dominated by Babylon, with a de facto common language in Aramaic. But many Egyptians were also drawn into this community, as the Egyptian names occurring in Aramaic texts show, and when the Persians were replaced by the Ptolemies Egyptians continued to use Aramaic for legal documents.⁵¹

由于气候干燥，埃及提供了这一时期几乎所有幸存的亚拉姆语文本，写在纸莎草纸或皮革上，特别是波斯总督 (satrap) 的信件，称为 Arsames，这是一包来自卢克索之间的一个家庭的信件和 Syene（阿斯旺）在尼罗河上下，以及在 Syene 的犹太军事驻军档案，包括相当数量的法律文件和发往耶路撒冷的商业信函。这还包括圣人 Ahiqar 的谚语，他是公元前 7 世纪初亚述国王西拿基立和以撒哈顿宫廷的传奇顾问，其中一条作为本章第二部分的题词出现。经历过宫廷生活的他，特别在意泄密和恶意八卦的威力：

Egypt, because of its dry climate, has provided almost all the surviving texts in Aramaic from this period, written on papyrus or leather, particularly the correspondence of a Persian governor (satrap) called Arsames, a packet of letters from a family distributed between Luxor and Syene (Aswan) up and down the Nile, and at Syene the archives of the Jewish military garrison, including a fair number of legal documents and business letters to Jerusalem. This also includes the proverbs of the sage Ahiqar, a legendary counsellor at the court of the Assyrian kings Sennacherib and Esarhaddon in the early seventh century BC, one of which appears as epigraph to the second section of this chapter. Having experience of life at court, he is particularly concerned about the power of leaks and malicious gossip:

我的儿子，

My son,

不要喋喋不休，让你说出你脑海中浮现的每一个词；因为人的眼睛和耳朵到处都训练在你的嘴上。当心，以免它成为你的毁灭。比所有的儆醒更注意你的嘴巴，你所听到的使你的心刚硬。

Chatter not overmuch so that thou speak out every word that come to thy mind; for men’s eyes and ears are everywhere trained upon thy mouth. Beware lest it be thy undoing. More than all watchfulness watch thy mouth, and over what thou hearest harden thy heart.

因为一个词是一只鸟：一旦被释放，任何人都无法重新捕捉它。先数一数你口中的秘密，然后数数说出你的话。因为口中的训导，胜过战争的训导。

For a word is a bird: once released no man can recapture it. First count the secrets of thy mouth: then bring out thy words by number. For the instruction of a mouth is stronger than the instruction of war.

不要轻视国王的话：让它治愈你的肉体...... ⁵²

Treat not lightly the word of a king: let it be healing for thy flesh …⁵²

这些信件表明，正如耶利米所哀叹的那样，一些犹太人确实与外星神有着非常熟悉的关系。考虑一下一位侍从，他写在一块破碎的陶器上：“献给我的主米该亚，你的仆人吉德尔。我送你福利和生活。我通过 Yaho [即 Yahweh] 和 Khnub [当地神] 祝福你。现在把你穿的衣服寄给我，他们会补上的。我寄信是为了你的福祉。⁵³

The letters reveal that some Jews, as Jeremiah had lamented, were indeed on pretty familiar terms with alien gods. Consider this from a valet, written on a piece of broken pottery: ‘To my lord Micaiah, your servant Giddel. I send you welfare and life. I bless you by Yaho [i.e. Yahweh] and Khnub [a local god]. Now send me the garment you are wearing and they will mend it. I send the note for your welfare.’⁵³

在安纳托利亚的北部，人们所说的语言肯定至少和硬币传说一样多样化。然而，希腊文、吕底亚文和吕西亚文的铭文被发现伴随着阿拉姆语的翻译，特别是对于法律的巨大铭文。

Away to the north in Anatolia, languages spoken must have been at least as various as the coin legends; nevertheless, inscriptions in Greek, Lydian and Lycian have been found accompanied by translation in Aramaic, especially for monumental inscriptions of laws.

印度皇帝阿育王的三张宣传铭文在帝国的另一端也证明了阿拉姆语的普遍性（见第 5 章，“印度生活中的梵语”，第 187 页）。这些可以追溯到较晚的时代，即公元前三世纪，当时亚拉姆语已经被希腊语取代，成为整个伊朗的官方行政语言。尽管如此，阿育王仍然认为在改变后的三四代人之后，将这些对美德的永久劝告——特别推荐素食主义——用亚拉姆语和希腊语进行。

The pervasiveness of Aramaic is also demonstrated at the opposite end of the empire by three propaganda inscriptions of the Indian emperor Aśoka (see Chapter 5, ‘Sanskrit in Indian life’, p. 187). These date from a later era, the third century BC, when Aramaic had already been supplanted by Greek as the official language of administration across Iran. Nevertheless, Aśoka still saw fit to put up these permanent exhortations to virtue—with vegetarianism specifically recommended—in Aramaic as well as Greek, three or four generations after the change.

… 凯爱埃克赛泰

… KAI AIIEXETAI

……弃权

… and abstains

动物之王，其余的仍然

the King from animals and the rest still

男人和所有的猎人和渔民

of men and all hunters and fishermen

国王已停止狩猎……

of the King have ceased hunting …

此外，关于食物，为我们的国王国王很少[动物]被杀：见此，所有人都停止了；即使是捕鱼者，那些人也被禁止...... ⁵⁴

And besides, as regards food, for our lord the King few [animals] are killed: seeing this, all men have ceased; even fish catchers, those people are under a prohibition…⁵⁴

到目前为止，在这个边境地区已经发现了三处阿拉姆语铭文，分别位于坎大哈、拉格曼、喀布尔以东（Lampāka）、⁵⁵和塔克西拉学术中心（Tak aśila），所有这些都在波斯省声称作为犍陀罗。用现代术语来说，它们在阿富汗的边界上，但在其与巴基斯坦接壤的遥远边界上，这表明亚拉姆语的渗透到了波斯控制的极限，甚至可能超出了它自己的一些文化势头。^*

There have been three Aramaic inscriptions discovered so far in this border area, in Kandahar, in Laghman, east of Kabul (Lampāka),⁵⁵ and the academic centre of Taxila (Takaśila), all of which would have been in the Persian province claimed as Gandhara. In modern terms, they are on the borders of Afghanistan, but on its far borders abutting Pakistan, demonstrating the penetration of Aramaic to the very limits of Persian control and perhaps even beyond, presumably with some cultural momentum of its own.^*

当阿拉姆语走向其辉煌的尽头时，并不是通过渗透，因为阿拉姆语已经结束了阿卡德语的长期统治。这是通过彻底而突然的征服。

When Aramaic came to the end of its glory, it was not through infiltration, as Aramaic had ended the long reign of Akkadian. It was through outright and sudden conquest.

在波斯国王大流士和薛西斯试图结束爱琴海沿岸希腊城邦的独立但未能成功的五代之后（尽管他们很容易驯服了与安纳托利亚接壤的希腊城市），另一个大国在波斯失败的地方取得了成功。马其顿的菲利普减少了整个欧洲希腊，一直声称自己是希腊语。这种基于语言和文化的说法令人惊讶地难以证实，因为马其顿语中几乎没有一个词幸存下来。⁵⁶但他的儿子亚历山大，也许是出于不安全感而具有侵略性，^†决定通过承诺报复希腊语在波斯人试图入侵时遭受的侮辱来证明他的归属感。（这并不是说这阻止了他，在波斯国王被自己的人民暗杀之后，他无法向波斯人声称他是合法的继承人。）

Five generations after the Persian kings Darius and Xerxes had tried and failed to end the independence of the Greek city-states across the Aegean (although they had quite easily tamed the Greek cities that bordered Anatolia), another power succeeded where Persia failed. Philip of Macedon reduced all of European Greece, claiming all the while to be a Greek himself. This claim, made on grounds of language and culture, is surprisingly difficult to substantiate, since hardly a word of the Macedonian language has survived.⁵⁶ But his son Alexander, perhaps with an aggression that stemmed from insecurity,^† decided to demonstrate his belonging by undertaking to avenge the affront that the Greeks had suffered when the Persians tried to invade. (Not that this prevented him, after the reigning king of Persia had been assassinated by his own people, from claiming to the Persians that he was the rightful successor.)

在公元前 333-323 年的十年内，他完全成功了。尽管他没有在每个省都进行过竞选，但广阔的波斯帝国，包括其在埃及和阿富汗的边缘，现在已成为马其顿王室的财产。马其顿人控制了波斯和美索不达米亚部分近 200 年，直到公元前 140 年才屈服于阿尔萨斯，帕提亚人的第一位。

Within the ten years 333-323 BC he had succeeded totally. Although he had not campaigned in every province, the vast Persian empire, including its extremities in Egypt and Afghanistan, was now a possession of the royal house of Macedon. Macedonians stayed in control of the Persian and Mesopotamian part for almost two hundred years, yielding to Arsaces, first of the Parthians, only in 140 BC.

很可能在这个“希腊化”时期，中东实际上是由多种语言统治的，新主人的希腊语与旧主人的阿拉米语竞争。（参见第 6 章，“亚洲诸王：希腊在战争中传播”，第 243 页。）亚拉姆语在美索不达米亚、叙利亚和巴勒斯坦的地位显然比在安纳托利亚和巴勒斯坦多出至少 500 年。伊朗，仅仅在两百年前，它才被万王之王的法令确立为一种政府语言。此外，在亚历山大征服之后，希腊语在安纳托利亚的定居点会比在远离金牛座和扎格罗斯山脉的伊朗定居点要重得多，因为它的海岸已经被希腊殖民地所包围，

It is likely that in this ‘Hellenistic’ period the Middle East was in fact governed in a mixture of languages, the new masters’ Greek competing with the old masters’ Aramaic. (See Chapter 6, ‘Kings of Asia: Greek spread through war’, p. 243.) Aramaic clearly held its ground far better in Mesopotamia, Syria and Palestine, where it had at least five hundred more years of background than in Anatolia and Iran, where it had only been established as a language of government by the King of Kings’ fiat, a bare two hundred years before. In addition, after Alexander’s conquest, Greek settlement would have been much heavier in Anatolia, already surrounded as it was by Greek colonies on its coasts, than in Iran, far beyond the Taurus and Zagros mountains, even if Persia’s Royal Road from Sardis in Lydia to Persepolis meant that the area already enjoyed better communications than anywhere else in the known world.

这导致了希腊语在亚历山大帝国的这些不同地区的不同职业。希腊语在中部和东部仍然只是一种通用语。公元前 2 世纪帕提亚人（来自伊朗东部，讲一种接近波斯语的语言）的崛起结束了这里的希腊政府，这结束了希腊的官方地位。似乎可能已经回到了类似于波斯帝国早期的语言状况，亚拉姆语在美索不达米亚继续用于所有实际用途，但波斯语的一种形式现在在更远的东方使用。

This led to rather different subsequent careers for Greek in these different parts of Alexander’s empire. Greek remained as no more than a lingua franca in the centre and east. The Greek administration here was ended by the rise of the Parthians (from eastern Iran, and speaking a language close to Persian) in the second century BC, and this put an end to official status for Greek. It seems that there may have been a return to a language situation rather like the early years of the Persian empire, with Aramaic continuing for all practical purposes in Mesopotamia, but a form of Persian now in use farther east.

相比之下，在西方，希腊语已经完全取代了以前的语言（尤其是吕底亚语、吕西亚语和亚拉姆语）。当罗马人在公元前一世纪接管它时，他们将希腊语作为事实上的行政语言，坚持只在法庭和军队中使用拉丁语。（无论如何，受过教育的罗马人都知道希腊语。）这意味着安纳托利亚几乎变成了希腊语的单一语言，而在叙利亚和巴勒斯坦，希腊语被用来管理仍以亚拉姆语为主的公众。在埃及，由于埃及语言的幸存，以及托勒密家族在其首都亚历山大周围所鼓励的极度国际化的社会，情况变得复杂，例如，那里的犹太社区主要讲希腊语。

In the west, by contrast, Greek had fully replaced the previous languages (notably Lydian, Lycian and Aramaic). When the Romans took it over in the first century BC they kept Greek on as the de facto language of administration, insisting on Latin only in the courts and the army. (Educated Romans all knew Greek anyway.) This meant that Anatolia became almost monolingual in Greek, while in Syria and Palestine Greek was used to govern a public that still predominantly spoke Aramaic. In Egypt, the situation was complicated by the survival of the Egyptian language, as well as the extremely cosmopolitan society encouraged by the Ptolemies around their capital, Alexandria, where, for example, the Jewish community was largely Greek-speaking.

单一语言希腊语横穿波斯帝国的出现，据说这个领域已经在亚拉姆语下统一，因此在使语言差异浮出水面方面产生了显着的影响。

The advent of the single language Greek across the Persian empire, a domain supposedly already unified under Aramaic, thus had a remarkable effect in bringing the linguistic differences to the surface.

第二个插曲：信仰的盾牌

SECOND INTERLUDE: THE SHIELD OF FAITH

拿撒勒人耶稣说亚兰语，虽然不是最好的，但按照他自己人民的标准。人们普遍认为他的家乡加利利说的是一种不合标准的口音，在耶路撒冷和犹太受过教育的人耳中是一种“北方国家”口音。著名的是，他的门徒彼得的口音在关键时刻暴露了他，即使在博学的塔木德中，偶尔也会出现以牺牲伽利略语发音为代价的笑话。^*

Jesus of Nazareth spoke Aramaic, though not of the best, by the standards of his own people. His native Galilee was generally reckoned to speak a substandard variety, a ‘North Country’ accent to the ears of the educated of Jerusalem and Judaea; famously, his disciple Peter’s accent gave him away at a crucial moment, and even in the learned Talmud there is the occasional joke at the expense of Galilean pronunciation.^*

耶稣死后形成的群体的语言显然是亚拉姆语；和撒玛利亚基督徒（撒玛利亚就在加利利南部）一直说这种语言直到今天。但是新信仰有世界主义的愿望，他们的第一个公开活动（记录在使徒行传 ii 中）是五旬节的盛宴，在这个盛宴上，它的使徒们奇迹般地能够用各种语言传道。这种突如其来的语言天赋并没有持续下去，因此必须找到一个方便的媒介来出版经文。鉴于他们在以地中海为中心的罗马帝国，希腊是一个合理的选择。它也没有围绕亚拉姆语的犹太人协会，可能会损害基督教对外邦人的吸引力。因此，希腊语是基督教经文所使用的语言，即所谓的“新约”，组成。它成为西方教会的第一语言。

The language of the group that formed after Jesus’s death clearly was Aramaic; and Samaritan Christians (Samaria is just south of Galilee) have gone on speaking the language to the present day. But the new faith had cosmopolitan aspirations, and their first public event (recorded in Acts ii) was the pentecostal feast at which its apostles miraculously became able to preach in all manner of languages. This sudden gift for languages did not persist, and so a convenient medium had to be found to publish the scriptures. Given that they were in the Roman empire, centred on the Mediterranean, Greek was a reasonable choice. It was also free of the Jewish associations that hung about Aramaic, and might have tarnished Christianity’s appeal to gentiles. Greek accordingly was the language in which the Christian scriptures, the so-called ‘New Testament’, were composed. It became the first language of the Church in the west.

然而，这个世界比罗马和环绕其海洋的“土地圈”（ orbis terrarum ）还要大。值得注意的是，作为五旬节奇迹的见证人被提及的第一批外国人是帕提亚人、米底亚人、埃兰人和美索不达米亚的居民，当时他们都没有在罗马统治下，正如我们此时所看到的那样（塞琉古王朝沦陷后的七代人）东方帝国）比希腊语更容易理解亚拉姆语。

Nevertheless, the world was bigger than Rome and the ‘circle of lands’ (orbis terrārum) that surrounded its sea. Significantly, the first foreigners mentioned as witnesses to the pentecostal miracle are Parthians, Medes, Elamites and dwellers in Mesopotamia, none of them at the time under Roman rule, and as we have seen by this time (seven generations after the fall of the Seleucid empire in the east) much more likely to understand Aramaic than Greek.

建立起来花了两百年，但早期的基督教会确实有一个面向东方的主要翼。它位于埃德萨（现代和古代乌尔法^†)，这是从地中海的安提阿向东通往 Aram Naharaim 的 Nisibis (Nusaybin) 和 Media 的 Agbatana (Hamadan) 的主要路线上的一个城市。埃德萨及其信徒的语言是亚拉姆语，这里称为叙利亚语。这是我们第一个展示语言传播的全新动机，即赢得皈依新宗教的动力的第一个例子。尽管原著是希腊文，但新约和大多数早期基督教文学都被翻译成叙利亚文，并成为其自身文学、赞美诗、布道和更广泛的研究的基础，尽管存在漩涡，但一直活跃到公元 13 世纪伊斯兰入侵四处走动。^§

It took two hundred years to get established, but the early Christian Church did get a major wing oriented towards the east. It was based at Edessa (modern and ancient Urfa^†), a city on the major route east from Antioch on the Mediterranean towards Nisibis (Nusaybin) in Aram Naharaim, and Agbatana (Hamadan) in Media. The language of Edessa and its believers was Aramaic, here known as Syriac. This is our first example of a radically new motive for language spread, the drive to win converts to a new religion. Although the originals were in Greek, the New Testament and most early Christian literature was translated into Syriac, and became the basis of a literature of its own, of hymns, sermons and wider disquisitions, continuing actively until the thirteenth century AD, despite the swirls of Islamic invasions that passed round and about it.^§

就像蜂蜜从蜂巢中滴

下来，牛奶从一个对孩子充满爱的女人身上流出一样

，我的上帝，我的希望也寄托在你身上。

如同泉水涌出，

我的心涌出赞美主

，我的嘴唇向祂倾诉赞美；

我的舌头因与他交谈而甜美，

我的脸因他带来的

欢腾而欢欣鼓舞，我的精神因他的爱

而欢欣鼓舞，我的灵魂因他而被照亮。

敬畏主的人可能有信心，

因为他的救恩是确定的；

他将获得不朽的生命，

获得这生命的人是不朽的。哈利路亚！

As honey drips from a honeycomb,

and milk flows from a woman full of love for her children,

so is my hope upon you, my God.

As a fountain gushes forth its water,

so does my heart gush forth the praise of the Lord

and my lips pour out praise to him;

my tongue is sweet from converse with him,

my face exults in the jubilation he brings,

my spirit is jubilant at his love

and by him my soul is illumined.

He who holds the Lord in awe may have confidence,

for his salvation is assured;

he will gain immortal life,

and those who receive this are incorruptible. Hallelujah!

所罗门颂，没有。40 ⁵⁷

Odes of Solomon, no. 40⁵⁷

当然，语言的传播必须与宗教的传播区分开来。例如，埃德萨是 303 年传入亚美尼亚的基督教的源头。但亚美尼亚人并没有放弃自己的语言，即使他们正在建立历史上第一个国家基督教教堂，即使没有亚拉姆语文字Mesrop Mashtotz 主教永远不会设计今天仍在使用的亚美尼亚字母表。

The spread of a language has to be distinguished from the spread of the religion, of course. Edessa was the source, for example, of the Christianity that reached Armenia in 303. But the Armenians were not tempted to give up their own language, even if they were setting up the first national Christian Church in history, and even though without Aramaic script Bishop Mesrop Mashtotz would never have designed the Armenian alphabet, still in use today.

尽管如此，语言确实与传教士一起传播，至少以礼仪和书面形式。景教派的基督徒在 489 年被帝国命令判定为异端并从埃德萨流放，他们将叙利亚语带到了波斯，正如已经看到的那样，亚拉姆语仍然非常在家。他们的下一个基地就在尼西比斯的路上。但景教并没有就此止步。他们的传教士继续前往印度，在那里他们在 Kalyana（孟买附近）建立了一个主教团，并在更南的地方，特别是在喀拉拉邦，与圣托马斯基督徒联手建立了一个修道院群，据说可以追溯到使徒的传教活动——另一个以亚拉姆语为母语的人，自然而然。当它们在 19 世纪被欧洲人重新发现时，它们仍然有用叙利亚语写成的圣经和宗教手稿，

Still, the language did travel, at the very least in liturgical and written form, with the preachers. Christians of the Nestorian persuasion, judged heretical and exiled from Edessa by imperial order in 489, carried Syriac out to Persia, where as already seen Aramaic was still very much at home. Their next base was just up the road in Nisibis. But the Nestorians did not stop there. Their missionaries went on into India, where they established a bishopric in Kalyana (near Mumbai), and a cluster of monasteries farther south, especially in Kerala, joining forces with the St Thomas Christians, supposedly dating from the missionary activities of the apostle—another native speaker of Aramaic, naturally. When they were rediscovered by Europeans in the nineteenth century, they still had Bibles and religious manuscripts written in Syriac, though it seems the language was little used in worship.

景教也继续从波斯沿丝绸之路向东进入中亚，最后到达蒙古喀喇昆仑和中国北部城市。公元 635 年，僧侣 Alopen 抵达中国首都长安（西安），在 781 年竖立的一座石碑上进行了纪念，该石碑使用叙利亚语和中文双语。⁵⁸

The Nestorians also kept travelling east from Persia along the Silk Road into central Asia, at last reaching Karakorum in Mongolia, and the northern cities of China. The arrival of the monk Alopen in the Chinese capital Changan (Xian) in 635 is commemorated on a stele set up in 781, bilingual in Syriac and Chinese.⁵⁸

两个世纪后，它们基本上从中国消失了。14 世纪，军阀 Timur-i-leng (Tamburlaine) 消灭了更远的西部教会的残余势力。但是景教在靠近他们的创始地区——美索不达米亚和更北部的库尔德斯坦——的地方幸存下来。他们的传统，以及叙利亚语的使用，在亚述和迦勒底教会中仍然存在。其他讲叙利亚语的人，即所谓的叙利亚雅各布派教会（Syrian Jacobite Church），他们更多地留在安提阿和埃德萨附近的家中，他们的传教活动更多地针对阿拉伯的商队路线，但也有少数幸存下来。^*

Two centuries later they had largely disappeared from China; and remnants of the Church farther west were mostly exterminated in the fourteenth century by the warlord Timur-i-leng (Tamburlaine). But Nestorians survived closer to their founding areas, in Mesopotamia and farther north in Kurdistan. Their tradition, and the use of Syriac, survives in the Assyrian and Chaldaean churches. Other Syriac speakers, of the so-called Syrian Jacobite Church, who stayed more at home round Antioch and Edessa, and whose missionary activity was aimed more along caravan routes in Arabia, have also survived in small numbers.^*

所有这些英勇的改宗的最终结果是温和的：亚拉姆语或叙利亚语在离其原始家园很近的小口袋里幸存下来，^†但语言却幸存了下来。它的生存归功于其演讲者维护其社区的决心，而这些社区都以宗教为基础。

The net result of all this heroic proselytism has been modest: Aramaic or Syriac has survived in small pockets quite close to its original homes,^† But the language has survived. It owes its survival to its speakers’ determination to maintain their communities, and those communities have all been based on a religion.

这种“忏悔”的生存之路至多已有两千五万年的历史，似乎是近东语言的特征，尤其是亚非语言。通过这种策略得以幸存的最显着的语言是希伯来语：我们已经注意到它是如何坚持自己的身份，以宗教代码为标志，与两千年前它所遭受的完全遗忘相比，它解释了它的生存。姊妹语腓尼基语。要使该策略奏效，语言社区的宗教必须与其周围人群的宗教有很大不同。

This ‘confessional’ route to survival is at most two and a half thousand years old, and seems characteristic of the languages of the Near East, particularly Afro-Asiatic languages. The most notable language to survive by this strategy is Hebrew: we have already noted how it is the adherence to its own identity, marked out by a religious code, which explains its survival by contrast with the total oblivion suffered two thousand years ago by its sister language Phoenician. For the strategy to work, the religion of the language community must be significantly different from that of the population that surrounds it.

另一个例子是科普特语，埃及人的最后生存。这只是埃及的祖传语言，^§不同于从近东传入的亚拉姆语和希腊语，但在穆斯林征服之后，它与埃及的基督教人口越来越联系在一起；因为在帝国的大部分地区，在罗马皇帝君士坦丁在四世纪初公开接受他们的信仰之后，基督徒已经成为多数。

Another example is the Coptic language, the final survival of Egyptian. This had simply been Egypt’s ancestral language,^§ as distinct from the interloping Aramaic and Greek that had come in from the Near East, but after the Muslim conquest it became associated more and more with the Christian population of Egypt; for as in most parts of the empire, Christians had come to be the majority after the Roman emperor Constantine’s public embrace of their faith in the early fourth century.

穆斯林对科普特人的待遇逐渐恶化。没有人知道基督徒在人口中的百分比下降的速度有多快，但它确实下降了，特别是在该国北部，因此几个世纪以来科普特人在南部更强大。整个七至九世纪，科普特人都得到了宗教自由和公民自治的保障，尽管与各地的非穆斯林一样，他们都要缴纳特殊税款。但在 829 年，科普特人起义反对收税员，并遭到严厉镇压。此后，在各种穆斯林朝代的统治下，情况偶尔会恶化，偶尔会有所改善，但一致的趋势是科普特人——以及在礼仪之外使用该语言——减少。直到 820 年，神学著作仍在写作，新的赞美诗一直在创作，直到 14 世纪初。语言社区实际上已经足够活跃，三角方言 Bohairic 取代了上埃及的方言 Sahidic，作为标准：它在 1132 年至 45 年被族长加布里埃尔二世奉献用于礼拜仪式。尽管十四世纪后出现了文化复兴，但语言并没有回到日常生活中。但它一直坚持到今天的礼拜仪式，并且有迹象表明认真尝试复兴它。

The Muslims’ treatment of the Copts gradually soured. No one knows how fast the percentage of Christians in the population fell, but fall it did, especially in the north of the country, so that for some centuries Coptic was stronger in the south. Through the seventh to ninth centuries the Copts were guaranteed freedom of religion and civil autonomy, although like non-Muslims everywhere they were subject to special taxes. But in 829 the Copts revolted against tax collectors, and were severely put down. Thereafter conditions sporadically worsened and occasionally improved under a variety of Muslim dynasties, but the consistent trend was for the Coptic population—and use of the language outside the liturgy—to diminish. Theological works were still being written until 820, and new hymns went on being composed until early in the fourteenth century. The language community was in fact sufficiently lively for the Delta dialect, Bohairic, to supplant Sahidic, the dialect of Upper Egypt, as the standard: it was consecrated for use in liturgy by Patriarch Gabriel II in 1132-45. Although there were cultural revivals after the fourteenth century, the language did not come back into daily life. But it has persisted in liturgy to the present day, and there are signs of serious attempts to revive it.

因此，科普特语是近东语言的另一个例子，它通过与独特的信仰联系起来，在一段日益增长的逆境中得以维持。它可以与更南一点的生存形成对比：Ge'ez，埃塞俄比亚教会的语言。这是一种古典语言（与南阿拉伯的古代语言有关，其地位最终归功于穿越红海的史前入侵）。尽管它像科普特人一样，通过在基督教礼仪中的作用而幸存下来，但它的命运更像是拉丁语或梵语，而不是科普特语。埃塞俄比亚仍然是一个基督教国家，Ge'ez 周围环绕着女儿和侄女的语言，提格里尼亚语、提格雷语和阿姆哈拉语。Ge'ez 被情感和语言保守主义所保存，

Coptic, then, is another example of a language of the Near East which has been sustained through a period of growing adversity through its association with a distinctive faith. It can be contrasted with a survival a little farther south: Ge’ez, the language of the Ethiopian Church. This is a classical language (related to the ancient languages of South Arabia, and owes its position ultimately to a prehistoric invasion across the Red Sea). Although it survived, like Coptic, through its role in Christian liturgy, its fate is much more like that of Latin or Sanskrit than Coptic. Ethiopia continues to be a Christian country, and Ge’ez is surrounded by daughter and niece languages, Tigrinya, Tigre and Amharic. Ge’ez has been preserved by sentiment and linguistic conservatism, but the linguistic tradition it represents is alive and under no external threat, linguistic, social or religious.

相比之下，我们可以称之为语言生存的“信仰之盾”策略在过去的几百年中确实经常被使用，并且远离近东或亚非语言。毕竟，正是这一点在美国阿米什人的独立社区中保留了“宾夕法尼亚荷兰人”，即德国人。⁵⁹自 1865 年以来，正是这一点在阿根廷的非传统教堂社区中保存了威尔士语，该社区位于巴塔哥尼亚被风吹扫的平原上。⁶⁰甚至可以说，它正在以复仇的方式被重新应用，以在新的以色列国重建希伯来语。

By contrast, what we may call the ‘Shield of Faith’ strategy for language survival has indeed been used quite often in the last couple of hundred years, and far away from the Near East, or Afro-Asiatic languages. It is this, after all, which has preserved ‘Pennsylvania Dutch’, i.e. German, among the separate community of the Amish in the USA.⁵⁹ And it is this which since 1865 has preserved Welsh in the Nonconformist chapel community of Argentina, on the wind-swept plains of Patagonia.⁶⁰ It could even be claimed that it is being reapplied, with a vengeance, to rebuild the Hebrew language in the new state of Israel.

但是，作为我们对该领域回顾的最后一部分，我们现在必须转向另一种无情地利用其忏悔协会的语言，不仅是为了生存，而且是为了扩张，并且比已知的任何其他语言都更快、更持久地扩张。

But we must now turn, as the last part of our review of this area, to another language that has exploited its confessional associations mercilessly, not simply to survive but to expand, and to expand faster and more lastingly than any other language known.

阿拉伯语——雄辩与平等：“顺从”的胜利

Arabic—eloquence and equality: The triumph of ‘submission’

'a ibbū al 'araba liθin: li 'anī 'arabiyyun, wa al-qur 'ānu ' arabiyyun, wa kalāmu 'ahli al-jinnati 'arabiyyun.

’aibbū al ‘araba liθin: li ‘anī ‘arabiyyun, wa al-qur ’ānu ’ arabiyyun, wa kalāmu ’ahli al-jinnati ’arabiyyun.

爱阿拉伯人有三个原因：因为我是阿拉伯人，因为古兰经是阿拉伯语，因为天堂的居民说阿拉伯语。

Love the Arabs for three reasons: because I am an Arab, because the Qur’ān is in Arabic and because the inhabitants of Paradise speak Arabic.

归因于穆罕默德^61的说法

Saying attributed to Muhammad⁶¹

阿拉伯语是另一种与近东的亚拉姆语和阿卡德语密切相关的闪米特语。它的记录实际上可以追溯到公元前四世纪的北阿拉伯铭文。但它的演讲者，主要是沙漠贝都因人和牧民，仍然不在该地区所有先前帝国的有效控制（也许是兴趣）之外。

Arabic is another Semitic language closely related to the Aramaic and Akkadian that preceded it in the Near East. Its records actually go back to North Arabian inscriptions of the fourth century BC. But its speakers, mainly desert Bedouin and pastoralists, had remained outside the effective control (and perhaps interest) of all the previous empires in the region.

当他们表现出他们的勇气时，结果确实令人震惊。在 632 年先知穆罕默德去世后的 25 年内，他们征服了整个新月沃地和波斯，并进入了亚美尼亚和阿塞拜疆。他们闪电般的推进向西更深入：埃及在 641 年沦陷，北非其他地区在接下来的十年中一直延伸到突尼斯。两代之后，到 712 年，阿拉伯语已成为从西部的托莱多和丹吉尔到东部的撒马尔罕和信德的一连串被征服领土的崇拜和政府的媒介。没有人清楚地解释过阿拉伯人如何或为什么能做到这一点。⁶²通常呼吁东方的权力真空（罗马/拜占庭帝国和伊朗的萨珊帝国刚刚从他们疲惫的战争中恢复过来），以及西方缺乏任何组织抵抗的权力。

When they showed their mettle, the results were truly astounding. Within twenty-five years of the prophet Muhammad’s death in 632, they had conquered all of the Fertile Crescent and Persia, and thrust into Armenia and Azerbaijan. Their lightning advance was even more penetrating towards the west: Egypt fell in 641 and the rest of North Africa as far as Tunisia in the next decade. Two generations later, by 712, the Arabic language had become the medium of worship and government in a continuous band of conquered territories from Toledo and Tangier in the west to Samarkand and Sind in the east. No one has ever explained clearly how or why the Arabs could do this.⁶² An appeal is usually made to a power vacuum in the east (where the Roman/Byzantine empire and the Sassanian empire of Iran were just recovering from their exhausting war), and the absence of any power to organise resistance in the west.

无论导致防御薄弱的原因是什么，一系列成功的突袭都协调成了一股入侵的浪潮，随着海啸的势头滚滚而来。它起源于一个新的小国家，以阿拉伯的麦地那和麦加城市为基础，最近受到神圣启示的激励，接受了一个新的、令人吃惊的抽象信条。

Whatever caused the feebleness of the defences, a series of successful raids became harmonised into a wave of invasion that rolled on with the momentum of a tsunami. It originated in a small new state, based on the cities of Medina and Mecca in Arabia, which had recently been energised by divine revelation, embracing a new, and startlingly abstract, creed.

Lā 'lāha ill' Allāhu, wa Mu ammadun rasūlu 'llāhi

Lā ’lāha ill’ Allāhu, wa Muammadun rasūlu ‘llāhi

除真主外别无他神，穆罕默德是真主的使徒

There is no god but God, and Muhammad is the apostle of God

这个šahādah是穆斯林信仰的宣言，被尊为它的第一根“支柱”，它的力量是基本的；这是一种从盾变成剑的信念。然而它的名字，伊斯兰教，通常被翻译为“服从”（对上帝）；它的闪米特语根 slm（也见于 muslim 的代理形式）也是和平词汇的基础（如阿拉伯语自己的问候语salām 'aleykum，'peace with you'）。那么，具有双重讽刺意味的是，这个名字意味着和平接受的宗教，却如此强大地席卷了世界。

This šahādah, the declaration of Muslim faith, and respected as the first of its ‘pillars’, was elemental in its power; it was a faith turned from shield into sword. Yet its name, Islām, is usually translated as ‘submission’ (to God); and its Semitic root slm (also seen in the agent form muslim) is also the basis of words for peace (as in Arabic’s own greeting salām ‘aleykum, ‘peace with you’). Doubly ironic, then, that this religion, whose name means peaceful acceptance, burst upon the world so mightily by storm.

但是语言在伊斯兰教中的重要性远远超出了口号的产生。口才，这个词的绝对力量，正如真主所指示并向所有愿意倾听的人宣告的那样，在为伊斯兰教赢得皈依者方面发挥了首要作用，让听众无法解释穆罕默德话语的美丽，而是神圣的灵感。经典的例子是'Umar ibn al-Khattab，他是穆罕默德的同时代人，也是公认的口头诗歌权威，决心反对，甚至可能暗杀他。直接暴露在先知的话语之下，他只能喊道：“这话是多么的美好和崇高！” 他已经转变了。

But the importance of language in Islam went far beyond the production of a telling slogan. Eloquence, the sheer power of the word, as dictated by God and declaimed to all who would listen, played the first role in winning converts for Islam, leaving hearers no explanation for the beauty of Muhammad’s words but divine inspiration. The classic example is ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab, a contemporary of Muhammad and acknowledged authority on oral poetry, determined to oppose, perhaps even to assassinate, him. Exposed directly to the prophet’s words, he could only cry out: ‘How fine and noble is this speech!’ And he was converted.

在这种宗教的传播中，语言也以独特的方式使用。先知的真实话语，他自己是文盲，很快就以某种没有记录的方式被简化为文字。如此得出的文本立即神圣且绝对权威。它无法更改，尽管允许（如在希伯来经文中）用一些点和破折号来注释它以标记元音，以使那些阿拉伯语不是母语的人受益，因此他们可能需要一些帮助读裸辅音。^*它被称为Qur 'ān，'背诵'，基于 qr'，常见的闪米特语词根大声朗读，著名的开始于天使加百列命令穆罕默德：

Language was used in a unique way in the spread of this religion too. The authentic utterances of the prophet, himself illiterate, were soon, in some undocumented way, reduced to writing. The text so arrived at was immediately holy and absolutely authoritative; it could not be changed, although it was permissible (as in the Hebrew scriptures) to annotate it with some dots and dashes to mark the vowel sounds, for the benefit of those whose Arabic was not native, and who consequently might need some help in reading the bare consonants.^* It was known as the Qur ‘ān, ‘recitation’, based on qr’, the common Semitic root for reading aloud, and famously begun when the Angel Gabriel commanded Muhammad:

iqra ' bismi rabbika alla ī xalaqa, xalaqa l''insāna min 'alaqin

iqra ’ bismi rabbika allaī xalaqa, xalaqa l’’insāna min ‘alaqin

以你的主的名义背诵，他从胚胎中创造了人类。⁶³

Recite, in the name of your Lord who created, created man from embryo.⁶³

这些独特的经文，一个完全封闭的集合，是伊斯兰教的伟大宝藏，经常被信徒深思和宣扬。他们的存在似乎已被穆斯林视为正确启示宗教的标志，因为在他们的领地中，其他已启示的一神论信仰的持有者，拥有 TaNaK 的犹太人，拥有圣约的基督徒，拥有 Avesta 的伊朗琐罗亚斯德教徒，同样被称为ahl al -kitāb，“有书的人”，因此免于强制皈依。

These distinctive scriptures, a totally closed set, are the great treasure of Islam, constantly pondered and declaimed by the faithful. Their existence seems to have been taken by Muslims as the badge of properly revealed religion, for in their domains holders of other revealed monotheistic faiths, Jews with their TaNaK, Christians with their Testaments, Zoroastrians in Iran with their Avesta, were called likewise ahl al-kitāb, ‘people of the book’, and thereby exempt from forcible conversion.

阿拉伯闪电战的语言效果只能与九个世纪前希腊语在波斯领土上狂奔的效果相提并论。它们最终将比希腊语的扩展更加持久，但就像希腊语在东方的传播一样，阿拉伯语的普及并没有完全符合导致其前进的时间力量的传播。

The linguistic effects of the Arab blitzkrieg can only be compared with those of Greek’s wild ride throughout Persia’s domains nine centuries before. They were ultimately to be much more durable than the extension of Greek had been, but like the spread of Greek across the east, the take-up of Arabic did not quite measure up to the spread of temporal power that had caused its advance.

在政治上，阿拉伯人的战役摧毁了整个东地中海的罗马帝国（现在的拜占庭帝国）——除了安纳托利亚。尽管他们努力占领君士坦丁堡，但这个罗马权力中心仍然存在，并在基督教的反抗中继续存在了八个世纪。再往东，阿拉伯人占领了亚美尼亚，但没有改变它。更重要的是阿拉伯人终止了萨珊王朝在伊朗和阿富汗山区的权力。这是琐罗亚斯德教结束的开始，逐渐被伊斯兰教取代为大众崇拜。如今，它只存在于三百年后逃往印度的极少数帕西人身上。

Politically, the Arab campaigns destroyed the hold of the Roman, now Byzantine, empire on the whole of the eastern Mediterranean—excepting only Anatolia. Despite their efforts to take Constantinople, this centre of Roman power survived, and lived on in Christian defiance for another eight centuries. Farther east, the Arabs overran Armenia but did not convert it. More significant was the Arabs’ termination of Sassanian power in Iran and the mountains of Afghanistan. This was the beginning of the end for Zoroastrianism, gradually replaced in popular worship by Islam. Nowadays it survives only in the tiny minority of Parsees who were to flee to India three hundred years later.

从语言上讲，直接影响与政治影响相当：阿拉伯语将自己确立为宗教语言，无论伊斯兰教被接受或强加于何处。在神圣领域，从来没有任何竞争，因为与基督教不同，伊斯兰教不寻求白话理解，也不寻求翻译成其他语言。启示很简单，只用阿拉伯语表达。此外，伊斯兰教是一种坚持用该语言进行公共祈祷仪式的宗教，宣礼员用阿拉伯语呼吁信徒祈祷，这总是在每个人的一天中打断。Allāh akbar，“上帝更伟大。”

Linguistically, the immediate effects were comparable to the political ones: Arabic established itself as the language of religion, wherever Islam was accepted, or imposed. In the sphere of the holy, there was never any contest, since Islam unlike Christianity did not look for vernacular understanding, or seek translation into other languages. The revelation was simple, and expressed only in Arabic. Furthermore, Islam was a religion that insisted on public rituals of prayer in the language, and where the muezzin’s call of the faithful to prayer, in Arabic, has always punctuated everyone’s day. Allāh akbar, ‘God is greater.’

700 年，大马士革的哈里发阿卜杜勒·马利克召集了他的希腊顾问乔安妮斯·大马士革努斯，告诉他他已决定从此禁止所有公共行政部门使用希腊语。这位顾问告诉他的同事：“你最好换个职业来谋生：你现在的工作已经被上帝取消了。” 然后，他以僧侣的身份度过了余生（655-749）。⁶⁴

In 700, the caliph in Damascus, ‘Abd el Malik, summoned his Greek adviser, Joannes Damascenus, to tell him that he had decided henceforth to ban the Greek language from all public administration. The adviser told his colleagues: ‘You had better seek another profession to earn your living: your present employment has been withdrawn by God.’ He then spent the rest of his long life (655-749) as a monk.⁶⁴

这就是愿望。实际上，在最初的几代人中，行政部门在希腊语和波斯语中徘徊，在某种程度上还使用亚拉姆语和科普特语，这不仅是因为征服者无法操作他们所掌握的复杂的官僚体系，而且因为征兵方法是主要是裙带关系。相同的家庭继续提供文士班，但到了穆斯林时代的第二世纪，他们开始用阿拉伯语阅读和写作。该过程可以在埃及的纸莎草纸踪迹中进行。穆斯林征服后，所有文件都在希腊保存了一个世纪；然后双语开始出现，但直到 8 世纪后期，在伊斯兰教 150 年后，阿拉伯语才完全取代了希腊语。⁶⁵

This was the aspiration. In practice, for the first few generations administration lingered in the predecessor languages, Greek and Persian, to some extent Aramaic and Coptic, not least because the conquerors were unable to operate the elaborate bureaucratic systems they had seized, and because the methods of recruitment were mostly nepotistic. The same families continued to provide the scribal classes, but by the second century of the Muslim era they were reading and writing in Arabic. The process can be followed in the papyrus trail of Egypt. All documents remain in Greek for a good century after the Muslim conquest; then bilingualism sets in, but Arabic totally replaces Greek only in the late eighth century, after 150 years of Islam.⁶⁵

但阿拉伯语现在只在整个Dār-al-islām，“伊斯兰之家”的内部区域使用。回滚是怎么回事？从长远来看，阿拉伯语的成功，或者更确切地说，阿拉伯语的成功，存在着微妙的语言限制。阿拉伯语从清真寺的语言发展为仅在以前使用某种相关语言（属于亚非语系（或哈米托语-闪米特语）的国家）永久确立为人民的通用方言。^*

But Arabic is now spoken only in an inner zone within the Dār-al-islām, ‘House of Islam’, as a whole. What happened to roll it back? In the long term there was a subtle linguistic limit on Arab success, or rather on the success of Arabic. Arabic progressed from the language of the mosque to establish itself permanently as the common vernacular of the people only in countries that had previously spoken some related language, one that belonged to the Afro-Asiatic (or Hamito-Semitic) family.^*

这个亚非区域包括新月沃地，在那里阿拉伯语取代了亚拉姆语；埃及，它压倒了科普特人；利比亚和突尼斯，在那里它最终取代了柏柏尔人并抹去了——或合并到——布匿；和马格里布（现代阿尔及利亚和摩洛哥的北部），它还将柏柏尔人推回了一组较小的口袋。马耳他这个小岛也有来自迦太基帝国的布匿背景，在公元 870 年阿拉伯人征服后变成了讲阿拉伯语的人，这与自公元前 218 年以来罗马对它的千年控制背道而驰。阿拉伯人永久推进的区域还包括在边缘，更晚些，非洲更南的区域，西部的毛里塔尼亚，东部的乍得和苏丹；在这里，阿拉伯语后来通过贸易往来传播，并取代了一些乍得语和库希特语。

This Afro-Asiatic zone included the Fertile Crescent, where Arabic replaced Aramaic; Egypt, where it overwhelmed Coptic; Libya and Tunisia, where it finally supplanted Berber and erased—or merged into—Punic; and the Maghreb (the north of modern Algeria and Morocco), where it also pushed Berber back into a set of smaller pockets. The tiny island of Malta, too, which had a Punic background from its origins in the Carthaginian empire, became Arabic-speaking after Arab conquest in 870 AD, belying its millennium of control from Rome since 218 BC. The area of permanent Arabic advance also included at the margin, and rather later, a more southerly zone in Africa, Mauritania in the west, and Chad and Sudan in the east; here Arabic spread later through trade contacts, and would have replaced some Chadic and Cushitic languages.

在所有这些阿拉伯语成为主要语言的地区，一种被称为“双语”的特征状态已经形成，一种单一的古典阿拉伯语形式被用作精英方言，但不同的地方变体，并不比罗曼语更容易相互理解欧洲的语言，建立在日常用语中。古典阿拉伯语与古兰经的语言接近，但并不完全相同。

In all these regions where Arabic became the dominant language, a characteristic state of what is called ‘diglossia’ has set in, with a single classical form of Arabic used as an elite dialect, but different local varieties, no more mutually understandable than the Romance languages of Europe, established in everyday speech. Classical Arabic is close to, but not quite identical with, the language of the Qur’ān.

限制阿拉伯语传播的解释必须是社会语言学的，而不是政治的、宗教的或文化的，因为它适用的情况极为不同。

The explanation for the limit on the spread of Arabic must be sociolinguistic rather than political, religious or cultural, since the situations in which it applied were extremely various.

在阿契美尼德、马其顿、帕提亚和萨珊王朝统治下的一千多年来，伊朗一直是琐罗亚斯德教引以为豪的堡垒。然而，从 634 年开始的 20 年里，阿拉伯人在军事上完全制服了它。此后，伊斯兰教的信仰逐渐在其中传播开来，尽管直到 9 世纪，宗教引发的起义仍在发生。然后它成为伊斯兰教的中心地带，实际上是什叶派传统的据点，从那以后一直是穆斯林。

Iran, for over a thousand years under Achaemenids, Macedonians, Parthians and Sassanians, had been the proud fortress of Zoroastrianism. Nevertheless, it was totally subdued militarily by the Arabs in twenty years from 634. Gradually thereafter, the faith of Islam spread within it, although religious-inspired revolts were still happening well into the ninth century. It then became a heartland of Islam, in fact the stronghold of its Shia tradition, and has remained Muslim ever since.

到 8 世纪中叶，整个伊朗政府的官方语言都变成了阿拉伯语，取代了帕提亚人在西部的巴列维语和远东的粟特语。⁶⁶在早期，即使在哈里发的宫廷中，阿拉伯语-波斯语双语也很普遍，尤其是在哈伦·拉希德 (Harūn al-Rashid) (786-809) 时代，他因在《一千零一夜》中的出现而成为传奇人物. Al-Jahiz，死了c。869，讲述了一位波斯圣人曾经朗读《古兰经》，他用阿拉伯语向他的右边的人解释它，用波斯语向他的左边的人解释它。来自波斯的诗人，如 Abu Nawas 和 Basshar bin Burd，是阿拉伯文学史上的关键人物。⁶⁷阿拉伯和叙利亚有波斯殖民地，阿拉伯地理学家穆卡达西在 9 世纪末声称，他那个时代最纯正的阿拉伯语是在伊朗东北部的呼罗珊说的，因为那里的伊朗学者做出了这样的解释。努力正确地学习它。⁶⁸在精英级别，阿拉伯语在伊朗境内几乎已经实现了普及。

By the mid-eighth century the official language of the government all over Iran had become Arabic, replacing the Parthians’ languages of Pahlavi in the west, and Sogdian in the far east.⁶⁶ In the early period, Arabic-Persian bilingualism was widespread even at the court of the caliph, notably in the days of Harūn al-Rashid (786-809), who was made into a figure of legend by his appearances in The 1001 Nights. Al-Jahiz, who died c.869, tells of one Persian sage who used to read out the Qur’ān, explaining it in Arabic to those on his right, and in Persian to those on his left. Poets from Persia, such as Abu Nawas and Basshar bin Burd, were key figures in Arabic literary history.⁶⁷ There were Persian colonies settled in Arabia and Syria, and the Arab geographer al-Muqaddasi claimed at the end of the ninth century that the purest Arabic of his time was spoken in Khurasan, in north-eastern Iran, because the Iranian scholars there made such efforts to learn it correctly.⁶⁸ At the elite level, Arabic must have achieved almost universal coverage within Iran.

然而，阿拉伯语从未作为日常生活语言渗透到伊朗的任何地方。从某种意义上说，伊朗人对阿拉伯语的卓越性的坚持暴露了这一点，因为这意味着阿拉伯语并没有像在阿拉伯语世界的任何地方那样扎根，并具有自己作为地方方言的特征. 描述 9 世纪西部主要城镇的地理学家说，这些城镇讲波斯语。Ibn Hauqal 指出，库姆的全部人口都是什叶派，主要是阿拉伯人。尽管如此，他们都说波斯语。⁶⁹具有讽刺意味的是，伊斯兰教的进军似乎支持了波斯语向东方的传播：8 世纪阿拉伯人在佛教中亚的征服传播了波斯语，牺牲了当地语言，尤其是粟特语。据推测，大部分军队来自伊朗东部，波斯语仍然是那里的通用语。⁷⁰这就是为什么塔吉克斯坦和阿富汗西北部直到今天仍然讲波斯语的原因。五百年后，一支伊斯兰军队深入印度，建立了德里苏丹国，随之而来的是波斯语而不是阿拉伯语。

Yet Arabic never penetrated any part of Iran as a language of daily life. In a sense, the insistence on the excellence of the Arabic spoken in Iran gives this away, for it implies that Arabic was not taking root, and taking on its own character as a local dialect, as it did everywhere in the Arabic-speaking world. Geographers describing the major towns of the west in the ninth century say they were Persian-speaking. Ibn Hauqal states that the entire population of Qum was Shiite, and mostly Arab; nevertheless they all spoke Persian.⁶⁹ Ironically, the march of Islam seems to have supported the spread of Persian out to the east: the Arab conquests in what had been Buddhist central Asia in the eighth century spread Persian, at the expense of the local languages, especially Sogdian. Presumably most of the troops were from the east of Iran, where Persian was still the lingua franca.⁷⁰ That is why Tajikistan, and the north-western half of Afghanistan, is Persian-speaking to this day. And when five hundred years later an Islamic army penetrated into India beyond, and set up the Delhi Sultanate, it brought Persian rather than Arabic in its wake.

大约 6000 公里外，在伊斯兰领土的另一端，在伊比利亚半岛，伊斯兰已被一支主要由皈依的柏柏尔人组成的军队在剑尖上传播开来。在他们的领袖塔里克·本·齐亚德（Tāriq bin Ziyād）的领导下，他们于 711 年越过直布罗陀海峡（Jibl al-Tāriq，“塔里克山”），在击败西哥特国王罗德里克后发现自己成为了这个国家的主人。（他们确实在 20 年后试图在比利牛斯山脉以北进行一次重大出击，但在 732 年被击退，最远到达法国中部的普瓦捷。）西班牙和葡萄牙的穆斯林存在 750 年。这个国家自称为安达卢斯，它的历史是不同埃米尔争夺控制权的故事，科尔多瓦市尤其成为整个伊斯兰教的文化瑰宝之一，尤其是作为阿拉伯诗歌的故乡。事实上，埃米尔阿卜杜勒拉赫曼三世在 929 年认为自己足够强大和伟大，自称Amir al-mu 'minîn，“忠实的指挥官”，因此是所有伊斯兰教的假装哈里发。然而，随着基督教国王在莱昂和纳瓦拉以及后来的卡斯蒂利亚和阿拉贡变得越来越强大，穆斯林控制的区域后来开始逐渐被削弱。托莱多于 1085 年陷落，导致柏柏尔人新的入侵，阿尔摩拉维德人呼吁纠正基督徒和穆斯林之间的平衡。但在喘息之后，潮流继续与伊斯兰教背道而驰：科尔多瓦于 1236 年沦陷，塞维利亚于 1248 年沦陷。“reconquista”最终于 1492 年占领了格拉纳达。

Some 6000 kilometres away at the other end of Islam’s domains, in the Iberian peninsula, Islam had been spread at the point of a sword by an army made up mostly of converted Berbers. Under their leader, Tāriq bin Ziyād, they had crossed the Strait of Gibraltar (Jibl al-Tāriq, ‘the mountain of Tariq’) in 711, and after defeating the Visigothic king Roderik found themselves masters of the country. (They did attempt a major sortie north of the Pyrenees twenty years later, but were thrown back in 732, having got as far as Poitiers in central France.) Seven hundred and fifty years of Muslim presence in Spain and Portugal lay ahead; the country knew itself as el-Andalüs, its history was the story of different emirs contending for control, and the city of Cordoba especially became one of the cultural jewels of all Islam, especially as a home of Arabic poetry. Indeed, the emir ’ Abd al-Rahman III considered himself strong and magnificent enough in 929 to declare himself Amir al-mu ‘minîn, ‘Commander of the Faithful’, and so a pretending caliph of all Islam. Nevertheless, later the area of Muslim control began very gradually to be rolled back, as Christian kings grew stronger in Leon and Navarre, and later Castile and Aragon. Toledo fell in 1085, causing a new incursion of Berbers, the Almoravids, called in to redress the balance between Christian and Muslim. But after a respite, the tide continued to run against Islam: Cordoba fell in 1236 and Seville in 1248. The ’reconquista’ culminated in the capture of Granada in 1492.

在这段漫长的时期里，伊比利亚一定是一个双语区——只要一波波入侵的柏柏尔人保留他们自己的语言，它就可能是三语的。有人声称，到 12 世纪，西班牙语或其罗曼语的前身在伊斯兰地区几乎已绝迹，取而代之的不是古典语而是安达卢西亚阿拉伯语，其方言性质表明该语言已被人们认真接受。当然，在基督教权力回归托莱多一个多世纪后，安达卢西仍有大量文件正在书写和公证。⁷¹安达卢西问题专家费德里科·科连特 (Federico Corriente) 写道：“双语迅速演变为单语，这一过程在 13 世纪就完成了，这不能让我们忘记，在 11 和 12 世纪，双语的口袋已经残存。 ' ⁷²

During this long period Iberia must have been a bilingual zone—probably trilingual as long as waves of invading Berbers retained their own language. Some have claimed that Spanish, or its Romance forebear, had almost died out in the Islamic region by the twelfth century, replaced not by classical but by Andalusī Arabic, its dialectal nature showing that the language had been taken up in earnest by the people. Certainly, more than a century after the return of Christian power to Toledo, there were still large numbers of documents being written and notarised in Andalusi.⁷¹ Federico Corriente, an expert on Andalusi, has written: ‘Bilingualism evolves rapidly into monolingualism, a process that was complete in the 13th century, which must not make us forget that in the 11th and 12th centuries, the pockets of bilingualism were already residual.’⁷²

新政权在 1492 年之后采取了行政和立法行动，至少消除了三代人的阿拉伯语语言。1501 年和 1511 年通过了禁止拥有大多数阿拉伯语书籍的法律，并在 1511 年颁布法令（显然没有生效）阿拉伯语将不再有效。1526 年，查理五世仍然有必要在议会下令只说卡斯蒂利亚西班牙语，用于合同和市场。甚至在 1566 年，菲利普二世下令在三年内所有摩尔人（“moriscos”）将被允许只说卡斯蒂利亚语而不是阿拉伯语。

Executive and legislative action was taken by the new power to eliminate Arabic speech for at least three generations after 1492. In 1501 and 1511 laws were passed against the possession of most Arabic books, and in 1511 it was decreed (apparently without effect) that contracts in Arabic would no longer be valid. In 1526 it was still necessary for Charles V to order in council that only Castilian Spanish would be spoken, used for contracts and in the marketplace. Even in 1566 Philip II was decreeing that within three years all Moors (’moriscos’) would be allowed to speak only Castilian and not Arabic.

在波斯，尽管阿拉伯语在宗教上享有盛誉，但却无法克服文化惰性。在西班牙，虽然起初更成功，但最终还是屈服于政治、军事和宗教的压制。在北非的中间地带，情况就比较简单了。阿拉伯语首先在城镇建立起来，早期的主要直接竞争对手是拉丁语——正如我们所看到的，在某种程度上，它是布匿语。对于很容易接受伊斯兰教的柏柏尔人来说，阿拉伯语起初只是作为信仰的语言。鉴于阿拉伯语在穆斯林教育中的作用，以及当精英成员开始将他们的儿子送到东方学习神学和法律时，这产生了相当大的影响。腹地的柏柏尔王国尽其所能保持独立，

In Persia, then, Arabic, despite its religious prestige, had been unable to overwhelm cultural inertia; in Spain, though much more successful at first, it had finally succumbed to political, military and religious suppression. In the intermediate zone of North Africa, the picture was rather simpler. Arabic established itself first in the towns, where its main immediate competitor in the early days was Latin—and to an extent, as we have seen, Punic. For the Berbers, who accepted Islam quite readily, Arabic was at first taken only as the language of the faith. This had quite an impact, given the role of Arabic in Muslim education, and more when members of the elite began to send their sons to the east to study theology and law. Berber kingdoms of the hinterland maintained their independence as best they could, but there is no evidence of any attempt to throw off Islam as such.

阿拉伯语似乎直到 10 世纪才真正取得了进步，当时柏柏尔人的社会被一群野蛮的游牧民族 Banu Hilal 摧毁了。⁷³这些似乎是在马格里布社会中设置的，就像在酋长国之间的争端过程中的许多野狗一样，埃及的法蒂玛王朝希望他们能够解决他们以前的附庸 Zirids 的问题，这是一个从突尼斯统治的柏柏尔氏族。柏柏尔族历史学家伊本·赫勒敦（Ibn Khaldün）在 200 年后用阿拉伯语写作，将它们比作“一群蝗虫”：“地球似乎已经改变了它的性质。阿拉伯人在过去几个世纪中征服的所有土地，文明和人口都离开了他们......' ⁷⁴

It seems that Arabic only really made progress in the tenth century, after the devastation of Berber society at the hands of the Banu Hilal, a savage band of nomads.⁷³ These seem to have been set on Maghreb society like so many wild dogs in the course of a dispute between emirates, the Fatimids in Egypt hoping that they would settle the hash of their erstwhile vassals the Zirids, a Berber clan who ruled from Tunis. Ibn Khaldün, a historian of Berber stock (with roots in El Andalus), writing two hundred years later, in Arabic, likened them to ‘a swarm of locusts’: ‘The very earth seems to have changed its nature. All the lands that the Arabs have conquered in the last few centuries, civilization and population have departed from them …’⁷⁴

然而，这使得讲阿拉伯语的城市能够为北非的这个新世界提供形式：'......当条件发生完全变化时，就好像整个创造物都发生了变化，整个世界都发生了变化，好像有一个新的创造，一个重生，一个重新存在的世界'。⁷⁵

However, this put the Arabic-speaking cities in a position to provide form to this new world in North Africa: ‘… when there is an entire alteration of conditions, it is as if the whole creation had been changed and all the world transformed, as if there were a new creation, a rebirth, a world brought into existence anew’.⁷⁵

柏柏尔人曾经是整个北非的主要语言社区，现在与遥远的地区联系在一起，生活不稳定。然而，他们的语言在马格里布西部地区最强大，巴努希拉尔从未渗透到那里，在撒哈拉的图阿雷格游牧民族中，尽管地中海沿岸仍有大量地区。

The Berbers, once the dominant speech community all over North Africa, now became associated with distant regions, and a life unsettled. Their language lives on, though, strongest in the western area of the Maghreb, where the Banu Hilal never penetrated, and among the Tuareg nomads of the Sahara, although there are substantial pockets still along the Mediterranean.

最后，考虑一下土耳其人，他们接触阿拉伯语的游牧民族，不是通过被说阿拉伯语的人征服或被他们传教，而是通过采取主动并征服他们。他们来自东北部，首先控制了穆斯林势力的东部地区，转移到巴格达的中心，后来扩大到有效控制整个伊斯兰国。一旦他们征服了，在他们对穆斯林信仰的坚持上，没有人能与土耳其人相提并论。然而，即使他们接受了宗教，他们仍坚持自己的语言。

Finally, consider the Turks, nomad forces who came into contact with Arabic, not through being conquered by its speakers, or proselytised by them, but through taking the initiative and conquering them. Coming from the north-east, they first dominated the eastern areas of Muslim power, moved to take the centre in Baghdad, and later expanded to be in effective control of the whole Dār-al-islām. Once they had conquered, there were none to match the Turks in their adherence to the Muslim faith. Nevertheless, they held on to their language even as they accepted the religion.

它们还有另一种语言效果：它们还放松了阿拉伯语对整个波斯的控制。土耳其人最初是通过中亚的波斯语地区接触到伊斯兰教的世界。从某种意义上说，他们只是隔着一层波斯纱布看到了它。因此，当土耳其人开始施加影响时，波斯语作为官方行政语言回到了伊朗，而阿拉伯语越来越局限于宗教功能。

And they had one other linguistic effect: they also slackened the grip of Arabic on Persia as a whole. The Turks had first encountered the world of Islam through the Persian-speaking area of central Asia. In a sense, they saw it only through a veil of Persian gauze. And so, when the Turks began to exercise influence, Persian returned as official administrative language to Iran, with Arabic restricted more and more to religious functions.

11 世纪塞尔柱人^*完全控制土耳其人的出现，首次明确了哈里发的精神责任与名义上的保护者苏丹的世俗权力之间正在出现的职能划分；苏丹依靠土耳其军队，但充分利用了行政人员讲波斯语的专业知识。⁷⁶即使他们信奉伊斯兰教，阿拉伯语也不会在延伸到亚洲中心的土耳其语民族中传播开来。他们已经有了一种通用语来与他们的新科目一起使用，那就是波斯语。“毕竟，他们都说波斯语，不是吗？” 只需要阿拉伯语来称呼上帝。^†

The advent of full Turkish control under the Seljuks^* in the eleventh century makes clear for the first time the emerging division of function between the spiritual responsibilities of the caliph and the temporal power of the sultan, his notional protector; the sultan relied on a Turkish army, but made full use of the Persian-speaking expertise of administrators.⁷⁶ Arabic was not going to spread across the expanse of Turkish-speaking peoples stretching out into the heart of Asia, even as they embraced Islam. They already had a lingua franca to use with their new subjects, and it was Persian. ‘After all, they all speak Persian, don’t they?’ Arabic was needed only to address God.^†

这确实是伊斯兰教在第二个千年进一步传播的模式，特别是从撒哈拉以南的北非，从埃及和阿拉伯沿海到东非和马达加斯加，从巴格达和博哈拉到西伯利亚和中亚，从阿富汗到印度，从印度到东南亚：阿拉伯语被接受为一种神圣的语言，但没有作为白话传播的趋势，甚至没有作为与新穆斯林人口接触的通用语。除了西非讲豪萨语的人外，没有一个皈依的社区讲亚非语言；所以这符合语言约束。^*

And this indeed was to be the pattern with all the further spreads of Islam that occurred in the second millennium, notably from North Africa south of the Sahara, from Egypt and Arabia down the coast to East Africa and Madagascar, from Baghdad and Bokhara into Siberia and central Asia, from Afghanistan into India, from India into South-East Asia: Arabic was accepted as a sacred language, but had no tendency to spread as a vernacular, or even as a lingua franca for contacts among the new Muslim populations. Except for the Hausa speakers of West Africa, none of the converted communities spoke Afro-Asiatic languages; so this conforms to the linguistic constraint.^*

在离开阿拉伯语的传播及其限制的主题之前，考虑另一种可能预期阿拉伯语传播的方式是正确的，但实际上并没有。至少从公元一世纪初到十五世纪欧洲冒险家的出现，众所周知，阿拉伯水手可能与波斯人竞争，承担了近东与非洲和印度海岸之间的大部分海上贸易.

Before leaving the subject of the spread of Arabic and its limits, it is right to consider one other way in which Arabic might have been expected to spread, but in fact did not. At least from the beginning of the first century AD to the advent of European adventurers in the fifteenth, it is known that Arab sailors, with perhaps some Persian competition, undertook most of the marine trade between the Near East and the coasts of Africa and India.

第一个证词可以追溯到公元一世纪，在希腊航海指南Períplous Thalássēs Eruthraías 中，“环印度洋航行”。

The first testimony dates from the first century AD, in the Greek guide for sailors Períplous Thalássēs Eruthraías, ‘Voyage Round the Indian Ocean’.

(§16) 两天后的航程，是阿扎尼亚[东非]大陆的最后一个集镇，称为拉普塔。它的名字来源于已经提到的缝制船 [ rháptōn ploiaríōn ]；里面有大量的象牙和龟甲。沿着这个海岸生活着海盗习惯的人，他们很高，每个地方都有不同的酋长。Mapharitic 酋长根据某种古老的权利来管理它，使其服从于在阿拉伯成为第一个国家的主权。穆萨的人民现在将其置于他的管辖之下，并派出许多大船到那里去；使用熟悉当地人并与他们通婚的阿拉伯船长和代理人，他们了解整个海岸并了解语言……

(§16) Two days’ sail beyond there lies the very last market-town of the continent of Azania [East Africa], which is called Rhapta; which has its name from the sewed boats [rháptōn ploiaríōn] already mentioned; in which there is ivory in great quantity, and tortoise-shell. Along this coast live men of piratical habits, very tall, and under separate chiefs for each place. The Mapharitic chief governs it under some ancient right that subjects it to the sovereignty of the state that is become first in Arabia. And the people of Muza now hold it under his authority, and send thither many large ships; using Arab captains and agents, who are familiar with the natives and intermarry with them, and who know the whole coast and understand the language …

（§21）在海湾左侧脚下的海湾中，在这些地方之外，有一个地方叫穆扎（Muza），这是一个依法建立的集镇，远离贝雷尼采 [ Ras Banas ] 供航行的人使用。向南，约 12,000 体育场。整个地方挤满了阿拉伯船东和海员，忙于商业事务；因为他们与遥远的海岸和 Barygaza [Broach，印度西部] 进行贸易，并派遣自己的船只到那里。⁷⁷

(§21) Beyond these places in a bay at the foot of the left side of the gulf, there is a place by the shore called Muza, a market-town established by law, distant altogether from Berenice [Ras Banas] for those sailing southward, about 12,000 stadia. And the whole place is crowded with Arab shipowners and seafaring men, and is busy with affairs of commerce; for they carry on a trade with the far-side coast and with Barygaza [Broach, in western India], sending their own ships there.⁷⁷

无论 Rhapta (Dar es Salaam?)、Muza (al Mukha?) 和 Mapharitis (Ma'afir?) 在哪里，很明显，阿拉伯与印度洋两岸的贸易往来可以追溯到六百年前穆罕默德。直到 1500 年，阿拉伯船只的一个已知特征也是它们的船体被缝合在一起，而不是钉子或钉子。⁷⁸一千零一夜关于水手辛巴达的故事（事实上，他更像是一个航海商人而不是水手）在阿拉伯事实中有很强的基础。^*

Wherever Rhapta (Dar es Salaam?), Muza (al Mukha?) and Mapharitis (Ma’afir?) were, it is clear from this that Arab trade involvement with both sides of the Indian Ocean goes back for well over six hundred years before Muhammad. It is also a known feature of Arab ships, up until 1500, that their hulls were stitched together, not nailed or pegged.⁷⁸ The 1001 Nights’ stories of Sindbad the Sailor (in fact, more a maritime merchant than a sailor) had a strong basis in Arab fact.^*

这意味着从莫桑比克到印度南部的马拉巴尔和科罗曼德，印度洋沿岸的所有港口都可以听到阿拉伯语。当然，这可能会产生语言上的影响，至少在创造贸易术语方面？毕竟，正如我们所见，腓尼基语在地中海周围传播的方式以及近几个世纪以来欧洲列强将他们的语言带到他们去贸易的世界各地，这两者都有大量的先例。 . 贸易通常被认为是使英语成为世界语言的第一个因素。^*

This means that Arabic would have been heard in all the ports along the shores of the Indian Ocean from Mozambique to Malabar and Coromandel in southern India. Surely this might have had a linguistic effect, at least in the creation of a trade jargon? There is, after all, ample precedent, both, as we have seen, in the way that Phoenician was spread round the Mediterranean, and in more recent centuries as European powers have brought their languages to the parts of the world where they went to trade. Trade is usually accounted the first factor that set English on the road to becoming a world language.^*

事实上，这种受阿拉伯语影响的唯一痕迹是在东非，那里的主要班图语斯瓦希里语显示出阿拉伯影响的严重迹象。它的名字来源于阿拉伯语sawā il，“海岸”。数到十，数字 6,7 和 9 都是从阿拉伯语中借来的：斯瓦希里语sita、saba和tisa与阿拉伯语的 sitta、sab 'a和tis 'a。与几乎所有其他班图语不同，它没有独特的声调，但它使用其他班图语中不知道的阿拉伯语的某些声音，特别是区分 r 和 1，并使用辅音 th [ θ ]、kh [ x ] 及其浊音类似物 dh [δ] 和 gh [γ]。

In fact, the only vestige of such influence from Arabic is found in East Africa, where Swahili, the major Bantu language, shows heavy signs of Arabic influence. Its very name is derived from Arabic sawāil, ‘coasts’. Counting up to ten, the numbers 6,7 and 9 are all borrowed from Arabic: Swahili sita, saba and tisa versus Arabic sitta, sab ’a and tis ’a. Unlike almost every other Bantu language, it has no distinctive tones, but it uses certain sounds from Arabic which are unknown in other Bantu languages, notably distinguishing between r and 1, and using the consonants th [θ], kh [x] and their voiced analogues dh [δ] and gh [γ].

尽管如此，它在许多方面仍然具有班图语的特点，在停顿前有很多鼻音（-nd-、-ng-、-mb-、-nt-、-nk-、-mp-），各种特殊前缀表示什么概念的类型由名词指定，并在其动词上加上重粘性前缀，完成了英语或阿拉伯语等语言中的代词、动词变位和助词所完成的大部分工作：例如，

Nevertheless, it remains in many ways characteristically Bantu, with lots of nasals before stops (-nd-, -ng-, -mb-, -nt-, -nk-, -mp-), a variety of special prefixes that show what type of concept is designated by a noun, and heavy agglutinative prefixing on its verbs, doing most of the work that would be done by pronouns, verb inflexions and auxiliaries in languages like English, or indeed Arabic: for example,

wa-zee ha-wa-ju-i a-li-ko-kwenda

人们-老人不-他们-不知道-不他-过去-那里-去

people-oldster not-they-know-not he-past-there-go

老人们不知道他去了哪里。

The old men don’t know where he has gone.

据估计，从五大湖地区传播的班图语在本世纪初就已经到达桑给巴尔^*地区，因此在Períplous中提到的阿拉伯游客很可能已经学习了该语言的早期版本。当欧洲人第一次到达现场时（1498 年的葡萄牙人），从索马里的摩加迪沙到莫桑比克的贝拉，沿海岸有一条细窄的地带说斯瓦希里语。该地区现存最古老的阿拉伯语铭文来自一座建于 1107 年的清真寺，很明显，阿拉伯语在这里被广泛用作贸易语言，经常与其他已经消亡的语言混合使用。也可能有相反方向的影响：据说阿拉伯和伊拉克的一些沿海阿拉伯语方言显示出斯瓦希里语影响的迹象。⁷⁹

The reckoning is that the spread of Bantu languages from the Great Lakes region would have reached the Zanzibar^* area early in this millennium, so that an early version of the language may well have been learnt by the Arab visitors mentioned in the Períplous. When Europeans first arrived on the scene (the Portuguese in 1498), Swahili was spoken in a thin strip all along the coast from Mogadishu in Somalia to Beira in Mozambique. The oldest surviving Arabic inscription in the region is from a mosque built in 1107, and it is clear that Arabic was much used as a trade language here, often in mixtures with other languages that have since died out. There may also have been influence in the opposite direction: it is said that some coastal dialects of Arabic in Arabia and Iraq show signs of Swahili influence.⁷⁹

尽管如此，斯瓦希里语现在是坦桑尼亚和肯尼亚的官方语言，并在乌干达、莫桑比克、卢旺达、布隆迪、刚果、马达加斯加和科摩罗等邻国广泛使用。自欧洲殖民者出现以来，它作为帝国的通用语发挥了重要作用，但作为奴隶贩子及其受害者的代言人，它却发挥了不那么光彩的作用。尽管使用它的人数众多（估计为 4000 万），但斯瓦希里语仅在桑给巴尔附近的岛屿和海岸上作为母语学习。也许和往常一样，绝大多数的演讲者（大约 90%）在以后的生活中都会接受它。如果没有阿拉伯贸易，就不会有我们所知的斯瓦希里语，但阿拉伯对其的影响早已停止。

Be this as it may, Swahili is now the official language in the states of Tanzania and Kenya, and widely used in the neighbouring countries of Uganda, Mozambique, Rwanda, Burundi, the Congos, Madagascar and the Comoros. Since the advent of European colonists, it has played a major role as a lingua franca of empires, as well as a less honourable one as the argot of slave-traders and their victims. Despite the vast numbers who use it (estimated at 40 million), Swahili is learnt as a native language only on the islands and coast close to Zanzibar. Perhaps as always, the vast majority of its speakers (some 90 per cent) pick it up later in life. Without Arab trade there would have been no Swahili as we know it, but Arabic influence on it ceased long ago.

第三个插曲：

突厥和波斯，伊斯兰教的外来者

THIRD INTERLUDE:

TURKIC AND PERSIAN, OUTRIDERS OF ISLAM

Kalkip ta yerimden doğrulayim, derdim,

Yelesi-kara Kazihk atima bineyim, derdim,

Kalabalik Oğuz içine gireyim, derdim,

Ala-gözlü gelin alayim, derdim,

Kara yere ak otaklar dikeyim, derdim,

Yürüyüp oğulu ak gerdeğe göçüreyim, derdim,

Muradina, eri$sLtireyim, derdim,

Murada erdirmedin beni！

Kara ba$sLim ilenci tutsun，喀山，seni！^*

Kalkip ta yerimden doğrulayim, derdim,

Yelesi-kara Kazihk atima bineyim, derdim,

Kalabalik Oğuz içine gireyim, derdim,

Ala-gözlü gelin alayim, derdim,

Kara yere ak otaklar dikeyim, derdim,

Yürüyüp oğulu ak gerdeğe göçüreyim, derdim,

Muradina, maksuduna eri$sLtireyim, derdim,

Murada erdirmedin beni!

Kara ba$sLim ilenci tutsun, Kazan, seni!^*

我对自己说，让我从座位上站起来，

我对自己说，让我骑上我的黑鬃卡齐利克马，

我对自己说，让我到乌古斯的人群中去，

我对自己说，让我找个栗色儿媳妇，

我对自己说，让我在黑土地上搭起白色的帐篷，

我对自己说，让我送男孩去他的洞房，

我对自己说，让我带他对他的愿望，对他的愿望，

你没有让我实现我的愿望，

愿黑头的诅咒抓住你，喀山！

I said to myself, let me get up from my seat and stand,

I said to myself, let me ride my black-maned Kazilik horse,

I said to myself, let me go among the throngs of Oghuz,

I said to myself, let me find a chestnut-eyed daughter-in-law,

I said to myself, let me pitch white tents on the black earth,

I said to myself, let me walk the boy to his bridal chamber,

I said to myself, let me bring him to his wish, to his desire,

You did not let me attain my wish,

May the dark head’s curse seize you, Kazan!

Dede Korkut，囚徒 Uzun 的血统，Kazan Bey 的儿子

（一位母亲因在突袭中失去儿子而痛斥她的丈夫）

Dede Korkut, The Lineage of Uzun the Prisoner, son of Kazan Bey

(A mother berates her husband for losing their son on a raid)

另外两种主要语言，突厥语（以多种形式使用，但都非常接近现代土耳其语）和波斯语，现在最为人所知的是伊斯兰文明的辅助语言。我们不得不让他们在阿拉伯语历史上扮演临时角色，但这是不公正的：他们都有有趣的历史，可以追溯到他们的演讲者决定性地皈依伊斯兰教之前的一千年，并且对他们今天和在今天的角色做出了同样的贡献。过去的。

Two other major languages, Turkic (spoken in a variety of forms, but all fairly close to modern Turkish) and Persian, are now best known as the auxiliary languages of Islamic civilisation. We have had to give them walk-on roles in the history of Arabic, but unjustly: both have interesting histories which go back for a thousand years before their speakers’ fateful conversions to Islam, and have contributed equally to their characters today and in the past.

突厥语系分布在从蒙古西部到爱琴海的广大地区。就像匈奴和塔布加奇一样，他们的说话者在公元三、四世纪已经骚扰并占领了汉语。在第五年，他们以胡人的名义恐吓印度北部a、与东欧为匈奴人。在 451 年，他们甚至与阿提拉一起短暂地骑马前往法国。从 6 世纪到 11 世纪，可萨人统治着俄罗斯南部，从黑海到里海。讲突厥语的新兵组成了 13 世纪初期蒙古成吉思汗的大部分军队，作为金帐汗国的成员，正是他们在 1240 年洗劫了基辅，永久性地转移了俄罗斯的权力中心。（参见第 11 章，“俄罗斯的起源”，第 426 页。）其他土耳其人、塞尔柱人以及后来的奥斯曼人打倒了拜占庭希腊语，并在 11 至 15 世纪定居在安纳托利亚各地。16 世纪，喀山和阿斯特拉罕讲突厥语的鞑靼人仍然被俄罗斯人视为他们扩张的主要障碍，现在需要将其赶走。

The Turkic languages spread out over a vast area from western Mongolia to the Aegean Sea. As Xiongnu and Tabgatch, their speakers had harried and overrun the Chinese in the third and fourth centuries AD; in the fifth they were terrorising northern India as the Hūa, and eastern Europe as Hunni. In 451 they even briefly rode to France with Attila. Khazars ruled the south of Russia from the Black Sea to the Caspian from the sixth century to the eleventh. Turkic-speaking recruits made up the majority of the armies of Genghis Khan the Mongol in the early thirteenth century, and as members of the Golden Horde it was they who sacked Kiev in 1240, permanently shifting the centre of Russian power. (See Chapter 11, ‘The origins of Russian’, p. 426.) Other Turks, the Seljuks and later the Ottomans, brought down the Byzantine Greeks, and settled all over Anatolia, from the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries. In the sixteenth century, the Turkic-speaking Tatars in Kazan’ and Astrakhan were still seen by the Russians as the major obstacle to their expansion, one that now needed to be dislodged; and in the eighteenth century it was the Tatars in the Crimea who were very much in the Russians’ way.

在八九世纪，土耳其人在外蒙古鄂尔浑河谷用他们自己设计的符文字母书写葬礼铭文。然后他们开始使用粟特文字，将其转换为中亚的垂直维吾尔文字。在 11 世纪，他们遇到了波斯人，并从他们那里采用了阿拉伯文字，甚至编写了一本关于他们语言的字典和一首长篇教学诗《Kutadğū Bilig》，即“吉祥知识”。在 14 世纪的波斯和撒马尔罕，被称为察合台的突厥语形式——在成吉思汗的第二个儿子之后——是蒙古可汗宫廷的文化语言，⁸⁰1505 年，当莫卧儿王朝的第一位巴布尔从阿富汗横扫印度征服印度时，尽管他更喜欢用波斯语写作，但这是他对他的部下说的语言。⁸¹

In the eighth and ninth centuries, Turks were writing funeral inscriptions in the Orkhon valley in Outer Mongolia in a runic alphabet of their own devising. Then they took up Sogdian writing, converting it into the vertical Uighur script of central Asia. In the eleventh century they encountered the Persians, and adopted Arabic script from them, even writing a dictionary of their language and a long didactic poem, the Kutadğū Bilig, ‘The Knowledge of Auspiciousness’. In fourteenth-century Persia and Samarkand, the form of Turkic known as Chagatay—after the second son of Genghis Khan—was the language of culture in courts of the Mongolian khans,⁸⁰ and when Babur, the first of the Mughals, swept down from Afghanistan to conquer India in 1505, this was the language he spoke to his men, even if he preferred to write in Persian.⁸¹

将巴布尔的方法视为 20 世纪奥斯曼土耳其人的精神几乎是公平的。在阿塔图尔克试图在 1930 年代对其进行改革之前，官方土耳其语总是大量注入波斯文学服饰。⁸²

It would almost be fair to take Babur’s approach as the spirit of Ottoman Turkish up to the twentieth century. Official Turkish was always heavily infused with literary Persian finery until Atatürk’s attempts to reform it in the 1930s.⁸²

如果说土耳其语值得自己对待，那么它的文化大姐波斯语（波斯语或波斯语）也是如此，自公元前 6 世纪以来，这是一种高度文学化的语言。直到今天，没有受过教育的西方人倾向于将波斯视为阿拉伯世界的一个模糊的东部地区：然而，波斯语——作为一种语言——与欧洲或印度北部的语言相比，与阿拉伯语或土耳其语的共同点要多得多。尽管有 1200 年的实践，西方人难以掌握的阿拉伯语语音区别，s、z、t、d与、、、和 '(alif) 与 ' ('ayn) 对波斯语使用者来说也很困难。波斯语中的“is”仍然是ast，如拉丁语est、德语ist、俄语是的y 和梵文asti 。

If Turkish deserves its own treatment, So does its cultural big sister, Persian, or Farsī, a highly literate language since the sixth century BC. TO this day, untutored Westerners tend to see Persia as rather an indistinct eastern part of the Arab world: yet Persian—as a language—has far more in common with languages of Europe or northern India than it does with Arabic or Turkish. Despite 1200 years of practice, the phonetic distinctions in Arabic which Westerners find hard to master, s, z, t, d versus , , , , and ’(alif) versus ’ (’ayn), are difficult for Persian speakers too. The Persian word for ‘is’ is still ast, like Latin est, German ist, Russian yesty and Sanskrit asti.

尽管在过去的两千多年里，它在伊朗从未停止使用，但在文化上，它一直是不幸的，被一系列政治挫折所覆盖和处于不利地位。首先，在公元前六世纪，大流士决定将亚拉姆语作为波斯帝国的官方语言；公元前四世纪，当帝国被征服时，塞琉古人试图强加希腊语。从公元前 140 年起，帕提亚人和萨珊人在 8 个世纪内重申了其自尊，但随后在公元 7 世纪伊斯兰势力的惊人传播，将阿拉伯语提升到了三个世纪以来在宗教、学术和政府中的特权地位。“在办公室工作中，不应寻求异教徒的帮助，”文士们被禁止。⁸³

Although it is has never ceased to be spoken in Iran over the last two thousand years, culturally it has been unfortunate, overlaid and disadvantaged by a series of political setbacks. First, in the sixth century BC Darius decided to make Aramaic the official language of the Persian empire; in the fourth century BC, when the empire was conquered, the Seleucids tried to impose Greek. Parthians and Sassanids reasserted its self-esteem for eight centuries from 140 BC, but then came the phenomenal spread of Islamic forces in the seventh century AD, elevating Arabic into a privileged position in religion, scholarship and government for three centuries. ‘No assistance should be sought from pagans in office work,’ scribes were enjoined.⁸³

波斯语的复兴始于 10 世纪，但几乎同时被 11 至 15 世纪突厥语（名义上的蒙古语）入侵所覆盖。尽管如此，波斯语仍然是一种声望很高的语言。多亏了德里苏丹国和随后的莫卧儿王朝，波斯语也成为印度政府的主要官方语言，从 13 世纪开始直到 19 世纪被英语取代。

A resurgence of Persian began in the tenth century, but it was overlaid almost at once by the Turkic-speaking (nominally Mongol) incursions in the eleventh to fifteenth centuries. Nevertheless, Persian remained a prestige language; and thanks to Delhi Sultanate and the Mughals who followed, Persian also became the principal official language of Indian administration, from the thirteenth century until it yielded to English in the nineteenth.

波斯人的亲戚在中亚也很重要。公元前一千年，大部分欧亚草原都使用斯基泰语。（它作为高加索地区的一种语言 Ossetic 存在。）在公元第一个千年，沙卡-于阗语是早期佛教的一种重要文化语言。Bactrian，说得更远，在公元一世纪和二世纪被印度北部的Kushāna国王占领。粟特语以撒马尔罕为中心，是八至十世纪丝绸之路通向中国的通用语。（它以 Yaghnobi 的形式存在，仍然在帕米尔山区使用。）

Persian’s relatives have also been highly significant in central Asia. Scythian had been spoken across most of the Eurasian steppes in the first millennium BC. (It survives as Ossetic, a language of the Caucasus.) In the first millennium AD, Śaka-Khotanese was an important cultural language of early Buddhism; and Bactrian, spoken farther west, was taken by the Kushāna kings across northern India in the first and second centuries AD. Sogdian, centred on Samarkand, was the lingua franca of the Silk Road to China in the eighth to the tenth centuries. (It survives as Yaghnobi, still spoken in the Pamir mountains.)

尽管有起有落，但波斯语仍然在阿富汗北半部的伊朗边界之外（如Darī，“宫廷”）和塔吉克斯坦（如塔吉克语）使用。尽管说它的人即使在他们自己的土地上也经常缺乏政治支配地位，但无论在哪里知道它，它始终是一种具有很高文化声望的语言，尤其以其诗歌而闻名。

For all its ups and downs, Persian is still spoken beyond the borders of Iran in the northern half of Afghanistan (as Darī, ‘courtly’), and beyond that in Tajikistan (as Tajik). And despite its speakers’ frequent lack of political dominance even in their own lands, wherever it is known it has always remained a language of high cultural prestige, famed particularly for its poetry.

三件事以你的三件事为模型——

脸颊上的玫瑰，嘴唇上的葡萄，脸上的美丽。

每年三件事都取自我的三件事——

发自内心的悲伤，脸上的泪水，眼睛里的幻想。

Three things have modelled themselves on three of yours –

Rose on cheek, grape on lip, beauty on face.

Three things each year are taken from three of mine –

Grief from heart, tears from cheek, fancy from eye.

Abul Qasim 'Unsuri (b. c. 968 in Balkh, 中亚; d. c. 1040 AD)

Abul Qasim ‘Unsuri (b. c.968 in Balkh, central Asia; d. c.1040 AD)

中东遗产：

沙漠游牧民族的魅力

A Middle Eastern inheritance:

The glamour of the desert nomad

当今全球化的世界充满了阿拉伯语。这是欧洲和美国潜在的伊斯兰革命者认为他们必须学会为他们的斗争提供真实性的语言。它与在迦南地刚刚复兴的希伯来语具有讽刺意味的相似性，是对最激烈的冲突如何使失散已久的表亲互相扼杀的长期提醒：salām反对šəlōm，但共同的含义，“和平”，继续躲避他们。与此同时，古典语言仍然每天在穆斯林祈祷中吟唱，并广播给超过 2 亿人的听众，当他们以非常不同的方式交谈时，所有人都认为他们在说阿拉伯语，'arabīya'。

The present-day globalised world is full of Arabic. It is the language that would-be Islamist revolutionaries in Europe and the USA feel they have to learn to give authenticity to their struggle; and its ironic similarity to Hebrew, newly revived in the land of Canaan, is a standing reminder of how the bitterest conflicts set long-lost cousins at each other’s throats: salām contends against šəlōm, but the common meaning, ‘peace’, continues to elude them. Meanwhile the classical language is still intoned every day in Muslim prayer, and broadcast to an audience of well over 200 million souls, all of whom think when they converse, in their very different ways, that they are talking Arabic, ’arabīya.

他们都继承的大规模、单一的闪米特语的语言传统可以追溯到五千年前。在那个时候，有很多创新的机会；世界在他们的传统中看到了第一次采用外语作为文学的经典模式，第一个具有多语言应用的书写系统，第一个国际外交通用语，第一个档案图书馆，第一个字母脚本，第一个通过贸易殖民地传播语言，在不破坏单一文学传统的情况下第一次用一种语言代替另一种语言，第一次使用一种语言作为少数教派的护身符，第一次将特定语言的书面记录指定为神不变的话语。

The language tradition of large-scale, unitary Semitic languages to which they are all heirs goes back demonstrably for five thousand years. In that time, there has been opportunity for a lot of innovations; the world has seen in their tradition the first adoption of a foreign language as a classic model for literature, the first system of writing with multilingual application, the first lingua franca of international diplomacy, the first archival libraries, the first alphabetic scripts, the first spread of language through trading colonies, the first substitution of one language for another without breakdown of a single literate tradition, the first use of a language as the talisman of a minority religious sect, the first designation of the written record of a particular language as the unchangeable word of God.

这是一个单一传统的公平记录，即使它的主要语言已经两次被替换，或者，也许更好地说，更新。我们将在别处考虑所有这些例子在人类语言系统发展的一般模式中的重要性。

That is a fair record of firsts for a single tradition, even if its dominant language has twice been replaced, or, to put it perhaps better, renewed. We shall consider elsewhere the significance of all these examples in the general pattern of the development of human language systems.

这里最后一个适当的反思可能是考虑在这个古老的传统中是否存在任何独特的性格连续性。阿拉伯语与阿拉姆语和阿卡德语有什么共同之处吗？或者有这么多创新，在从遥远的古代和中世纪进入现代世界的过程中，实际上修改了任何共同的核心？

An appropriate final reflection here might be to consider whether there is any distinctive continuity of character in this ancient tradition. Is there something about Arabic which it shares with Aramaic and Akkadian? Or have so many innovations, on the way through remote antiquity and the Middle Ages into the modern world, in effect revised away any common core?

费尔南德·布罗代尔在希腊和罗马中断了一千年后，从穆斯林前进的全面成功中看到了近东传统的自然重新确立，如此突然和显然如此莫名其妙。⁸⁴他确实认为阿拉伯语是国家真正是穆斯林文明一部分的最可靠证明，⁸⁵但他给出的近东文明连续性的例子——服装、食物、家庭建筑，甚至一神教信仰——与语言无关. ⁸⁶

Fernand Braudel saw in the total success of Muslim advance, so sudden and apparently so inexplicable, the natural reassertion of the Near Eastern tradition, after a Greek and Roman interruption of a thousand years.⁸⁴ He did see the Arabic language as the surest proof that countries are truly part of Muslim civilisation,⁸⁵ yet the examples he gives of continuity in Near Eastern civilisation—dress, food, domestic architecture, even monotheistic faith—have nothing to do with language.⁸⁶

在最明显的层面上，伊斯兰教所提倡的价值观与他们伟大的帝国主义前辈亚述人所信奉的截然相反。穆斯林提出他们独特的上帝概念作为接受他们统治的理由，同时强调他无限的同情心。亚述军队碾压他们的邻居，以证明他们的国王更强大，并通过无情的狂欢来展示他们的力量。他们的神灵紧随其后，如果许多人选择崇拜他们，这纯粹是承认他们所代表的一切的更大力量，是一种谨慎和外交的行为，而不是接受启示或真诚服从的行为。

At the most obvious level, the values promoted in Islam are the polar opposite of what their great imperialist predecessors the Assyrians embraced. The Muslims put forward their unique conception of God as a reason to accept their rule, emphasising all the while His infinite compassion. The Assyrian armies rolled over their neighbours to prove the greater might of their kings, and demonstrated their power through orgies of ruthlessness. Their gods followed, and if many chose to worship them, this was purely an acknowledgement of the greater power of all they stood for, an act of prudence and diplomacy, not the acceptance of a revelation or an act of sincere submission.

阿拉伯人为伊斯兰教而战，实际上可以看作是他们的闪米特语同胞中三种截然不同的先前传统的混合体：犹太人的抽象神学，阿拉姆基督徒的包容性，以及亚述人。事实上，如果将他们的长途航行和投机交易的倾向包括在内，他们也可以与腓尼基人相提并论。

The Arabs going into battle for Islam can be seen in fact as an alloy of three very different preceding traditions among their fellow-speakers of Semitic languages: the abstract theology of the Jews, the embracing inclusiveness of the Aramaic Christians, and the military momentum of the Assyrians. Indeed, if one includes their propensity for long-distance navigation and speculative trading, they can also be ranged with the Phoenicians.

但是在文化背景中有一件事确实将所有闪米特人团结在一起，无论是何种宗教或期望的富裕程度。无论他们的城市多么成功，无论他们的宗教和哲学如何发展，他们都从未忘记他们都是来自沙漠游牧民族的记忆。阿拉伯语是游牧民族的语言，伊斯兰教是由来自阿拉伯的游牧民族侵略创立的。亚兰语渗透到亚述和巴比伦帝国，因此通过从亚兰传播的游牧民族建立起来。当哈比鲁游牧民族最终在迦南地定居时，希伯来人和腓尼基人发展了他们的城市和文化。明确地，《摩西五经》讲述了以色列子孙在西奈荒野中徘徊了四十年。如果没有西方那些鲜为人知的游牧民族亚摩利人的入侵，阿卡德人可能永远不会从苏美尔手中接管。归根结底，肯定是游牧民族将史前时期的闪米特语从非洲带入新月沃地。

But there is one thing in the cultural background which does unite all the Semites, of whatever religion or desired level of opulence. However successful their cities, however developed their religions and philosophies, they never escaped the memory that they had all arisen from desert nomads. Arabic was the language of nomads, and Islam was founded by nomad aggression from Arabia. Aramaic penetrated the Assyrian and Babylonian empires, and so became established, through nomads spreading from Aram. The Hebrews and Phoenicians developed their cities and their cultures when Habiru nomads had finally settled down in the land of Canaan; explicitly, the Torah talks of the children of Israel wandering through the wilderness of Sinai for forty years. And the Akkadians might never have taken over from Sumer without the incursions of those little-known nomads of the west, the Amorites. Ultimately, surely, it must have been nomads who brought the Semitic languages in prehistoric times out of Africa and into the Fertile Crescent.

在现代闪米特世界中可能很难找到游牧民族。但游牧的各个方面仍然是阿拉伯人未解决问题的核心：巴勒斯坦人无家可归，对从阿拉伯沙漠荒地中涌现的不劳而获的财富感到道德不安，基地组织的野蛮人本身-在他们计划摧毁邪恶的城市时被流放。在这一切中，讲阿拉伯语的人都非常忠实于他们的传统。事实上，阿卡德语、腓尼基语、亚拉姆语和阿拉伯语的历史是五千年来证明沙漠带来的好处的历史——作为一个进入的地方。

Nomads may be hard to find in the modern Semitic world. But aspects of nomadism are still central to the unsolved problems of the Arabs: the home-lessness of the Palestinians, the moral queasiness about the unearned riches welling up from the desert wastes of Arabia, the wild men of al-Qa’eda in self-imposed exile while they plan destruction for the iniquitous cities. In all this, speakers of Arabic are very true to their tradition. Indeed, the histories of Akkadian, Phoenician, Aramaic and Arabic are a five-thousand-year demonstration of the benefits of the desert—as a place to come in from.

^*该家族以诺亚的第二个儿子闪命名，在创世纪 ix.18 中引入，语言使用可以追溯到 AL Schloezer，写于 1781 年。他的灵感来自许多民族被命名为创世记 x.21-31 中的闪说这个家族的语言，特别是希伯来语（来自亚法撒）、亚述语和亚兰语。但是这个词的选择并不好：闪在他的儿子埃兰和路德中也有埃兰和吕底亚的族长，它们是完全不相关的语言。迦南（最早的西顿人，以及亚摩利人和亚瓦底人）和宁录（最早的巴比伦人和阿卡德人）被认为是含的后裔，尽管他们的语言实际上与希伯来语、亚述语和亚拉姆语密切相关。

^* The family is named after Noah’s second son, Shem, introduced in Genesis ix.18, and the linguistic use goes back to A. L. Schloezer, writing in 1781. He drew his inspiration from the fact that many of the peoples named as the descendants of Shem in Genesis x.21-31 spoke languages of this family, notably Hebrew (coming via Arphaxad), Asshur and Aram. But the term is not well chosen: Shem also had among his sons Elam and Lud, the patriarchs for Elamite and Lydian, which are quite unrelated languages; and Canaan (first of the Sidonians, as well as Amorites and Arwadites) and Nimrod (first of the Babylonians and Akkadians) are given as descendants of Ham, though their languages are in fact closely related to Hebrew, Assyrian and Aramaic.

^*第一个闪米特人的名字（实际上来自阿卡德语）出现得更早，在苏美尔文献c. 公元前 2800 年（Caplice 1988：3）。

^*The first Semitic names (in fact from Akkadian) appear even earlier, in Sumerian documents c.2800 BC (Caplice 1988: 3).

^†发音 š 为英语的“sh”，h 发音为吹眼镜以使其雾化的声音，θ 发音为英语的“th”， “清嗓子”，ā 发音为长“a”，如父亲，以及ē 作为贝多芬的长“e”。

^†Pronounce š as English ‘sh’, h as the sound for blowing on glasses to mist them, θ as English ‘th’ in thin, ‘ as the clearing of a throat, ā as a long ‘a’ as in father, and ē as the long ‘e’ in Beethoven.

^*希腊语在现场为时已晚，不知道这些早期起源中的任何一个，称这个地方为美索不达米亚，“中河土地”，强调幼发拉底河和底格里斯河的框架作用，希腊版本的名字Purattu和Idiqlat。但是在这个早期，幼发拉底河更加集中，流经巴比伦和乌尔，灌溉着阿卡德和苏美尔的土地。随着亚述的崛起，东部更远的底格里斯河变得越来越重要。'Assyria' 是希腊语试图命名Asshur。

^*The Greeks, on the scene too late to know any of these early origins, called the place Mesopotamia, ‘Mid-River-land’, emphasising the framing role of the rivers Euphrates and Tigris, Greek versions of the names Purattu and Idiqlat. But in this early period the Euphrates is much more central, flowing through Babylon and Ur, and watering the lands of both Akkad and Sumer. The Tigris, farther to the east, grows in importance with the rise of Assyria. ‘Assyria’ is the Greek attempt to name Asshur.

^* Hittite（来自希伯来文ittī）这个名字来自他们在 Hatti 土地上的权力中心，当地人使用一种完全不相关的语言 Hattic。事实上，赫梯人在他们的城市 Nešaš（或土耳其东南部的现代 Kültepe 的 Kanesh）之后将他们的语言称为 Nesian（ nešili ），但圣经中的误称“赫梯语”一直存在。

^*The name Hittite (from the Hebrew ittī) comes from their power centre in the land of Hatti, where the natives spoke a quite unrelated language, Hattic. The Hittites in fact called their language Nesian (nešili), after their city of Nešaš (or Kanesh, modern Kültepe, in south-eastern Turkey) but the biblical misnomer ‘Hittite’ has stuck.

^†众所周知，吕底亚最后一位富有的国王克罗伊索斯于公元前 547 年落入波斯人居鲁士之手。从语言上讲，这是赫梯力量的终极死亡之声。

^†Croesus, the proverbially rich last king of Lydia, fell to Cyrus the Persian in 547 BC. Linguistically, this was the ultimate death rattle of Hittite power.

^*这是他的希伯来名字。他的真名是Tukulti-apil-Esharra，意思是“我信任Esharra的儿子”，即亚述神Asshur。Mushki 人与安纳托利亚西部的 Mysians、色雷斯定居者以及被格鲁吉亚人命名为Sa-mekhi的亚美尼亚人等同于 b55555tty Igor Diakonov 。圣经也把米设说成是一个外国人。

^*This is his name in Hebrew. His real name was Tukulti-apil-Esharra, meaning ‘my trust is in the son of Esharra’, namely the Assyrian god Asshur. The Mushki are equated b55555tty Igor Diakonov with the Mysians, Thracian settlers in western Anatolia, and also the Armenians, named Sa-mekhi by the Georgians. The Bible also speaks of Meshech as a foreign people.

^*菲尼克斯人，尤其是西顿人，在伊利亚特以精美的编织和金属制品而闻名，在奥德赛以旅行商人而

^*The Phoinîkes, especially the Sidonians, are renowned in the Iliad for fine weaving and metalwork, and in the Odyssey as travelling merchants.

^*在韦尔瓦附近的力拓银矿（可能是 Tartessos 的遗址，据信与希伯来语中的 Tarshish 相同），有 600 万吨古代矿渣，面积为 3/4 平方公里。尽管进行了数百年的大规模活动，但考古证据倾向于表明西班牙的腓尼基人定居点是商业飞地而不是城镇（Markoe 2000：182-6）。

^*There are 6 million tons of ancient slag, covering 3/4 of a square kilometre, at the silver mines of Rio Tinto, near Huelva (probably the site of Tartessos, believed to be the same as Tarshish in Hebrew). Despite this massive activity, extending over centuries, archaeological evidence tends to show that Phoenician settlements in Spain were commercial enclaves rather than towns (Markoe 2000: 182-6).

^†在亚洲另一端发明的另一种表意系统也有类似的效果。日语、韩语和越南语都是通过使用汉字而变得有文化的，它们从汉语中得到了主要的语言（和文化）借用，这些语言基本上仍然存在于今天。

^†Another ideographic system, invented at the other end of Asia, had similar effects. The Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese languages, all of which became literate through the use of Chinese characters, have sustained major linguistic (and cultural) borrowings from Chinese which are by and large still present today.

^*一个例外是双峰语，后来成为 Kushāna 帝国（公元 1 至 2 世纪）的语言，用希腊字母书写。这显示了远东独立的希腊王朝的持久文化影响，Kushāna 取代了这些王朝。

^*The one exception is Bactrian, later to become the language of the Kushāna empire (first to second centuries AD), written in the Greek alphabet. This shows the lasting cultural influence of the independent Greek dynasties in the far east, whom the Kushāna supplanted.

^*这正是我们对数字符号所做的，无论是阿拉伯数字还是罗马数字。

^* And this is precisely what we do with our number symbols, whether Arabic or Roman.

^*亚摩利人没有自己的文学传统，但当他们的名字被其他语言（通常是苏美尔语）引用时，他们的语言可以部分重构。这提供了与后来的西方闪米特语言的联系，例如乌加里特语、腓尼基语和希伯来语，这些语言在另外五百年或更长时间没有出现在书面记录中。由于倾向于指定完整句子的名称，因此它们给出的语言比预期更全面： Aya- dadu，“Daddu在哪里？”， Šūb-addu，“Return，Addu！”， Yašub -'ilu，'上帝回归'， Samsu-'ilu-na，'太阳是我们的神。

^*The Amorites did not have their own literate tradition, but their language can be partially reconstructed when their names are quoted in other languages, usually Sumerian. This provides a link with the later western Semitic languages, such as Ugaritic, Phoenician and Hebrew, which do not show up in the written record for another five hundred years or more. Since there was a tendency to assign names that are full sentences, they give a fuller picture of the language than might have been expected: Aya-dadu, ‘Where is Daddu?’, Šūb-addu, ‘Return, Addu!’, Yašub-’ilu, ‘God returns’, Samsu-’ilu-na, ‘The Sun is our god.’

^*毕竟，这正是在公元第一个千年与弗里斯兰人一起定居在英国的安格勒人、撒克逊人、朱特人和丹麦人的各个部落身上发生的事情。结果是最接近弗里斯兰语的中古英语。

^*This, after all, is exactly what happened to the various tribes of Angles, Saxons, Jutes and Danes who settled along with Frisians in Britain in the first millennium AD. Middle English, closest to Frisian, was the result.

^*六个世纪后，在巴比伦，一些顽固分子仍在粘土上书写阿卡德语。

^* In Babylon some diehards were still writing Akkadian on clay six centuries later.

^*碰巧，我们最后一次听到关于阿卡德语的消息是从公元二世纪一位叙利亚小说家用希腊语写作的：Imblikhos（他的奇怪名字显然是亚拉姆语或阿拉伯语， ya-mlik，“愿他统治”）说他已经学会了来自他的巴比伦导师的“巴比伦人”，他“学习了野蛮人的智慧”。（这方面的第三手资料可以追溯到 Stephens 和 Winkler 1995:181。）

^*As it happens, the last we hear about Akkadian is from a Syrian novelist writing in Greek in the second century AD: Iamblikhos (whose strange name is evidently Aramaic or Arabic, ya-mlik, ‘may he rule’) said he had learnt ‘Babylonian’ from his Babylonian tutor, a man ‘learned in the wisdom of the barbarians’. (The third-hand source for this can be traced from Stephens and Winkler 1995:181.)

^†希伯来语和腓尼基语在拼写中包含了一些复杂的语法：大多数塞音辅音在单词中间发音为擦音。在我们的罗马拼写中，我们用下划线或上划线表示：因此，,, g,, p,发音为v, th (如then ), gh (漱口音), ch (如loch ), f, th（如薄）。腓尼基语、希伯来语和阿拉伯语中的 s、t 和 d 下的点表示它们发音为“强调”，使它们有些沉闷、沙哑。

^†Hebrew and Phoenician include some of the complexities of their grammar in their spelling: most of the stop consonants are pronounced as fricatives in the middle of a word. In our romanisation, we represent this with an under- or overline: thus , , g, , p, are pronounced v, th (as in then), gh (a gargling sound), ch (as in loch),f, th (as in thin). Dots under s, t and d in Phoenician, Hebrew and Arabic mean that they are pronounced ‘emphatically’, giving them a somewhat dull, throaty quality.

^*关于为什么希腊语选择phoinīkes作为对这些漫游的闪米特商人的从来没有达成从字面上看，它的意思是“枣椰树”（或者实际上是神话中的凤凰鸟），但始终牢记与phoinos或phoinios的关联，“血腥，血红色”，因为腓尼基人是紫色染色织物的卓越供应商，并以工业规模养殖染料的原料骨螺贝。颜色与世界这一部分的联系超越了希腊语：“紫色”的阿卡德语单词是kina u，源自地名Kina (n)I, '迦南' (Black et al. 2000: sv)。虽然希伯来人自己也住在迦南，但他们使用kəna 'aniy 一词，就像希腊语使用phoinix 一样，冷漠地指代腓尼基人或商人；这似乎是腓尼基人自称的。

^*Agreement has never been reached on why the Greeks picked on phoinīkes as their word for these roaming Semitic traders. Literally it means ‘date palms’ (or indeed the mythical phoenix birds), but the association with phoinos or phoinios, ‘gory, blood red’, was always kept in mind, since the Phoenicians were the purveyors par excellence of purple-dyed fabrics, and farmed the dye’s raw material, murex shellfish, on an industrial scale. The association of the colour with this part of the world goes beyond Greek: the Akkadian word for ‘purple’ was kinau, derived from the place name Kina (n)I, ‘Canaan’ (Black et al. 2000: s.v.). Although the Hebrews lived in Canaan themselves, they used the word kəna ‘aniy, as Greeks did phoinix, to refer indifferently to a Phoenician or a merchant; and this seems to be what the Phoenicians called themselves.

^*这被称为 TaNaK（对于Tôrāh N i'îm wa-Ks ū îm，“法律、先知和圣经”）。但除此之外，还有对 Torah 的注释，称为 Mishnah（公元前 200 年至公元 200 年），称为 Tosephta（公元 300 年）的补充，以及对 TaNaK 的逐节注释，称为 Midrash（公元200-600)。这些表明希伯来语继续被书写和阅读。

^* This is known as the TaNaK(for Tôrāh Ni’îm wa-Ksūîm, ‘Law, Prophets and Scriptures’). But besides that there is the commentary on the Torah known as the Mishnah (200 BC-AD 200), the supplement known as Tosephta (AD 300), and a verse-by-verse commentary on the TaNaK, known as the Midrash (AD 200-600). These show that Hebrew continued to be written as well as read.

^*它写在泥板上；这就是它幸存下来的原因。但它被切割成基于楔形文字的字母表，因此在图形上它也为腓尼基人带来了有趣的启示，在此之前，腓尼基人被认为是第一个使用字母表的人。腓尼基字母的简单形状是因为它们通常用墨水写在纸莎草纸上，而不是用有角度的手写笔印在粘土上。

^* It was written on clay tablets; this is why it survived. But it was incised in an alphabet based on cuneiform, so graphically too it throws an interesting light on the Phoenicians, until then reputed to have been the first to use an alphabet. The simpler shapes of the Phoenician letters are due to their usually being written with ink on papyrus, rather than stamped with an angled stylus on clay.

^† El 只是“上帝”的闪米特语词根，也见于希伯来语elohīm（创世纪中上帝的两个词之一）和阿拉伯语Al-lah，字面意思是“上帝”。

^†El is simply the Semitic root for ‘god’, seen also in Hebrew elohīm, one of the two words for God in Genesis, and Arabic Al-lah, literally “The God’.

^*这首诗继续列出所有主要客户国家的特色产品： Tarshish（金属）；希腊，图巴尔，米设（奴隶，青铜加工）；Beth Togarmah（马）；罗兹（象牙和乌木）；Aram（绿松石、细布、珊瑚和红宝石）；犹大和以色列（小麦、蜂蜜、油和香脂）；大马士革（葡萄酒、羊毛）；乌扎尔的但尼特人、希腊语（锻铁、肉桂、菖蒲）；Dedan（马鞍毯）；阿拉伯，吉打（绵羊和山羊）；Sheba, Raamah（香料、宝石、黄金）；Haran、Canneh、Eden、Asshur、Kilmad（衣服、织物、打结的地毯）。

^* The poem continues with listings of characteristic products for all the major client nations: Tarshish (metals); Greece, Tubal, Meshech (slaves, bronze working); Beth Togarmah (equines); Rhodes (ivory and ebony); Aram (turquoise, fine cloth, coral and rubies); Judah and Israel (wheat, honey, oil and balm); Damascus (wine, wool); Danites, Greeks of Uzal (wrought iron, cassia, calamus); Dedan (saddle blankets); Arabia, Kedah (sheep and goats); Sheba, Raamah (spices, gems, gold); Haran, Canneh, Eden, Asshur, Kilmad (clothes, fabric, knotted rugs).

^* Elimam (1977) 暗示布匿人的故事有一个更幸福的结局，并且布匿人今天仍然活着，作为马格里布“阿拉伯语”（马格里布）的祖先是阿拉伯语的“西方”）。确实，这种通常以阿拉伯语方言为特征的闪米特语与古兰经的经典语言有很大的不同。但对于所有阿拉伯白话来说都是如此。在罗马时期之后布匿确实存在的地方，它很可能对马格里布做出了重大贡献。不幸的是，关于布匿真实情况的有限证据使得很难知道这种情况发生到什么程度。Elimam 本人根据 Poenulus 中最长的布匿语语音（10 行，82 个词）提出，布匿语与马格里布语有 62% 的共同点，另外 18% 经历了一些语义演变。

^* Elimam (1977) suggests that the Punic story had a happier ending, and that Punic is still alive today, as the ancestor of Maghrebi ‘Arabic’ (maghreb is Arabic for ‘west’). It is certainly true that this Semitic language, usually characterised as a dialect of Arabic, diverges strongly from the classic language of the Koran; but this is true of all the Arab vernaculars. Where Punic did survive after the Roman period, it would very likely have made a significant contribution to Maghrebi. Unfortunately, the restricted evidence of what Punic was really like makes it hard to know to what extent this happened. Elimam himself suggests, on the basis of the longest Punic speech in Poenulus (ten lines, eighty-two words), that Punic has 62 per cent in common with Maghrebi, and a further 18 per cent has undergone some semantic evolution.

^*回归在圣经的以斯拉记和尼希米记中有详细记载。它们是希伯来语，尽管与政府的大部分通信都是用亚拉姆语给出的（以斯拉记 iv.8-vi. 18 和 vii. 12-26）。这是一个有意识地坚持的传统的保存能力的惊人证明，现在，在两年半的缺席之后，希伯来语再次成为耶路撒冷街道上的白话。

^* The return is recorded at length in the books Ezra and Nehemiah of the Bible. They are in Hebrew, though much of the correspondence with the government is given in Aramaic (Ezra iv.8-vi. 18 and vii. 12-26). It is an amazing demonstration of the preservative power of a tradition consciously maintained that now, after an absence of two and a half thousand years, Hebrew is again the vernacular on the streets of Jerusalem.

^*无论如何，这种势头是众所周知的，因为印度的原始文字 Kharoshthi 和 Brahmi 都源自阿拉姆语文字。由于婆罗米语反过来是南亚和东南亚所有其他字母的起源，波斯国王大流士实际上是在接下来的 2500 年里设定了亚洲大部分地区的书写系统，当时他选择亚拉姆语作为他帝国的标准语言.

^* This momentum was known anyway, since India’s original scripts, Kharoshthi and Brahmi, are both derived from Aramaic writing. Since Brahmi in turn is the origin of every other alphabet in South and South-East Asia, the Persian king Darius was in effect setting the writing systems of most of Asia for the next 2500 years when he chose Aramaic as the standard language for his empire.

^†法国历史学家费尔南德布罗代尔很难原谅他错过了向西走的机会，因此接管了地中海（布罗代尔 2001：277-84，“亚历山大的错误”）。

^† The French historian Fernand Braudel can hardly forgive him for missing his opportunity to go west instead, and so take over the Mediterranean (Braudel 2001: 277-84, ‘Alexander’s mistake’).

^*马修 xxvii.74。Sawyer (1999: 84) 引用了大量证据来证明对伽利略的态度。

^* Matthew xxvii.74. Sawyer (1999: 84) quotes a lot of evidence for attitudes to Galilean.

^† Urfa这个名字可能源自Hurri（参见其周边省份的希腊名称Orrhoēnē），其历史可以追溯到米坦尼亚时期。

^† The name Urfa is probably derived from Hurri (cf. the Greek name of its surrounding province, Orrhoēnē), with a history going back to the Mitannian period.

^†穆斯林本身对讲亚拉姆语的人从来不是身体上的威胁，因为他们在任何地方都将他们视为小米，或不同的民族，分开但受到尊重。但是，世界各地的阿拉姆语使用者都倾向于放弃日常使用的语言，转而使用阿拉伯语。

^† The Muslims in themselves were never a physical threat to the Aramaic speakers, since they saw them everywhere as millet, or distinct nationalities, separate but respected. But there was a tendency for Aramaic speakers everywhere to give up everyday use of the language in favour of Arabic.

^*基督徒不是唯一继续说亚拉姆语的人，尽管他们持续时间最长。美索不达米亚南部的诺斯替教派也讲另一种亚拉姆语方言，称为 Mandate 或 Mandaean，至少直到八世纪。公元几个世纪以来，巴比伦和波斯的犹太人也继续存在，最引人注目的是制作了浩瀚的巴比伦塔木德。这两个社区都在写作文学方面多产。

^* Christians were not the only people to go on speaking Aramaic, though they have lasted longest. The Gnostic sect of southern Mesopotamia also spoke another dialect of Aramaic, known as Mandate or Mandaean, at least until the eighth century. And for a few centuries AD, the Jews of Babylonia and Persia also continued, producing most notably the vast Babylonian Talmud. Both these communities were prolific in writing literature.

^†以色列、黎巴嫩、叙利亚、伊拉克、伊朗和土耳其等主要城市也有相当多的现代侨民。据说许多人在 1827 年俄波战争后移居亚美尼亚和格鲁吉亚；并且相当多的人聚集在美国。McClure (2001) 研究了使用互联网将它们绑定在一起。她引用了全球大约 1-3 百万的估计数字。

^† There is a considerable modern diaspora too, to the major cities of Israel, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Iran and Turkey. Many are said to have emigrated to Armenia and Georgia after the Russo-Persian war of 1827; and a sizeable number have gathered in the USA. The use of the Internet in binding them together is examined in McClure (2001). She quotes estimates of worldwide numbers around 1-3 million.

^§它的名字来源于阿拉伯语qibt，“埃及语”，希腊语Aigyptios 的缩写。

^§ Its name is derived from Arabic qibt, ‘Egyptian’, a shortening of the Greek Aigyptios.

^*这导致了一些语言学问题，因为穆罕默德的阿拉伯语方言有点不标准：它缺少称为hamza的声门塞音（代替伦敦发音 'bitter' 的 tt 听到的塞音），失去了 -n主格词尾，并把阴性名词的-t词尾变成了-h。学者们希望保留文字的原样，但要按照标准阿拉伯语的规则背诵。结果，所有这些阿拉伯语的辅音都必须用特殊的重音符号插入到书面文本中，就好像它们是元音一样。这些标记现在都是阿拉伯语拼写的标准。

^* This caused some philological problems, since Muhammad’s dialect of Arabic was slightly nonstandard: it lacked the glottal stop ’, known as hamza (the stop heard in place of the tt of the London pronunciation of ‘bitter’), had lost the -n ending of the nominative, and had turned the -t ending of feminine nouns into -h. The scholars wanted to retain the text exactly as written, but recite it according to the rules of standard Arabic. As a result, all these consonants of Arabic had to be inserted in the written text with special accent marks, as if they were vowels. These marks are all now standard in Arabic spelling.

^*阿拉伯文字被证明比它的语言更具普遍吸引力，并且在任何接受伊斯兰教的地方都被采用。尽管它的功能弱点，没有元音或声调的标记，并且需要精心的口音，甚至区分所有的辅音，但还是发生了这种情况。尽管如此，人们还是找到了妥协，它已被应用于各种不同且不相关的语言，如波斯语、土耳其语、克什米尔语、柏柏尔语、维吾尔语、索马里语、豪萨语、斯瓦希里语和马来语，以及西班牙语和塞尔维亚-克罗地亚语。这一成功一定要归功于穆斯林国家的识字率在阿拉伯文的古兰经神圣文本中找到了它的阿尔法和欧米茄。所以任何其他书写系统只能是一个额外的复杂性。

^* Arabic script turned out to be much more universally attractive than its language, and has been taken up wherever Islam was accepted. This has happened despite its functional weaknesses, with no marking of vowels or tones, and a need for elaborate accents even to distinguish all the consonants. Nevertheless, compromises have been found, and it has been applied to languages as various and as unrelated as Persian, Turkish, Kashmiri, Berber, Uighur, Somali, Hausa, Swahili and Malay, as well as Spanish and Serbo-Croat. It must owe this success to the fact that literacy in Muslim countries finds its alpha and its omega in the sacred text of the Qur’ān in Arabic script; so any other writing system can only be an extra complication.

^*值得注意的是，这个词中的 j 读作 in Judge。

^* It may be worth noting that the j in this word is pronounced as in judge.

^†但是人们不禁想知道，为什么德国人，尤其是西哥特人的语言方法如此不同，当他们在 410 年同样接管了邻近的高等文明罗马帝国时，却几乎立即将自己定位为它的保护者。但在欧洲的情况下，没有第三种语言扮演波斯语的角色：拉丁语仍然是唯一具有世俗权力的语言，也是罗马教会的语言。

^† But one is left wondering why the linguistic approach of the Germans, notably the Visigoths, had been so different, when in 410 they likewise took over control of the neighbouring higher civilisation, the Roman empire, only to cast themselves, almost immediately, as its protectors. But in the European case, there was no third language playing the role of Persian: Latin was still the only language of temporal power, as well as the language of the Roman Church.

^*以尼日利亚北部卡诺为中心的豪萨，对于约束来说是一个更大的问题。它具有一些让人联想到阿拉伯语的特征，例如两种性别，男性和女性，后者标有-a（参见阿拉伯语 - ah）；并且没有p——就像在阿拉伯语中一样，它通常用f代替借词中的p 。此外，它以穆斯林为主的使用者在其中填充了来自阿拉伯语的借词，包括大多数超过 10 的数字、星期几，甚至一些生产性前缀，例如ma -。（“学校”是makaranta，由karanta，“阅读”组成，它本身与Qur 'ān 一词有关。在阿拉伯语中，“学校”是maktab或madrasa，前缀相同，但词干为 ktb，“写”或 drs，“课程”。）但它也有许多与其非洲邻国更为典型的特征，例如，三个对比音调和爆炸辅音。可能是它自己作为通用语的效用，在西非广泛使用，而不仅仅是在穆斯林中，已经采取行动维持其独立性。

^* Hausa, centred on Kano in northern Nigeria, is more of a problem for the constraint. It has certain features that are reminiscent of Arabic, e.g. two genders, masculine and feminine, the latter marked with -a (cf. Arabic -ah); and the absence of p—as in Arabic, it usually replaces p in loan-words with f. Moreover, its predominantly Muslim speakers have filled it with loan words from Arabic, including most of the numerals above ten, and the days of the week, and even some productive prefixes, such as ma-. (’School’ is makaranta, formed from karanta, ‘read’, itself related to the word Qur ‘ān. In Arabic, ‘school’ is maktab, or madrasa, with the same prefix, but ktb, ‘write’, or drs, ‘lesson’, as the stem.) But it also has many features much more typical of its African neighbours, e.g. three contrasting tones, and explosive consonants. It may be that its own utility as a lingua franca, widely used in West Africa and not just among Muslims, has acted to maintain its independence.

^*他们甚至往来于东南亚和中国，尤其是在早期的几个世纪。Sīrāf 的 Abū Zayd写道，851 年的海上交通很正常，因为伊拉克与印度和中国市场之间有大量的商人往来：事实上，他说，这是一个由 120,000 名西方人（包括穆斯林、犹太人、基督徒和琐罗亚斯德教徒）组成的贸易殖民地878 年在广州被屠杀（Hourani 1995：76-7）。

^* They even plied, especially in the early centuries, to South-East Asia and China. Abū Zayd of Sīrāf wrote that sea traffic in 851 was regular because of a great exchange of merchants between Iraq and markets in India and China: in fact, he said, a trade colony of 120,000 Westerners (including Muslims, Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians) were massacred in Canton in 878 (Hourani 1995: 76-7).

^*桑给巴尔实际上是波斯语的阿拉伯化形式： Zangi-bar，“黑人”土地。

^* Zanzibar is in fact an Arabised form of Persian: Zangi-bar, ‘blacks’ land’.

^*在土耳其语拼写中（由 Atatürk 于 1928-9 年引入）， c是 [dž]（j in Judge ）， ç是 [č]（ch in Church）， i是 i 发音时舌根向后拉（如在苏格兰语中） kirk )，而ğ要么是含糊的声音（如希腊语 gamma 或阿拉伯语 ghain），要么只是前一个元音的延长音；ö和ü在德语中是一样的。

^* In Turkish spelling (introduced by Atatürk in 1928-9), c is [dž] (j in judge), ç is [č] (ch in church), i is i pronounced with the tongue root drawn back (as in Scots kirk), and ğ is either a gargling sound (like Greek gamma or Arabic ghain) or just a lengthening of the preceding vowel; ö and ü are as in German.

4 次

生育的胜利：埃及和中国

4

Triumphs of Fertility: Egyptian and Chinese

^*出于可读性和真实性的考虑，埃及语单词是根据 Loprieno 1995 年为早期中古埃及人重建的，此外，他认为难以辨认的元音在这里用°表示。R是法语（或以色列）的小舌 r， j在德语中的发音与英语中的 y 一样。是一个更深的h，就像对一副眼镜怒吼一样；就像'loch'或'Bach'中的ch。是 ayn，在闪米特语中臭名昭著，是英语“ahem”开头的清嗓子。然而，应该记住，用象形文字书写的埃及文字完全没有元音。

^* In the interests of readability and realism, Egyptian words are given according to the reconstruction of Loprieno 1995 for early Middle Egyptian, with the addition that vowels that he believes indiscernible are represented here by °. R is the French (or Israeli) uvular r, and j is pronounced as in German, like English y in yet. is a deeper h, as when huffing on a pair of glasses; and is like ch in ‘loch’ or ‘Bach’.’ is ayn, notorious from Semitic languages, the throat-clearing sound at the beginning of English ‘ahem’. It should be remembered, however, that as written in hieroglyphs, Egyptian words are totally without vowels.

子禄说：“如果魏王等你来掌管他的政务，那主子的首要任务是什么？”

Zi-lu said, ‘If the Prince of Wei were awaiting you, Sir, to take control of his administration, what would be the Master’s priority?’

“需要做的一件事就是改正名字！” 大师答道。

’The one thing needed is the correction of names!’ the Master replied.

“先生，你有那么大的本领吗？” 子路说。“为什么要纠正？”

’Are you as wide of the mark as that, Sir?’ said Zi-lu. ‘Why this correcting?’

“你是多么不文明啊，于！” 大师回应道。'智者，对于他不明白的东西，保持一种保留的态度。如果名称不正确，则陈述与事实不符。而当陈述与事实不一致时，业务就无法正常执行。当业务没有正确执行时，秩序与和谐就不会蓬勃发展。当秩序与和谐不繁荣时，正义就会变得任意。而当正义变得武断时，人们不知道如何移动手脚。因此，智者所说的任何东西，他总是可以定义的，而他如此定义的东西，他总是可以付诸实践；因为智者绝不会在他的定义中有任何疏漏。

’How uncultivated you are, Yu!’ responded the Master. ‘A wise man, in regard to what he does not understand, maintains an attitude of reserve. If names are not correct then statements do not accord with facts. And when statements and facts do not accord, then business cannot be properly executed. When business is not properly executed, order and harmony do not flourish. When order and harmony do not flourish, then justice becomes arbitrary. And when justice becomes arbitrary, people do not know how to move hand or foot. Hence whatever a wise man states he can always define, and what he so defines he can always carry into practice; for the wise man will on no account have anything remiss in his definitions.’

孔子，Lúnyŭ ^†（论语），十三：3（中国，公元前五世纪初）²

Confucius, Lúnyŭ^† (Analects), xiii:3 (Chinese, early fifth century BC)²

两种古老的语言，在他们的土地和时代相距甚远，但在他们的职业生涯中却出奇地相似。在他们的属性上，他们是无与伦比的，除了彼此。

Two ancient languages, widely distant in their lands and their eras, are yet strangely similar in their careers. In their attributes they are unmatched, except by each other.

埃及和中国都是具有巨大声望的单一文化传统的载体。对于每个人来说，作为通用语言的角色在他们的祖国是无可争议的。到他们有记载的历史开始之时，他们已经在他们将要说话的土地的中心地带建立起来。每一个人都保持着这种孤独且基本不变的统治地位，长达三千多年，或一百二十多代。然而，在每一种情况下，尽管这种文化在邻国中享有盛誉和声望，在政治上经常被这些权力所支配，但这些语言从未在他们认为自己的祖国领土之外扮演任何通用语的角色。

Egyptian and Chinese are both vehicles of single cultural traditions of immense prestige. For each, the role as universal language was uncontested in their homeland. By the dawn of their recorded histories they were already established over the central zone of the lands where they were to be spoken. Each maintained this position of solitary and basically unchanging dominance for an awesome period of over three thousand years, or more than 120 generations. Yet, in each case, despite the fame and prestige of the culture among neighbours, who were often dominated politically by these powers, the languages never assumed any role as lingua franca beyond the territory that they considered their homeland.

另一个相似之处涉及他们的脚本。每种语言都基于特定风格的象形图产生了自己独特的书写系统；并且这些脚本中的每一个都早期获得了不会改变的形式。后来每一个都被另一个人采用，并简化为语音书写系统的基础：埃及象形文字是腓尼基人字母表的起点，日本人从汉字中提取假名音节。但在每种情况下，原始语言文化都无视创新，并基本保持其古老的体系不变，尽管这需要继续长期的抄写教育需要巨大的开销。

Another parallel concerns their scripts. Each language originated its own unique system of writing, based on pictograms in a particular style; and each of these scripts early attained a form that would not change. Each was later taken up by another people, and simplified to yield the basis for a phonetic writing system: Egyptian hieroglyphs were the starting point for the Phoenicians’ alphabet, and the Japanese drew their kana syllabary from Chinese characters. But in each case the original language culture disregarded the innovation, and maintained its ancient system essentially unchanged, despite the vast overhead this entailed in continuing lengthy scribal education.

他们的事业是平行的。对我们来说，他们的主要兴趣在于考虑一种语言如何达到稳定状态，一种似乎吸收任何可能影响它的扰动的稳态。这种稳定性在埃及和中国的案例中特别有趣，因为这些语言不仅是孤立地生存下来的，而且可以看出它们在其历史的大部分时间里都在应对人类的入侵，并且占据的空间大到足以给统一政府带来困难。

Their careers are parallel. For us, their main interest lies in considering how a language can achieve steady state, a kind of homoeostasis where it appears to absorb any perturbation that might affect it. This steadiness is particularly interesting in the cases of Egypt and China, since the languages have not simply survived in isolation, but can be seen coping with human incursions for much of their history, and occupy spaces large enough to pose difficulties for a unitary government.

这种令人费解的统一性的另一个方面，特别是在中文的情况下，是语言本身奇怪的连贯性。当然，汉语也有方言，而且它们的差异常常足以被认为是不同的语言。但这个著名的事实并不像一个不那么引人注目的事实那么有趣：超过 70% 的说中文的人说一种单一的变体，称为普通话或 Pŭtōnghuà，^*而这是中国国家的官方语言，超过 75%的人说这种语言国土面积的百分之一。它有一些地方口音，但基本上没有内部变化。由于汉语口和面积都很大，因此所达到的统一程度在任何其他已知语言中都是无与伦比的。我们需要考虑它是如何发生的。

Another aspect of this puzzling unity, especially in the case of Chinese, is the strange coherence of the language itself. Certainly Chinese has dialects, and they are different enough often to be considered distinct languages. But this famous fact is less interesting than a less noted one: over 70 per cent of Chinese speakers speak a single variety, known as Mandarin or Pŭtōnghuà,^* and this, the official language of the Chinese state, is spoken in more than 75 per cent of the country’s area. It has some local accents but essentially no internal variation. Since both the Chinese population and surface area are vast, the degree of uniformity so achieved is unparalleled in any other known language. We need to consider how it could have come about.

两者对现代世界也有一些直接的影响。

The two also have some direct implications for the modern world.

毕竟，埃及人最终还是屈服于邻国的入侵，在亚述人、波斯人、希腊语、罗马人和阿拉伯人的浪潮中持续不断地进行着，现在，如果有的话，作为科普特人，在什么仪式中幸存下来。是一个外国宗教，基督教。这里有证据表明，要在其诞生地消除看似永恒的传统需要采取什么措施。不朽是如何解除的？

Egyptian, after all, did ultimately succumb to the incursions of its neighbours, carried out with steadily increasing permanence by waves of Assyrians, Persians, Greeks, Romans and Arabs, and now survives, if at all, as Coptic, in the liturgy of what was a foreign religion, Christianity. There is evidence here of what it takes to obliterate a seemingly eternal tradition in the land of its birth. How is immortality undone?

相比之下，在过去的两个世纪里，尽管汉语民在无情的外国人手中遭受了所有政治逆转和暴行，但中国从未像今天这样强大。讲英语的人占世界人口的六分之一，每讲一种英语，它就有三位母语为母语的人。然而，超过 99% 的人生活在中国，所以它不能被认为是世界语言——除非中国是你的世界。讲这话的人常称其为“中国话”：至少中国的民族中心主义没有减弱。仍然有时间考虑那些使中国王国如此牢固、紧密地以传统家园为中心的力量：它们还会在现代世界盛行吗？

By contrast, Chinese, for all the political reverses and atrocities its people have suffered at the hands of heartless foreigners in the last two centuries, has never been stronger than it is today. Its speakers make up one sixth of the world’s population, and it has three native speakers for every one of English. Nevertheless, over 99 per cent of them live in China, so it cannot be considered a world language—unless China is your world. Those who speak it often call it zhōng guô huà, ‘centre realm speech’: in that at least Chinese ethnocentrism is undiminished. There is still time to consider those forces that have kept the Chinese realm so firmly, and compactly, centred on its traditional homeland: will they still prevail in the modern world?

平行职业

Careers in parallel

埃及语和汉语在事业上的显着相似性首先可以用两个年表的形式显示出来。外国入侵和文化影响以粗体字标出。

The remarkable similarity of the careers of the Egyptian and Chinese languages can first be displayed in the form of two chronological charts. Foreign incursions and cultural influences are marked in boldface type.

埃及和中国的历史都由长期稳定的统一政府组成，其中穿插着内乱，或者至少是不团结，当时国家不同地区存在相互竞争的王朝。埃及有三个这样的稳定自治时期，即古代 + 旧王国、中王国和新王国，随后是晚期时期，当时外国统治是常态而不是例外。中国也有三个长期的土著统治时期，即商周封建时代、秦汉第一帝国和隋唐宋第二帝国。部分或全部外星人入侵。

Both Egyptian and Chinese history are made up of long periods of stable unitary government, interspersed with intervals of civil unrest, or at least disunity, when there were competing dynasties in different parts of the countries. Egypt has three such periods of stable self-government, the Archaic + Old, the Middle and the New Kingdoms, followed by a Late Period, when foreign rule was the norm rather than the exception. China also has three long periods of indigenous rule, the feudal age of the Shang and Zhou dynasties, the First Empire of the Qin and Han dynasties, and the Second Empire of the Sui, Tang and Song, which then were overlaid by a succession of partial or total alien invasions.

这两个文明最初是分别沿着一条河流的河谷形成的，尼罗河^*和黄河（“黄河”），尽管中国扩张到南部的下一个大河谷长江。^†两种文明都表明，尽管它们无法无限期地保卫自己的边界，但从长远来看，成功的入侵者会被吸收。与此类似的语言是，没有外国入侵者将他们的语言强加给人民，实际上（直到波斯人和希腊语占领埃及）在掌握了这个国家后，也没有设法保留自己的语言超过一代人。

Both civilisations were formed originally along the valley of a single river, the Nile^* and the Huang-he (’Yellow River’) respectively, although China expanded to take in the next great river valley to the south, the Yangtze Kiang.^† And both civilisations demonstrated that, although they were not capable of defending their borders indefinitely, successful invaders stood to be absorbed in the long term. The linguistic analogue of this was that no foreign invaders imposed their language on the population, nor indeed (until the Persians and then the Greeks took Egypt) managed to retain their own language for more than a generation after mastering the country.

这些都是关于稳健增长和英勇维护的故事，而不是大规模传播。本章首先勾勒出每种语言的历史，特别注意与外国入侵者所讲语言的相遇：这些语言经常留下来，但往往不会取代它们的宿主。有了事实，我们就可以考虑这种语言稳定性的秘密可能是什么。

These are both tales of solid growth and heroic maintenance, rather than massive spread. This chapter first sketches each language’s history, particularly noting the encounters with languages spoken by foreign intruders: these often came to stay, but tended not to supplant their hosts. Armed with the facts, we can then consider what might be the secrets of such language stability.

尼罗河沿岸的语言

Language along the Nile

做说话的匠人，你才能坚强，舌头是人的利剑，说话比战斗更勇敢……

Be a craftsman in speech, thou mayest be strong, the tongue is a sword to a man, and speech is more valorous than any fighting …

国王医疗保险说明，第 32 行（埃及，公元前 20 世纪中叶）³

Instruction for King Medicare, line 32 (Egyptian, mid-twentieth century BC)³

埃及语的起源必须近在咫尺，在亚非语系或哈密托语系中，其后裔语言覆盖了北非的大部分地区以及新月沃地（从巴勒斯坦到伊拉克）和阿拉伯的邻近地区。埃及人在这个大家族中没有近亲，但它的家族起源确实解释了它的一些特征，比如女性名词以-t结尾的事实。^§

The origin of the Egyptian language must be found close at hand, in the Afro-Asiatic or Hamito-Semitic family whose descendant languages cover most of North Africa and the neighbouring areas of the Fertile Crescent (from Palestine round to Iraq) and Arabia. Egyptian has no close relatives in this large family, but its family origins do account for some of its characteristic features, mundane things such as the fact that feminine nouns end in -t.^§

一个庄严的进步

A stately progress

考古表明，埃及国家最初是在公元前四千年后期建立的，位于尼罗河大突出部周围的地区，后来被瓦斯特城统治（希腊语称为底比斯），因此位于埃及南部或“上”埃及。很明显，埃及语已经是人们所说的语言，因为从第三个千年初期开始，在该地区的阿比多斯皇家墓地的标签和罐子上都有清晰的象形文字说明。事实上，从阿斯旺到三角洲，包括法尤姆在内的整个尼罗河都发现了这种所谓的纳加达文化的前王朝遗址，这表明古埃及的整个地区已经被占领。由于周围的沙漠仍然无法居住，埃及王国一直是尼罗河沿岸的带状发展。传统上，它的历史始于梅内斯国王统一上、下地，并在下埃及的Min Nafər （孟菲斯）建立首都。

Archaeology shows that the Egyptian state was established first in the late fourth millennium BC, in the region surrounding the great salient of the Nile which was later dominated by the city of Wast (known to the Greeks as Thebes), hence in southern or ‘Upper’ Egypt. It is apparent that Egyptian was already the language spoken, since there are legible hieroglyphic captions on labels and pots in the royal cemetery in this area, at Abydos, from the early third millennium. In fact pre-dynastic sites, of this so-called Nagada culture, have been discovered along the whole length of the Nile from Aswan to the delta and including the Faiyum, showing that the whole area of ancient Egypt was already occupied. Since the surrounding desert remained uninhabitable, the kingdom of Egypt was always a ribbon development along the Nile. Traditionally, its history begins when King Menes unified the Upper and Lower lands, and set up his capital at Min Nafər (Memphis) in Lower Egypt.

这一成就仍然是传说而不是历史，因为国王的名字无法与任何象形文字证据确定，也没有书面证据表明南北有不同的国王。尽管如此，这两个王国都有不同形状和颜色的王冠的传统，在历史上的法老王冠中正式统一^†（在某种程度上让人联想到英国国旗的复合特征）。埃及人一直知道他们自己国家的名字是TaRwəj，“这对土地”。

This achievement remained a matter of legend rather than history, since the king’s name cannot be identified with any of the hieroglyphic evidence, and there is no written evidence of separate kings in the north and south. Nevertheless, there was a tradition of differently shaped and coloured crowns for the two kingdoms, unified formally in the historical crown of the pharaoh^† (in a way reminiscent of the composite character of the Union Jack). And the name by which the Egyptians always knew their own country was TaRwəj, ‘the pair of lands’.

此后，埃及没有历史，因为它已经达到了它的历史领域，从第一个白内障到大海的尼罗河谷。尽管埃及的势力会周期性地扩张并再次撤退，沿着尼罗河进入库什，向东北方向越过巴勒斯坦和叙利亚，但这种语言并没有随之传播。近四千年来，它的范围保持不变。

Thereafter, Egyptian has no history, in that it had achieved its historic domain, the Nile valley from the first cataract to the sea. Although Egyptian power would expand periodically and withdraw again, up the Nile into Kush and north-eastward over Palestine and Syria, the language did not spread with it. For almost four thousand years its range stayed the same.

尽管如此，埃及口语在这段时间确实在语音和句法上发生了变化。埃及文学的古典语言在第三个千年得到完善和确立。被称为“中埃及”，它的使用尽可能以书面形式保持，直到埃及文明结束，尤其是在正式和仪式文本中。但显然，说话者口中的语言逐渐发生了变化。在许多更精细的时期中，语言学家大致区分了较早的时代（公元前 3000-1300 年）和较晚的时代（公元前 1300 年-公元 1500 年）。从第二个千年中叶开始，很明显口语有了很大的发展。

Nevertheless, spoken Egyptian did change phonetically and syntactically over this time. The classical language of Egyptian literature was refined and established in the third millennium. Known as ‘Middle Egyptian’, its use was maintained in writing as far as possible until the end of Egypt’s civilisation, above all in formal and ritual texts. But evidently the language gradually changed on the lips of its speakers. Among a host of finer periods, linguists distinguish broadly an earlier era (3000-1300 BC) from a later one (1300 BC-AD 1500). From the middle of the second millennium, it is clear that the spoken language had moved on significantly.

在最简单的层面上，语言的声音发生了变化：r 和阴性词尾t在词尾丢失，并且(ch in Church ) 和d (j in Judge ) 被简化掉，由简单的t和d 代替。但也有结构性变化。它们让人想起意大利语与拉丁语或中古英语与盎格鲁-撒克逊语不同的方式。在较早的时期，埃及语已经高度变形，有一组数字和性别的结尾；它没有定冠词或不定冠词（对应于英语the或a); 特征词序为动词在句中，主语后宾语。在后期，名词词尾趋于丢失，但冠词开始发挥作用，以不同的方式表达区别。动词系统变得更加依赖助动词，因此不那么高度屈折。此外，现在主语在句子中往往排在第一位（就像在现代英语中一样）。

On the simplest level, the sounds of the language change: r and the feminine ending t are lost at the end of words, and (ch in church) and d (j in judge) are simplified away, replaced by simple t and d. But there are structural changes too. They are reminiscent of the way in which Italian came to differ from Latin, or Middle English from Anglo-Saxon. In the older period, Egyptian had been highly inflected, with a set of endings for number and gender; it had had no definite or indefinite article (corresponding to English the or a); and the characteristic word order had the verb first in the sentence, followed by subject and then object. In the later period the noun endings tend to be lost, but articles come into play, expressing the distinctions in a different way. The verb system becomes more dependent on auxiliaries, and so less highly inflected. Furthermore, the subject now tends to come first in the sentence (as it does in modern English).

举一个例子，埃及语中的“你的名字是神圣的”。这从

Take a single example, the Egyptian for ‘Hallowed be thy name’. This changed from

uw'obu rin-k. to mare pe-k-ran ouop。

应该被净化的名字 - 你的让做 - 你的名字 - 纯粹的

uw’obu rin-k. tomare pe-k-ran ouop.

shall-be-purified name-your let-do the-your-name be-pure

古典埃及的片段基本上仍然存在，但现在组合起来完全不同。

The pieces of classical Egyptian are still basically there, but now put together quite differently.

令人着迷的是，这种后来出现在记录中的语言的第一次瞥见是宗教改革家法老阿肯那顿统治下的更流行的写作风格。这项文字改革伴随着官方肖像，首次强调了公元前 1330 年左右法老与王后纳芙蒂蒂及其女儿的家庭生活。

Charmingly, the first glimpse of this later language to appear in the record is the more popular style of writing seen under the religious reformer Pharaoh Akhenaten; this writing reform came along with official portraits that for the first time emphasised a pharaoh’s home life, with his queen Nefertiti and their daughters, around 1330 BC.

虽然在他执政后恢复了国教和官方肖像的礼仪，但过时的书面表达方式从未完全恢复。宗教文本（仪式、神话和赞美诗）确实继续以这种语言的古典形式书写；事实上，它一直持续到公元四世纪象形文字的终结；但通俗文学、学校教科书和行政文件表明，现在普遍使用的是一种不同的语言变体。

Although the state religion and the decorum of official iconography were restored after his reign, the antiquated style of written expression never fully came back. Religious texts (rituals, mythology and hymns) did continue to be written in the classical form of the language; indeed it persisted until the end of hieroglyphic writing in the fourth century AD; but popular literature, school texts and administrative documents show that a different variant of the language was now being used generally.

从阿肯那顿时代起，这种语言在埃及作为日常生活的主要媒介持续了两千年。

The language persisted in Egypt as the main medium of daily life for another two thousand years from the time of Akhenaten.

与这种潜在的连续性相反，主要的戏剧性兴趣是通过与其他语言的人来埃及生活的接触来提供的。有四种这样的语言：利比亚语、库什特语、亚拉姆语和希腊语。

Against this underlying continuity, the main dramatic interest was provided by contact with other languages whose speakers came to live in Egypt. There were four such languages: Libyan, Kushite, Aramaic and Greek.

来自利比亚和库什的移民

Immigrants from Libya and Kush

利比亚人在公元前 13 世纪首次向埃及施压，那是阿肯那顿陷落后的一代人。我们读到了法老塞提一世和拉美西斯二世的沙漠运动，但似乎有源源不断的移民。利比亚军队的连队，特别是 Qahaq、Shardana 和 Mashwash，被埃及军队接纳为辅助部队。⁴拉美西斯的继任者默内普塔 (1211-1202) 报告称，他们在对抗利比亚人民、Libu、Mashwash 和 Tjehenu 的潜在入侵军队方面取得了巨大胜利。一代之后的拉美西斯三世讲述了类似的防御行动c．1179 年和 1176 年。然而，对埃及的稳定渗透似乎仍在继续，利比亚的存在成为三角洲地区的固定装置。拉美西斯三世自己有一个利比亚奴隶伊内内，在法庭上为他服务。⁵ 270 年后，利比亚派系已经确立了足够稳定的地位，可以嫁入王室。XXII 王朝不是来自孟菲斯，而是来自三角洲的塔尼斯，它由利比亚新贵 Shoshenq 建立。它持续了 230 年，尽管它因家庭不和而分裂，并被迫接受一个联合王国（同样由利比亚主导），并在另一个三角洲城镇塔雷姆（莱昂托波利斯）建立了一个独立的王朝。

The Libyans first put pressure on Egypt in the thirteenth century BC, a generation after the fall of Akhenaten. We read of desert campaigns by the pharaohs Seti I and Ramses II, but there appears to have been a steady trickle of immigration. Companies of Libyan troops, notably the Qahaq, Shardana and Mashwash, were accepted into the Egyptian army as auxiliaries.⁴ Ramses’ successor Merneptah (1211-1202) reports a massive victory against would-be invading armies of Libyan peoples, Libu, Mashwash and Tjehenu. And Ramses III, a generation later, tells of similar defensive actions c. 1179 and 1176. Nevertheless, a steady infiltration into Egypt seems to have continued, and the Libyan presence became a fixture in the Delta area. Ramses III himself had a Libyan slave, Ynene, serving him at court.⁵ Two hundred and seventy years later, the Libyan faction had established itself with sufficient stability to marry into the royal family. The XXII dynasty, ruling not from Memphis but from Tanis in the Delta, was founded by the Libyan parvenu Shoshenq, a Mashwash. It lasted 230 years, although it was riven by family feuding and was forced to accept a joint (equally Libyan-dominated) kingdom with a separate dynasty set up in another Delta town, Taremu (Leontopolis).

即将到来的利比亚人会说一种与现代柏柏尔语或塔马塞特语有关的语言，这些语言仍然在北非的大部分地区使用。但他们到来的语言效果是难以察觉的。21 世纪的埃及法老 Inyotef 养了一只名叫abaqero的狗，这似乎是图阿雷格柏柏尔人对灰狗abaikour 的称呼。⁶在埃及数字中，“十”这个词，mudjaw，让人想起柏柏尔人的mraw。⁷这并不多。

The incoming Libyans would have spoken a language related to modern Berber or Tamazight, still spoken in much of North Africa. But the linguistic effect of their arrival is imperceptible. An Egyptian pharaoh of the twenty-first century, Inyotef, had had a dog called ‘abaqero, which seems to be the Tuareg Berber name for a greyhound, abaikour.⁶ And among the Egyptian numerals, the word for ‘ten’, mudjaw, is reminiscent of the Berber mraw.⁷ This is not much.

埃及南部是库什之地。在这个方向上，侵略的方向与越过利比亚边境的方向相反。埃及的动机可以从他们为努比亚库什（Kush）命名的透明词源中推断出来——来自nābaw（科普特nūb），“黄金”——尽管主要矿山不方便地位于东部沙漠。但就像埃及一样，它也可以被视为库马特不可分割的一部分，“黑土地”，由肥沃的尼罗河淤泥构成，这个王国只存在于大河沿岸的带状发展中。埃及一直在整个古王国的第一个白内障的自然边界以南开展活动，开采黄金并在第二个白内障的布恩建立定居点。它在 19 世纪完全控制了努比亚，在 18 世纪再次失去它，在 16 世纪重新建立控制，然后控制了它五百年。埃及总督被授予ZIR nasuwt kuš 头衔，“库什国王的儿子”，以强调他在政府中的中心地位。大约在 1087 年，这个职位的持有者滥用职权占领了埃及首都底比斯，然后撤退到第一个白内障以南，宣布努比亚有效独立。

To the Egyptian south was the land of Kush. In this direction aggression flowed in the opposite direction from that across the Libyan border. The Egyptian motive can be inferred from the transparent etymology of their name for Kush, Nubia—from nābaw (Coptic nūb), ‘gold’—although the chief mines were inconveniently sited in the eastern deserts. But like Egypt, it could also be seen as an integral part of Kūmat, ‘The Black Land’, made up of fertile Nile silt, the kingdom that existed only as a ribbon development along the great river. Egypt had been operating south of the natural boundary at the first cataract throughout the Old Kingdom, mining gold and establishing a settlement at Buhen, by the second cataract. It gained full control of Nubia in the nineteenth century, lost it again in the eighteenth, re-established control in the sixteenth and then held it for five hundred years. The Egyptian viceroy was given the title ZIR nasuwt kuš, ‘King’s Son of Kush’, to emphasise his centrality in the government. Around 1087 the holder of this office abused his position to occupy the Egyptian capital, Thebes, and then withdrew south of the first cataract to declare effective independence for Nubia.

此后 260 年没有更多关于努比亚的消息，但在 728 年左右，库什的统治者，现在驻扎在纳帕塔，但全身心投入法老式的辉煌，声称要在底比斯、孟菲斯和昂威（赫利奥波利斯）庆祝众神崇拜. 他能够执行他的要求，在接下来的 60 年里，库什特人（相当松散地）控制了埃及。黑土地的统一又回来困扰着它的昔日主人。

Nothing more is then heard of Nubia for 260 years, but around 728 the ruler of Kush, now based at Napata but investing himself with full pharaonic splendour, asserted a claim to celebrate the worship of the gods at Thebes, Memphis and Onw (Heliopolis). He was able to enforce his claim, and the next sixty years saw Kushites in (fairly loose) control of Egypt. The unity of the Black Land had come back to haunt its erstwhile masters.

公元前 664 年，亚述人从该国的另一端全面入侵，这种统一结束了。之后，埃及的一个新王朝恢复了其传统边界内的土著控制，^*而努比亚国王则返回自己的土地，将首都从纳帕塔迁至尼罗河上游 400 公里的梅罗。他们在那里建立了梅罗伊特文明，一直持续到公元c。250，带有基于象形文字的字母脚本。他们以这种方式书写的语言与埃及语无关，直到今天还没有完全理解。

This unity was ended, as it happened, by a full-scale Assyrian invasion, coming in from the opposite end of the country in 664 BC. In the aftermath, a new dynasty in Egypt restored indigenous control within its traditional borders,^* while the Nubian kings returned to their own land and moved their capital from Napata to Meroe, 400 kilometres farther up the Nile. There they founded the Meroitic civilisation, which lasted until AD c.250, with an alphabetic script based on hieroglyphs. The language they wrote in this way is not related to Egyptian, and is not fully understood to this day.

尽管埃及与努比亚长期共存，但对埃及本身使用的埃及人没有已知的影响。影响的细节很难判断，因为我们没有当时库什语所用语言的直接证据。在埃及控制库什期间，埃及一定在其北部地区的精英阶层中被广泛使用，但在两国之间的联系撤离后，埃及的使用并没有幸免于难，尽管对埃及南部地区持续存在的事物的明显热情边界。双方的帝国冒险断断续续地持续了两千多年，但它让双方都没有任何持久的语言联系。

Once again there was no known impact on Egyptian as used in Egypt itself, despite the long coexistence of Egypt with Nubia. The details of influence are difficult to judge since we have no direct evidence of the language spoken in Kush at the time. During the period of Egyptian control of Kush, Egyptian must have been used widely at elite levels in its northern regions, but use of Egyptian did not survive the withdrawal of links between the two countries, despite the evident enthusiasm for things Egyptian which persisted south of the border. The mutual imperial adventure had lasted, on and off, over two thousand years, but it had left both partners without any lasting linguistic link.

埃及试图征服的另一个国家是其东北部的迦南地。从最早的时期开始，就与巴勒斯坦建立了贸易联系，大约在第二个千年中叶，与提供在黎巴嫩采伐的雪松木材的腓尼基城市比布鲁斯的贸易联系变得尤为密切。公元前 1830 年左右，一位法老入侵巴勒斯坦南部，但对其动机或任何后果知之甚少。四个世纪后，一场持续的运动控制了整个国家，北至米坦尼的边界。这被解释为试图一劳永逸地将埃及从外国统治的威胁中解放出来，最近在所谓的Hyk-sōs国王（希腊翻译hqR hrst, '来自国外的统治者'）。但是，无论是语言上还是其他方面，都没有证据表明这个王朝，无论他们是谁，来自东北。

Another country where Egypt attempted conquest was the land of Canaan to its north-east. Since the earliest period there had been trade links with Palestine, and around the middle of the second millennium these became particularly strong with the Phoenician city of Byblos, which supplied cedar timber logged in Lebanon. Around 1830 BC, a pharaoh invaded the south of Palestine, but little is known of his motives or any consequences. Four centuries later, there was a sustained campaign to control the whole country as far north as the borders of Mitanni. This has been explained as an attempt to free Egypt once and for all from the threat of foreign domination, recently suffered under the so-called Hyk-sōs kings (a Greek rendering of hqR hrst, ‘ruler from abroad’). But there is no evidence, linguistic or other, that this dynasty, whoever they were, had come from the north-east.

无论动机如何，埃及确实成功地在整个巴勒斯坦和叙利亚直至北部的乌加里特建立了埃及的霸主地位。与公元前 1345 年至 1330 年有关的阿马尔纳外交信函证实了这一点，其中大部分是法老与他的许多迦南附庸之间的信件往来，特别是比布鲁斯的统治者里巴达。这部分通信完全是阿卡德语。来自埃及方面的信件是相当好的阿卡德语，但返回的答案是受迦南语言影响很大的方言。⁸在这种通用语中，双方都没有完全放松。但对我们来说，重点是，经过一个世纪的政治统治，埃及并没有将其语言的有效知识传授给自称是埃及主人仆人的国王和官员。^*相反，他们用东方大国的语言交流。

Whatever the motive, Egypt did succeed in establishing Egyptian over-lordship throughout Palestine and Syria as far as Ugarit in the north. This is confirmed by the Amarna diplomatic correspondence, which relates to the years from 1345 to 1330 BC, and is largely taken up with exchanges of letters between the pharaoh and many of his Canaanite vassals, notably Ribhadda, the ruler of Byblos. This part of the correspondence is exclusively in Akkadian. The letters from the Egyptian side are in quite good Akkadian, but the answers that came back are in a dialect heavily influenced by Canaanite languages.⁸ Neither side was fully at ease in this lingua franca. But the point for us is that after a century of political domination Egypt had not transmitted effective knowledge of its language, not even to kings and officials who were professing themselves servants of an Egyptian master.^* Instead they communicated in the language of the principal eastern power.

来自亚拉姆语和希腊语的竞争

Competition from Aramaic and Greek

这种力量首先集中在亚述，后来集中在巴比伦，最后集中在波斯，在接下来的一千年里，其影响力继续增长。随着埃及失去对巴勒斯坦的控制（它的最后一次欢呼是利比亚法老 Shoshenq 在 925 年左右通过巴勒斯坦的战役），然后在公元前 8 世纪看到亚述在同一地区推进了控制，埃及开始吸引难民和流亡者。他们说的语言是亚拉姆语，此时已经遍布整个讲闪米特语的中东地区，甚至在整个亚述帝国都取代了阿卡德语。

That power, first focused in Assyria, later in Babylon, finally in Persia, continued to grow in influence over the next thousand years. As Egypt lost its control of Palestine (its last hurrah was the campaign of the Libyan pharaoh Shoshenq through Palestine around 925), and then the eighth century BC saw Assyria advance its control in the same region, Egypt began to attract refugees and exiles. The language they spoke was Aramaic, which by this time had spread all over the Semitic-speaking Middle East, and had even replaced Akkadian throughout the Assyrian empire.

公元前 7 世纪，亚兰人在 671-667 年的亚述入侵部队的支持下认真进入埃及，该部队洗劫了底比斯并安装了傀儡法老。但是亚述人的统治被证明是短暂的，而 quisling 法老尼科的儿子 Psamtek 能够在 639 年恢复埃及的独立。他很快开始重申埃及在巴勒斯坦的作用，在 630 年占领了非利士人的首都阿什杜德，并击败并击败了在 610 年杀死犹大王约西亚。他的继任者利用巴比伦淹没亚述的机会，将这一政策延续了 65 年，将巴勒斯坦和叙利亚作为一个整体成为埃及之间所有敌对行动的缓冲区和巴比伦。587 年洗劫耶路撒冷，以及将犹太人流放到巴比伦，是其他人为这项政策付出的代价之一。

In the seventh century BC, Aramaic entered Egypt in earnest, borne by the Assyrian invasion force of 671-667 which sacked Thebes and installed a puppet pharaoh. But Assyrian domination turned out to be transient, and Psamtek, the son of the quisling pharaoh Neko, was able to reclaim Egypt’s independence by 639. He soon began to reassert Egypt’s role in Palestine, occupying the Philistine capital Ashdod in 630, and defeating and killing Josiah, king of Judah, in 610. His successors continued the policy for another sixty-five years, taking advantage of the eclipse of Assyria by Babylon, and turning Palestine and Syria as a whole into a buffer zone for all the hostilities between Egypt and Babylon. The sack of Jerusalem in 587, and the exile of the Jews to Babylon, was one of the prices that others paid for this policy.

可能这对语言的净影响不是将亚拉姆语而是希腊语带入埃及。与 Ionian 和 Carian 海盗的机会主义联盟使 Psamtek 能够摆脱亚述。这为王朝在军事和商业上与希腊语联合行动的做法定下了基调。一支由希腊建造的埃及三轮船舰队在红海和地中海沿岸巡逻，在 590 年代，埃及军队派出一支希腊雇佣兵分遣队前往尼罗河执行对努比亚的最后一次任务。希腊贸易殖民地瑙克拉提斯建立在三角洲西部的塞斯附近，是一个与公元 19 世纪和 20 世纪中国上海非常相似的通商口岸。以希腊葡萄酒和白银为代价的贸易蓬勃发展，尤其是埃及小麦和亚麻布。希腊语在酒瘾大的时候，⁹

Probably the net effect of this on language was to bring into Egypt not Aramaic, but Greek. An opportunistic alliance with Ionian and Carian pirates had enabled Psamtek to shake off Assyria. This set the tone for the dynasty’s practice of acting in consort with Greeks, both militarily and commercially. An Egyptian fleet of Greek-built triremes patrolled the Red Sea and Mediterranean coasts, and there was a Greek mercenary contingent with the Egyptian forces sent up the Nile on a last mission against Nubia in the 590s. The Greek trading colony of Naucratis was established close to Sais in the west of the Delta, as a treaty port very comparable to Shanghai in China in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries AD. There was a roaring trade, notably in Egyptian wheat and linen, paid for with Greek wine and silver. Greeks, when high on wine, says Bacchylides, a poet of the fifth century, would fantasise about ships from Egypt laden with wheat.⁹

这是三角洲丰富的国际化氛围的开端，三百年后亚历山大港作为希腊城市的扩张将实现这一氛围。希腊语的声音在埃及会变得熟悉，即使很少有人会学习它。^*但在希腊语达到顶峰之前，埃及将经历非自愿的亚拉姆语输入。

This was the beginning of a rich, cosmopolitan atmosphere in the Delta that was to be fulfilled in the expansion of Alexandria as a Greek city three hundred years later. The sound of Greek would have become familiar in Egypt, even if few as yet would have been learning it.^* But before Greek reached its acme, Egypt would undergo an involuntary infusion of Aramaic.

亚拉姆语除了是巴比伦人的语言外，还被采纳为波斯帝国的官方语言，正是这个国家完成了迄今为止不可能完成的任务，即使埃及长期处于外国统治之下。公元前 522 年波斯人进军，废黜并杀死了法老帕萨泰克三世，并建立了标准的波斯政府，埃及沦为一个由总督管辖的省份，埃及在希腊葡萄酒中醉醺醺的。

Aramaic, besides being the language of the Babylonians, was also adopted as the official language of the Persian empire, and it was this state which achieved the hitherto impossible task of subjecting Egypt durably to foreign rule. Egypt, drunk on Greek wine, was brought down to earth when the Persians marched in in 522 BC, deposed and killed the pharaoh Psamtek III, and set up a standard Persian administration with Egypt reduced to a province under a satrap.

波斯的统治持续了两个世纪，四世纪埃及独立的复苏缓和了下来，后来被粉碎了。阿拉姆语不仅成为政府和法律的语言，而且成为广泛的私人交流媒介。事实上，气候事故反而扭曲了记录。由于气候干燥，埃及提供了大量从这一时期幸存下来的亚拉姆语文件，无论是纸莎草纸、羊皮纸、石头上的绘画还是金属上的雕刻。

Persian rule lasted for two centuries, tempered by a resurgence of Egyptian independence in the fourth century that was later crushed. The Aramaic language established itself not just as a language of government and law, but also as a widespread medium of private communication. In fact, an accident of climate rather distorts the record. Because of its dry climate, Egypt provides the vast bulk of documents in Aramaic that have survived from this period, whether on papyrus, parchment, painted on stone or incised on metal.

因此，阿拉姆语是三千年来第一种显着侵入埃及的语言。当亚历山大在公元前 332 年接管这个国家，开始了三个世纪的希腊统治时，他发现了一个以亚拉姆语运行的政府。在某些方面，例如在法庭上，这种语言在托勒密王朝时期仍然存在，¹⁰但一般来说，阿拉姆语在官方使用中被希腊语取代。尽管托勒密人认真对待他们作为法老的希腊继承者的角色，并且希腊埃及再次成为一个自治和繁荣的国家，但埃及语言从此被降级为神圣和世俗的极端：在寺庙中，在普通人的嘴唇上人们。亚历山大港取代雅典成为古代世界的学术中心，是一座讲希腊语的城市。众所周知，克利奥帕特拉女王是托勒密的最后一位统治者（公元前 51-30 年），她也是第一个学习埃及语的人——这显然只是因为她对语言充满热情。

Aramaic, then, was the first language in three millennia to make a significant inroad into Egypt. When Alexander took the country in 332 BC, initiating three centuries of Greek rule, he found an administration run in Aramaic; in some respects, for instance in the law courts, this language persisted under the Ptolemies,¹⁰ but in general Aramaic was replaced in official use by Greek. Although the Ptolemies took their role as Greek successors to the pharaohs seriously, and Greek Egypt became an autonomous and prosperous country again, the Egyptian language was henceforth relegated to the extremes of sacred and profane: in the temples, and on the lips of the common people. Alexandria, which replaced Athens as the academic centre of the ancient world, was a Greek-speaking city. Famously, Queen Cleopatra, the last Ptolemy to rule (51-30 BC), was also the first to learn Egyptian—and that apparently only because she had a passion for languages.

她的声音里透着愉悦。就像一个多弦乐器一样，她可以轻松地用任何她喜欢的方言来说话，而且她通过翻译与之交谈的外国人确实很少，因为她用自己的话回答了大多数人，无论是埃塞俄比亚语，Trogodyte，希伯来语，阿拉伯文、叙利亚文、中位数或帕提亚文。在她之前的国王甚至没有耐心学习埃及语，有些人甚至缺乏他们的马其顿语。^*

There was pleasure in the very sound of her voice. Like a many-stringed instrument, she turned her tongue easily to whatever dialect she would, and few indeed were the foreigners with whom she conversed through an interpreter, since she answered most of them in her own words, whether Ethiopian, Trogodyte, Hebrew, Arab, Syriac, Median or Parthian. The kings before her had not even had the patience to acquire Egyptian, and some had even been lacking in their Macedonian.^*

书面变更

Changes in writing

埃及语的书面形式比口头形式经历了更激进的革命。埃及古迹中熟悉的优雅而精确的图形符号被称为（希腊语）象形文字，“神圣的雕刻”，翻译埃及术语 ', maduww nāts ar, 'words of god'（这句话也用于本章开头的文字中 Ptah 的创意词）。我们没有迹象表明它们是如何产生的，并且在我们看到它们被使用的大约 3400 年里，它们基本上没有发生任何变化，尽管在过去的几个世纪里，当埃及宗教越来越成为希腊化和基督教化的古文物实践时国家，系统赋予象征意义和意象的范围越来越大。大量新的象形文字被发明出来，表明该系统不再受制于实用文字的束缚。最后的铭文可以追溯到公元 394 年，之后被基督教当局压制。^*

The Egyptian language went through more radical revolutions in its written form than it did orally. The elegant and exact pictorial symbols familiar from Egyptian monuments were called (by the Greeks) hieroglyphs, ‘sacred carvings’, translating the Egyptian term ’, maduww nāts ar, ‘words of god’ (the phrase also used for Ptah’s creative words in the text that heads this chapter). We have no indication as to how they arose, and they undergo essentially no modification in the 3400 or so years for which we see them in use, although in the last few centuries, when Egyptian religion was increasingly an antiquarian practice within a Hellenised and Christianised country, the scope the system gave for symbolism and imagery has increasing play. Vast numbers of new pictograms are invented, showing that the system is no longer bound by the constraint of being a practical script. The last inscription dates to AD 394, after which it was suppressed by the Christian authorities.^*

从第一批非纪念性文件（约公元前 2600 年）开始，它们就与一个等效但更草书的脚本并行，称为 hieratic——“牧师”。这两个脚本基本上构成了一个单一的系统，可以用不朽的字形或草书潦草呈现，大约 175 个符号被解释为辅音或辅音序列，数百个符号与它们一起使用以指定含义.

They had, from the time of the first non-monumental documents (c.2600 BC) been paralleled by an equivalent but more cursive script, called hieratic—’priestly’. These two scripts made up what was essentially a single system, which could be rendered either in monumental glyphs or a cursive scrawl, with about 175 signs interpreted as consonants or sequences of consonants, and a few hundred signs used in conjunction with them to specify meanings.

从公元前七世纪开始，一种被称为通俗——“流行”——的新书写方式开始被使用：它开始是一种彻底简化的象形文字，但很快就与传统的系统分道扬镳，因为它与原始象形文字的联系被遗忘了。

From the seventh century BC, a new style of writing, known as demotic—’popular’—began to be used: it began as a radically simplified form of hieratic writing, but soon diverged from the traditional system when the link with the original hieroglyphs was forgotten.

在公元前四世纪末希腊征服之后，希腊文开始出现在通俗文本中，以澄清这里和那里难以阅读的内容。希腊文的识字率正变得越来越普遍。尽管如此，本土的书写系统仍有很长的路要走。最新的通俗文本是在希腊征服后 452,784 年，托勒密被罗马取代 482 年后，据说使徒圣马可在当时的埃及首都亚历山大第一次布道 310 年后的 452,784 年。就像五十八年前写的最后的象形文字一样，它是在埃及的最后一个前哨，菲莱岛发现的。¹²

After the Greek conquest at the end of the fourth century BC, Greek glosses begin to appear in demotic texts, to clarify a difficult reading here and there. Literacy in Greek was becoming widespread. Despite this, the indigenous system of writing still had a very long way to run. The last dated demotic text is from AD 452,784 years after the Greek conquest, 482 years after the Ptolemies had been supplanted by Rome, and 310 years after the apostle St Mark is said to have first preached in the then Egyptian capital of Alexandria. Like the last hieroglyphs written fifty-eight years before, it was found on the last outpost of Egypt, the island of Philae.¹²

最后的悖论

Final paradoxes

正如我们所见，基督教要终结象形文字，并以此终结古埃及文化的中心流。但尽管如此，它产生了最后的反常效果，确保了埃及语言本身的长期生存。到公元三世纪，埃及人早已失去了在政府或精英生活中的任何角色，而这些现在完全是在希腊语中进行的。然而就在这一点上，新崛起的基督徒力量将语言视为促进埃及人民皈依的最佳手段。因此，他们使它成为一种新型文学的载体，其中希腊字母将用于代表埃及。由于埃及语的语音系统比希腊语更复杂，因此添加了六个新字母（从通俗文字中借用）：因此创建了科普特字母表。新传统从圣经翻译开始，然后扩展到原创作品，讲述埃及沙漠之父圣帕乔米乌斯和他的追随者的生活。科普特成为基督教教义发展的主要渠道，布道、书信和论战都在埃及教会中广泛阅读。

As we have seen, Christianity was to put an end to hieroglyphic writing and with it the central stream of ancient Egyptian culture. But despite this it had a last perverse effect, ensuring the long-term survival of the Egyptian language itself. By the third century AD Egyptian had long lost any role in government or elite life, which were now conducted exclusively in Greek. Yet at this very point, the newly rising force of Christians saw the language as the best means to advance the conversion of the Egyptian people. As such, they made it the vehicle of a new sort of literature, in which the Greek alphabet would be used to represent Egyptian. Since the Egyptian language is more complex in its sound system than Greek, six new letters (borrowed from the demotic script) were added: and so the Coptic alphabet was created. The new tradition began with translations of the Bible, then expanded into original compositions, narrating the lives of the Fathers of the Egyptian Desert, St Pachomius and his followers. Coptic became a major channel for the development of the Christian doctrine, with homilies, letters and polemics all widely read in the Egyptian Church.

埃及语以这种方式书写了又一千年。具有讽刺意味的是，正是这种后来获得的与基督教会的联系拯救了它。相比之下，伊斯兰教和阿拉伯语在 7 世纪的迅猛传播很快就掩盖了先前大师希腊语的语言。

Egyptian was written in this way for another thousand years. Ironically, it was this late-acquired association with the Christian Church which saved it; by contrast, the lightning spread of Islam and Arabic in the seventh century soon blotted out the language of the previous masters, Greek.

埃及人，现在被称为科普特人，在第一次猛攻中幸存下来。但是来自阿拉伯语的威胁总是比来自希腊语的威胁更加阴险。毕竟，伊斯兰教是一个平等主义的宗教。一旦阿拉伯语被接受，在新政权下就没有其他限制社会进步的障碍了。几个世纪以来，科普特语的命运随着其相关宗教而衰退。用科普特语写成的最后一部伟大作品是 Triadon，这是一首在 1300 年后不久写成的长诗。即使在一百年后，据说上埃及的基督徒也很少说话，¹³但似乎到了 16 世纪末科普特人的谈话消失了，或者几乎消失了。在科普特教会的礼仪中，它的背诵一直持续到我们今天。

Egyptian, now known as Coptic, had survived the first onslaught; but the threat from Arabic was always more insidious than that from Greek. Islam, after all, was an egalitarian religion; once Arabic was accepted, there were no other bars to social preferment under the new regime. Over the centuries, the fortunes of the Coptic language ebbed with its associated religion. The last great work written in Coptic is the Triadon, a long poem composed shortly after 1300. Even a hundred years later, Christians in Upper Egypt were said to speak little else,¹³ but it seems that by the end of the sixteenth century Coptic conversation was gone, or almost gone. Its recitation, in the liturgy of the Coptic Church, has lasted to our day.

从黄河到长江的语言

Language from Huang-he to Yangtze

师父说：

The Master said:

没有思考的学习是没有用的。思考而不学习是危险的。

Learning without thinking is useless. Thinking without learning is dangerous.

孔子，Lúnyŭ（论语），ii.15

Confucius, Lúnyŭ (Analects), ii.15

汉语历史的基本格局与埃及语非常相似，在外来多次涌入的情况下保持统一和语言稳定。

The basic pattern of the history of the Chinese language is very similar to that of Egyptian, the maintenance of unity and linguistic stability despite repeated alien influxes.

起源

Origins

该语言的近亲在西藏和缅甸发现，但它们并不密切：汉语通常被视为汉藏语系的一个独立分支，与其中的任何其他主要语言没有特殊联系：其中包括藏语、克伦语、缅甸语，甚至还有彝语、傈僳语、景颇语等华南语言。这些语言在基本结构上都非常相似，都是声调语言，大部分词或词根都是单音节的，没有名词、形容词或动词的屈折变化。但这不足以定义家庭：而是定义区域，因为附近其他不相关的语言，如泰语、壮语、苗语和缅语，也是如此。

The language’s closest relatives are found in Tibet and Burma, but they are not close: Chinese is generally seen as a separate branch of the Sino-Tibetan language family, with no special link to any of the other major languages in it: these include Tibetan, Karen, Burmese, and even such languages of southern China as Yi, Lisu and Jingpo. In their basic structure, all these languages are very similar, as tone languages, with most of the words or word roots monosyllabic, and no inflexion of nouns, adjectives or verbs. But this is not enough to define the family: rather it defines the area, since other unrelated languages in the neighbourhood, such as Thai, Zhuang, Hmong and Mien, are also like this.

汉语最早出现在黄河谷地或黄河谷地。最早的记录现在是一个有争议的问题。2000 年，中国学者在河流与大海交汇的山东省莒县发现了一些具有 4800 年历史的酒杯上的文字。不管这个分析是否正确，第二个最古老的字符仍然有 3400 多年的历史：它们被发现写在青铜器皿、龟甲和牛肩胛骨上（加热至破裂——一种算命的手段），靠近河北安阳（“江北”）省。虽然符号起源于象形文字，但整个系统清楚地代表了中文。视觉双关语用于传达具有更抽象含义的单词（例如，最初是lái , 'wheat', 代表lái , 'come'），或更具体的（例如láng , 'wolf, 显示为qušn , 'dog' 和 liáng , 'good' 的组合）。^*

The Chinese language first turns up in the valley of the Yellow River or Huang-he. The earliest record is now a matter of controversy. In 2000, Chinese scholars recognised written characters in the markings on some 4800-year-old wine cups, found at Juxian in Shandong (’Mountain East’) province, where the river meets the sea. Whether that analysis is correct or not, the next-oldest characters are still a good 3400 years old: they were found written on bronze vessels, and on tortoiseshells and ox shoulder blades (heated until they cracked—a means of telling fortunes), near Anyang in Hebei (’River North’) province. Although the symbols are by origin pictographic, the system as a whole clearly represents the Chinese language. Visual puns are used to convey words with more abstract meanings (e.g. , originally a symbol for lái, ‘wheat’, represents lái, ‘come’), or more specific ones (e.g. láng, ‘wolf, is shown as , a combination of qušn, ‘dog’, and liáng, ‘good’).^*

随后的普通话历史按惯例分为多个时期，古汉语（至公元前500年，以《诗经》为代表）、中古汉语（公元前500年-公元七世纪，以齐韵韵为代表）字典）、古汉语（七到十四世纪）、中古汉语（十四到十八世纪）和现代汉语。在这张唱片的早期，诗歌的突出地位与美学无关。鉴于汉字与其发音之间的间接联系，口语发展的证据主要来自对诗歌的详细分析，特别是看哪些词押韵。

The subsequent history of standard Chinese as spoken is conventionally divided into many periods, Old Chinese (up to 500 BC, represented by the Shījīng, ‘Book of Poetry’), Middle Chinese (500 BC-seventh century AD, represented by the Qièyùn rhyming dictionary), Old Mandarin (seventh to fourteenth centuries), Middle Mandarin (fourteenth to eighteenth centuries) and Modern Mandarin ever since. The prominence of poetry in the early part of this record is not a matter of aesthetics. Given the indirectness of the connection between Chinese script and its pronunciation, the evidence for the development of the spoken language comes mostly from detailed analysis of verse, particularly looking at which words rhyme.

书面语言本身并没有透露过去 2500 年的语言发展，因为古典语言，称为wényán ( )，是在春秋时期（公元前 770-476 年）定义的，当时孔子的《论语》等伟大的经典著作被写成，并且从那以后几乎一直保持不变。直到 20 世纪，文言才不再是通常的书面表达方式，一种以普通话文字和结构为基础的新书写风格开始普及。但是wényán成立于一个地区（东北部），时间距中国在全国范围内发展仅一千年左右。因此，它为自从它是白话以来影响不同现代方言的变化提供了一个有用的基线。例如，在语言史的一个典型悖论中，它表明汉语中变化最少的方言是离东北最远的方言：广东话，汉语以长期独立的名字而闻名。蛮夷的越国。

The written language itself does not give much away about language development over the last 2500 years, since the classical language, known as wényán (), was defined in the Chūnqiū, ‘Spring and Autumn’, period (770-476 BC), when the great classics such as Confucius’s Analects were written, and was kept unchanged virtually ever after. It was only in the twentieth century that wényán ceased to be the usual means of written expression, and a new written style, based on the words and structures of Mandarin, became universal. But wényán was formed in a region (the north-east) and at a time that is only a millennium or so after the beginning of Chinese progression across the country. As such, it gives a useful baseline for the changes that have affected different modern dialects over the two and a half millennia since it was the vernacular. For example, in one of the paradoxes typical of language history, it shows that the least-changed dialect of Chinese is the one spoken farthest away from the north-east: Cantonese, known to the Chinese by the name of the long-independent ‘barbarian’ kingdom of Yuè.

书面证据和口头现实之间的差距意味着，关于影响如何在语言历史中发挥作用的相当多的细节必须仍然是推测性的。我们只能推断，我们不能完全记录，我们将要描述的力量，其中一些力量在汉语上零星运作，以产生所听到的各种方言，尤其是在南方，但另一些力量则与绝大多数说话者保持密切联系彼此甚至随着口语标准的逐渐改变，历久弥新。

The gap between written evidence and spoken reality means that a fair amount of the detail of how influences have played out in the history of the language must remain conjectural. We can only infer, and we cannot fully document, the forces that we shall be describing, some of them operating piecemeal on Chinese to produce the variety of dialects heard, especially in the south, but others keeping the vast majority of speakers in close touch with each other even as the spoken standard gradually moved, all down the ages.

中国的政治统一程度，虽然其周期性的兴衰是中国历史上常见的滴答声，但对于叙述汉语的传播和转变并不是特别有用。根据考古证据，中国文化从黄河流域中部向四面八方传播，但最显着的是向南传播。在商代（二千年中后期），我们已经在长江以南发现了文物，这些文物在周（公元前一千年初期）向上游传播到中国中部。但我们知道，公元前三世纪楚国（约今四川，长江以北）仍使用一种不同于汉语的语言^*

The degree of political unity in China, although its cyclical rise and fall is the usual tick-tock of Chinese history, is not particularly useful in recounting the spread and transformations of the Chinese language. Following the archaeological evidence, Chinese culture spread out from the middle Yellow River valley in all directions, but most significantly towards the south. In the Shang period (middle to late second millennium) we already find artefacts south of the Yangtze, and these spread out upstream into central China in the Zhou (early first millennium BC). But we know that a language different from Chinese was still spoken in the kingdom of Chu (approximately modern Sichuan, north of the Yangtze) in the third century BC^*

从地理上看，汉语正在从种植小麦和小米的寒冷干燥的北方平原迁移到以水稻为主食的温暖湿润的高地。除了气候的不同，还有地形的不同，这使得南方的行进更加艰难：nán chuán běi mš，俗话说“南船北马”。实际上，由自然而非人力资源定义的水道是在南方轻松旅行的唯一途径。这不是中国文化和语言传播的障碍，但它确实意味着文化或语言的统一性从未如此容易地强加于此。

Geographically, Chinese was moving from the cold, dry northern plains where wheat and millet were cultivated into the warmer, wetter uplands where the staple was rice. As well as a difference in climate, there was a difference in terrain, which made the going much tougher in the south: nán chuán běi mš, ‘south boat, north horse’, as the proverb has it. In practice waterways, defined by nature rather than human resource, are the only way to travel easily in the south. This was not a barrier to Chinese cultural and linguistic spread, but it did mean that uniformity, cultural or linguistic, was never so easily imposed there.

南下运动的动机无疑是寻求更肥沃的土壤，其成功一定是由北方人积累的技术优势支撑的，其标志是拥有书面语言和大规模的组织。这对政治的第一次反映是在公元前 221 年，在统一了中国中部大部分地区的始皇始皇始皇的命令下，有 50 万殖民者去填补他在各个越族人中新征服的领土'。到了这个时候，除了经济动机之外，还有一个政治动机：一个统一的中国的专制者希望将传统的家庭与其祖传的权力基础分开；在接下来的一千年里，政治推动力不时地被更新。^†

The motive behind the movement southward was no doubt the quest for more fertile soil, and its success must have been backed by the advantages in technology that the northerners were accumulating, symbolised by possession of a written language and large-scale organisation. The first reflection of this on politics comes in 221 BC, with the command of Shi Huang Di, the First Emperor, who unified most of central China, to half a million colonists to go and fill his newly conquered territories ‘among the various Yue peoples’. By this time there was a political motive to add to the economic one: the despot of a united China desired to separate the traditional families from their ancestral power bases; and the political push was renewed from time to time over the next millennium.^†

第一次团结

First Unity

改变秦国统治的始皇帝（“始皇”）^§成为中国世界所有已知国家的第一个霸主，出于许多原因，他是一个重要人物。他统治中国仅十一年（公元前221-210年），在秦王位后三十七年，但他们是什么年代：除了完成长城（来自北方的入侵者已经是一个问题），废除权力封建领主，在臭名昭著的烧书横行中进行了思想清洗，并在当时的首都长安的坟墓中安装了兵马俑，他还以汉字的标准化而闻名，作为介绍普通法、度量衡的一般计划。这意味着强加他（远西）秦国的地方标准，这恰好是当时使用的最保守的标准之一。它有两个版本，zhuànshū，'篆书'，仍然偶尔出现在华丽的铭文和官方印章上，还有更多的草书lìshū，'隶书'。后者被随后的汉帝国所采用，并编入了当时的字典，即XŭShèn的Shuōwèn Jiězì。从那时起，这个系统一直是中国文字kšishū（“标准文字”）的基础。

Shi Huang Di (’First Emperor’), who had converted his rule of the Qin state^§ into the first overlordship of all the known states of the Chinese world, was for many reasons a significant figure. He reigned over China for only eleven years (221-210 BC), after thirty-seven on the throne of Qin, but what years they were: besides completing the Great Wall (invaders from the north were already a problem), abolishing the power of feudal lords, carrying through an intellectual purge in a notorious rampage of book-burning, and installing the Terracotta Army in his tomb in the then capital, Chang-an, he is also famous for the standardisation of Chinese characters, as part of a general programme to introduce common laws, weights and measures. This meant imposing the local standard of his (far western) state of Qin, which happened to be one of the most conservative in use at that time. It existed in two versions, the heavily pictorial zhuànshū, ‘seal script’, still occasionally seen on ornate inscriptions and official seals, and the more cursive lìshū, ‘clerical script’. This latter was taken up under the Han empire that followed, and codified in a dictionary of the time, the Shuōwèn Jiězì of Xŭ Shèn. This system has been the basis of Chinese writing, kšishū (, ‘standard script’), ever since.

意识到文年的共同语言和kšishū的共同文字，汉语花了一千年才开始注意到人们的分歧：早期唐文学（公元七世纪）在其fāng-yán中谈论南方与北方不同Speech'，方言的常用词：这成为一个非常强大的术语，也被应用（很久以后¹⁴）来指代韩语、日语、蒙古语、满语和越南语等外语。

Conscious of a common language in wényán and a common script in kšishū, Chinese people took a millennium to begin to notice people diverging: early Tang literature (seventh century AD) talks of the south differing from the north in its fāng-yán, ‘regional speech’, the normal word for a dialect: this came to be a pretty strong term, also to be applied (much later¹⁴) to refer to foreign languages such as Korean, Japanese, Mongolian, Manchu and Vietnamese.

中国北部和西部的马术邻国所讲的语言，与已经提到的汉藏语系，包括汉语在内，完全没有关系。此外——在这一点上，他们与中国南方邻国的方言不同——他们在类型上也不像汉语。像他们的现代后代一样，所谓的阿尔泰语^*中亚的突厥语、蒙古语和通古斯语系，都是高度多音节的；他们的词，至少是名词和动词，是由一串简短的元素系统地、粘合地组成的。它们不是声调语言，但它们广泛运用了元音和声的原则，使后缀中的元音与词根的元音相呼应。他们的词序将动词放在句子的末尾。在所有这些方面，它们都与汉语完全不同，汉语是一种单音节的语言，几乎没有构词，而且动词在句子中排在第二位的基本顺序。

The languages spoken by China’s equestrian neighbours to its north and west were quite unrelated to the family that includes Chinese, the Sino-Tibetan languages already mentioned. Furthermore—and in this they differed from the tongues of China’s southern neighbours—they were not like Chinese typologically either. Like their modern descendants, the so-called Altaic languages^* of central Asia, including the Turkic, the Mongol and the Tungus families, they are all highly polysyllabic; their words, at least the nouns and verbs, are built up systematically and agglutinatively out of strings of short elements. They are not tone languages, but they make extensive use of the principle of vowel harmony, so that the vowels in the suffixes echo the vowels of the word’s root. Their word order places the verb at the end of the sentence. In all these respects, they are radically different from Chinese, a monosyllabic tone language with little or no word formation, and a basic order in which the verb comes second in the sentence.

匈奴^*是公元前三世纪蒙古和突厥斯坦的主要草原游牧民族。尽管他们在中国历史上扮演着重要角色，但很难找到他们的语言是什么样的证据。然而，有一个十字的单引号，是佛教僧侣佛图登对匈奴国王的一些建议。这些字符在公元四世纪会被解读为

The Xiōngnú^* were the principal steppe nomads of Mongolia and Turkestan in the third century BC. Despite their major role in Chinese history it is extremely difficult to find evidence of what their language was like. There is, however, a single quotation of ten Chinese characters, giving some advice of the Buddhist monk Fotudeng to a Xiongnu king. The characters would have been read in the fourth century AD as

syog tieg t'iei liəd kāng b'uok kuk g'iw t'uk tāng。

syog tieg t’iei liəd kāng b’uok kuk g’iw t’uk tāng.

如果我们按照路易斯·巴赞（Louis Bazin）将其阅读为

If we follow Louis Bazin in reading this as

süg tägti idqang, boqughigh tutqang

你的军队派出，军阀举行

your army send-out, warlord hold

我们可以推断他们的语言是突厥语，而不是蒙古语或通古斯语。¹⁵

we can infer that their language was Turkic, rather than Mongol or Tungus.¹⁵

中国北方的三个王国，秦、赵和燕，各筑了一段城墙来阻挡匈奴。当秦皇将所有王国并入他的王国时，城墙被统一和加长。汉语也学会了如何用自己的骑兵战术来对抗匈奴。敌对行动持续了五百年，在这段时间里，汉语成功地将野蛮人拒之门外，并保持了控制西部地区的前进政策，即现在的甘肃和青海。这样，丝绸之路就得到了保障，帕米尔高原也可以进入遥远的费尔干纳马场，这对中国的防御至关重要。然而，他们的防御也依赖于维持一个活跃的边境驻军，而保持警卫的供应是一项昂贵的工作。

Three Chinese kingdoms of the north, the Qin, the Zhao and the Yan, had each built sections of wall to keep the Xiongnu out. The walls were unified and lengthened when the Qin emperor incorporated all the kingdoms into his realm. The Chinese also learnt how to oppose the Xiongnu with their own cavalry tactics. Hostilities continued for five hundred years, and for all this time the Chinese were successful in keeping the barbarians out of China, and in maintaining a forward policy that kept control throughout the western regions now known as Gansu and Qinghai; in this way, the Silk Road was secured, as well as access to the far-away horse-breeding grounds of Ferghana by the Pamirs, vital for the Chinese defence. However, their defence also depended on maintaining an active frontier garrison, and it was a costly exercise to keep the guards supplied. When the centralised government of China broke down at the end of the Han dynasty, this failed, and it became possible for the Xiongnu to penetrate the wall.

向南撤退

Retreat to the south

随之而来的是一个混乱且日益血腥的时期，导致公元 4 世纪许多突厥和蒙古部落公开争夺北方的控制权，并暴露了那里传统政府的完全无能。其效果是使汉语的中心向南移动。317 年，一个新王朝在“南都”南京建立，而不同的突厥和蒙古部落争夺北方。最终，到 557 年的两个世纪里，北方的塔布加奇人占据了主导地位，^*他们至少证明了他们有效地捍卫了他们所取得的胜利。这些新领主讲的是突厥语，但他们很快就努力采用当地形式，采用中文名称魏。这项政策似乎需要一些强制执行，或者至少是鼓励：六代后，在 500 年，他们的统治者小文被法令禁止突厥语、服饰和习俗。

A confused and increasingly bloody period ensued, leading in the fourth century AD to open competition among a number of Turkic and Mongol hordes for control of the north, and exposing the total impotence there of the traditional government. The effect was to displace southward the centre of Chinese. In 317 a new dynasty was founded in Nánjīng, ‘Southern Capital’, while different Turkic and Mongol hordes contested the north. Ultimately, the two centuries to 557 were dominated in the north by the Tabgach,^* who at least proved effective in defending what they had won. These new lords were speakers of a Turkic language, but they soon endeavoured to take up local forms, adopting the Chinese name Wèi. This policy appears to have needed some enforcement, or at least encouragement: six generations later, in 500, their ruler, Xiaowen, outlawed by decree the Turkic language, costume and customs.

它在政治和语言上与同时发生在古罗马帝国的情况非常相似，德国人接管了它在西欧的心脏地带，在他们试图采用它时改变但没有取代它的语言，以及继任者古罗马势力向东部领土、巴尔干半岛、希腊和安纳托利亚的历史上非罗马领土收缩。然而，中文并没有面临来自潜在平等者的竞争，就像拉丁语在地中海东部面对希腊语一样。这片土地的各个部分都以汉语为主，尽管越来越多的人说着一些非常奇怪的口音。

It was rather similar, politically and linguistically, to what was going on in the old Roman empire at the same time, with Germans taking over its heartland in western Europe, changing but not supplanting its language as they attempted to adopt it, and the successors of the old Roman power retrenching into what had historically been non-Roman lands in the eastern territories, the Balkans, Greece and Anatolia. Yet the Chinese language faced no competition from a potential equal, as Latin faced Greek in the eastern Mediterranean. The land, in all its parts, was dominated by Chinese, even if increasingly spoken by people with some very strange accents.

在南方，一个统一的中国王朝继续存在；大量富裕的华人移民正在逐渐扩大华人的范围。他们迁移的部分原因是为了躲避入侵者，同时也是为了占领长江流域更为肥沃的土地。那里土著居民的语言，无论是泰语、汉藏语还是苗族语系，都与汉语非常相似，但通常不相关。结果是南方的学习者相对顺利地掌握了汉语：一些新出现的汉语方言，尤其是最南端的方言（称为粤语或粤语）听起来很像原来的方言。

Down in the south a unified Chinese dynasty continued; there large numbers of well-to-do Chinese immigrants were gradually spreading the range of Chinese. They had moved partly to escape the invaders, but also to occupy the more fertile land drained by the Yangtze. The languages of the native population there, whether of the Tai, Sino-Tibetan or Hmong-Mien families, were all of a type quite similar, though often unrelated, to Chinese. The result was a relatively smooth take-up of Chinese by learners in the south: some of the new Chinese dialects that arose, especially the southernmost (called Yue, or Cantonese), sound very much like the original.

公元七世纪的中古汉语有可以以m、n、ng、p、t、k或元音结尾的音节，现代粤语也是如此，就像（不相关但相邻的）南方语言壮语一样；在普通话中，韵母m变成了n，韵母p、t和k都被去掉了。再次推断中古汉语具有三个声调轮廓，以及一个单独的，所谓的“进入”模式，用于以p、t或k 结尾的单词。这些后来分为八个声调，有一个高音和一个低音，这取决于它们是以浊辅音还是清辅音开头（bdgzj与ptksc）。这是现代粤语和壮语的系统基础；普通话采取了不同的方式，只分裂了一个原始声调，但是当它去掉最后的p、t和k时，它将所有受影响的单词分配给其他一个声调。它以四种声调结束，而粤语（和壮语）则有八种声调。¹⁶

Middle Chinese of the seventh century AD had syllables that could end in m, n, ng, p, t, k or a vowel, and so does Modern Cantonese, just like the (unrelated but neighbouring) southern language Zhuang; in Mandarin final m has become n, and final p, t and k have all been dropped. Again Middle Chinese is inferred to have had three tone contours, and a separate, so-called ‘entering’, pattern for words ending in p, t or k. These later split to eight tones, with a high and a low onset, depending on whether they started with a voiced or voiceless consonant (b-d-g-z-j versus p-t-k-s-c). This is the basis of the system in modern Cantonese, and also in Zhuang; Mandarin has taken a different route, splitting only one of the original tones, but when it dropped final p, t and k it assigned all the words affected to one of the other tones. It has ended up with four tones, while Cantonese (and Zhuang) have eight.¹⁶

589 年，重新统一国家是可能的。一个新的中国黄金时代，即使不是永远和平，也很繁荣，始于隋朝和唐朝。在此期间，汉语继续向南传播。

In 589 it proved possible to reunite the country. A new Chinese golden age, of prosperity if not always peace, began under the Sui and then the Tang dynasties. Throughout this period, Chinese continued to spread southward.

唐朝一直持续到九世纪末，沦为地方军阀之间的权力斗争。在此期间，许多外国使团到达中国，包括印度佛教徒、景教基督徒、琐罗亚斯德教徒和摩尼教徒以及穆斯林。这会将梵语、亚拉姆语、波斯语和阿拉伯语的声音传播到主要中心，在那里它们将被用于礼拜；但实际上说他们的数字一定很小。无论如何，到了唐末，除了佛教和穆斯林之外的一切都被清除了。在 8 世纪和 9 世纪，西方西藏入侵的威胁越来越大，云南南诏人的顽强抵抗（《云之南》，在西南）但没有长期失地。这一时期（从 847 年开始）还看到另一个讲突厥语的群体回鹘人定居在北部的甘肃省，并在遥远的西部（现代新疆）建立了一个对汉语友好的独立王国。

The Tang dynasty lasted until the end of the ninth century, when it degenerated into a power struggle among regional warlords. Many foreign missions reached China in this period, including Buddhists from India, Nestorian Christians, Zoroastrians and Manichaeans, and Muslims. This would have spread the sounds of the Sanskrit, Aramaic, Persian and Arabic languages to the major centres, where they would have been used in worship; but the numbers actually speaking them must have remained tiny. In any case, by the end of the Tang all except the Buddhists and Muslims had been purged out of existence. During the eighth and ninth centuries there was an increasing threat of incursions from Tibet in the west, and stout resistance from the Nanzhao natives in Yúnnán (’South of the Clouds’, in the south-west) but no long-term loss of territory. This period (from 847) also saw another Turkic-speaking group, the Uighurs, settle in the northerly province of Gansu, and set up an independent kingdom, friendly to the Chinese, in the far west (modern Xinjiang).

半个世纪（960）后，宋朝修复了中央政府的崩溃，但在极北的满洲和长城以北的土地被蒙古部落契丹占领之前；西北部的甘肃也迷失了，被说与藏语有关的西夏人入侵。西夏人坚守这一地区；但在 1115 年，契丹人被来自更北方的另一群人——说通古斯语的女真人——压倒了，汉语不明智地帮助了他们。虽然女真人采用了中国的名字和风格Jīn（，'金'），他们几乎立即转向他们的盟友，在入侵南方和北方的大部分地区之后，控制了整个中国传统心脏地带黄河谷。他们一直持有这一点（就像西夏一样），直到被更大的成吉思汗本人取代，他在 1211 年领导了蒙古人的入侵。

The breakdown of central government was repaired after half a century (960) by the Song dynasty, but not before the extreme north, Manchuria and the lands north of the Great Wall, had been taken by the Khitan, a Mongolian tribe; Gansu too, in the north-west, was lost, invaded by the Tangut, who spoke a language related to Tibetan. The Tangut held on to this area; but the Khitan were in 1115 overwhelmed by another group from farther north—the Jurchen, a Tungus-speaking people, whom the Chinese, ill-advisedly, assisted. Although the Jurchen adopted the Chinese name and style of Jīn (, ‘golden’), they almost immediately turned on their allies and, after invading much of the south as well as the north, were left in control of the entire valley of the Huang-he, the traditional Chinese heartland. This they held (like the Tangut) until displaced by one greater, Genghis Khan himself, who led a Mongolian invasion in 1211.

与往常一样，事实证明，入侵者占领北方比占领南方容易得多。两代以来，宋朝一直以杭州为据点防御南方帝国，直到 1279 年蒙古人能够在后方占领他们，首先在西南征服了云南（实际上是越南北部）。

As so often, it proved much easier for the invaders to overrun the north than the south. For two generations the Song dynasty maintained a defence of the southern empire, based on Hangzhou, until in 1279 the Mongols were able to take them in the rear, having first conquered Yunnan (and indeed the north of Vietnam) in the south-west.

第一次，一个非汉语的王朝（蒙古人，现称为元， “原始”）控制了整个中国。由于此时蒙古人还控制了亚洲其他大部分地区，因此蒙古忽必烈决定将其首都从蒙古喀喇昆仑迁至北京（“北方首都”）对中国来说是幸运的，因为否则它可能遭受所有殖民地的命运，被其统治者忽视；但无论如何，到 1295 年，蒙古帝国的统一已经丧失。西方新皈依的穆斯林可汗拒绝接受忽必烈在北京的继承人的主权，因为他是一名佛教徒。

For the first time, a non-Chinese speaking dynasty (Mongols, now known as the Yuán, , ‘Original’) controlled the full extent of China. Since the Mongols by this time also controlled most of the rest of Asia, it could be thought lucky for China that the Mongol Kublai Khan decided to move his capital from Kara Korum in Mongolia to Běijīng (, ‘Northern Capital’), since otherwise it might have suffered the fate of all colonies, to be disregarded by its ruler; but in any case, the unity of the Mongol empire was lost by 1295. The newly converted Muslim Khans of the west refused to accept the sovereignty of Kublai Khan’s successor at Beijing, since he was a Buddhist.

蒙古对中国的控制并没有持续太久。忽必烈虽然以彬彬有礼而闻名，但他的继任者却不那么出名。值得一提的是王朝的最后一位，多干帖木儿（1333-1369），因为在许多反华立法中，他通过了禁止汉语读写蒙古文的法律。很明显，正在遵循严格的种族政策。与后来效仿的满族人——或者当代但当然完全不为人知的爱尔兰英国人的例子相比，人们会预料到^——精英们会通过法律来阻止他们自己的成员加入被征服人民的语言。

Mongol control of China did not last much longer. Although Kublai was famous for his civility, his successors were less distinguished. It is worth mentioning the last of the dynasty, Togan Timur (1333-1369), since among much anti-Chinese legislation he passed laws forbidding Chinese to read or write Mongolian. It is evident that a strict racial policy was being followed. One would have expected, by comparison with the Manchu who were to follow much later—or the contemporary, but of course quite unknown, example of the English in Ireland^*—that the elite would be passing laws to prevent their own members from taking up the language of the conquered people.

1369 年，多干帖木儿和他的蒙古人最终被一位受欢迎的中国军阀变成了民族英雄，他将自己确立为第一位明朝皇帝。三个世纪以来，中国政府没有外人干涉。

In 1369 Togan Timur and his Mongols ended up chased out by a popular Chinese warlord turned national hero, who established himself as the first Ming emperor. There was then for three centuries no interference by outsiders in the government of China.

北方影响

Northern influences

然后讲通古斯语的女真人，现在被称为满族，获得了第二次统治中国的机会。这次入侵是说外语的人对中国的最后一次永久性渗透。

Then the Tungus-speaking Jurchen people, now to be known as the Manchus, gained a second chance to dominate China. This invasion was the last permanent penetration of China by speakers of a foreign language.

17世纪初，满族在两位干练的领袖领导下进行了重组，向中国领土的北方进军，在奉天建立了首都。然后，在 1644 年，他们有幸被邀请到北京，作为两位争夺明朝的将领之间的斗争中的一项战术举措。满族趁机安身立命，将新王朝定为清朝。, '纯'), 到 1651 年已经平息了中国其他地区的所有抵抗。虽然他们说自己的语言，直到 1911 年王朝结束，它仍然是中国国家的官方书面语言，但到了 18 世纪，它甚至在宫廷中也已绝迹。即使在满洲本身，这种语言也没有幸存下来，满洲是其人民成功接管中国及其生活方式的奇怪受害者。今天，只有 1764 年从满洲首府奉天派往新疆的一支部队的后裔以锡伯的名义使用这种语言——一种现在只在中国西北地区使用的东北语言。

In the early seventeenth century, the Manchus had been reorganised, under two able leaders, and advanced into the northern marches of Chinese territory to establish a capital at Mukden. Then, in 1644, they had the luck to be invited into Beijing as a tactical move in a struggle between two generals contending to replace the Ming. The Manchus took the opportunity to install themselves, styling their new dynasty with the name Qīng (, ‘Pure’), and by 1651 had put down all resistance in the rest of China. Although they came speaking their own language, and it remained an official written language of the Chinese state until the end of the dynasty in 1911, it had died out in speech even at court by the eighteenth century. The language did not survive even in Manchuria itself, a curious victim of its people’s successful takeover of China and its way of life. Today it is only spoken, under the name of Xibo, by the descendants of a detachment of troops dispatched from the Manchurian capital Mukden to Xinjiang in 1764—a north-eastern language now spoken only in the Chinese north-west.

入侵者来到北方，北方的汉语继续成为该国的标准语言。但是，尽管北方方言发生了重大变化，但只能部分归结为匈奴、塔巴赫、女真、蒙古或满族在尝试汉语时会遇到的特殊困难。^*有趣的事实是普通话可以区分wômen，“我们（不包括你）”和zšnmen，“我们（包括你）”，就像蒙古语和满语一样；这是中古以来的创新。也许有人可以指出现代汉语中没有辅音簇，其中一些在中古汉语中是允许的。例如，sniwər, 'appease' 和t'nwšr , 'secure', 变成了 sūi和tŭo。阿尔泰语言在一个音节的开头不能包含一个以上的辅音。^†

It was into the north that the invaders came, and the Chinese spoken in the north went on to become the standard language for the country. But although the northern dialect underwent significant changes, they can only partly be put down to the particular difficulties that Xiongnu, Tabgach, Jurchen, Mongol or Manchu would have encountered as they tried to get by in Chinese.^* There is the interesting fact that Mandarin Chinese can distinguish wômen, ‘we (excluding you)’, from zšnmen, ‘we (including you)’, just as Mongol and Manchu do; this is an innovation since Middle Chinese. And perhaps one can point to the absence of consonant clusters in modern Chinese, some of which were allowed in Middle Chinese. For example, sniwər, ‘appease’, and t’nwšr, ‘secure’, have become sūi and tŭo. Altaic languages cannot abide more than one consonant at the beginning of a syllable.^†

事实上，在入侵者被吸收之前的一个中间时期，有一些汉语的书面遗物。13世纪的《蒙古秘史》汉译充满了阿尔泰语的模式，如后置词而不是介词、动词跟在宾语后面、存在动词在句尾，在汉语中都是怪异的，其基本词序是更像英语：

There are in fact a few written relics of the kind of Chinese that was spoken in one of the intermediate periods before the invaders were absorbed. The thirteenth-century Chinese translation of The Secret History of the Mongols is full of Altaic patterns such as postpositions instead of prepositions, verbs following the object, and existential verbs at the end of the sentence, all weird in Chinese, whose basic word order is much more like English:

大凡女海儿生了老在嘉礼德

一般过去生的女儿总是待在家里

Da-fan nyu-hai-er sheng liao lao zai jia-li de

Generally daughter born past always stay home-at particle

李武

li wu

原因不是

reason is-not

你所生的女儿没有理由总是待在家里。

There is no reason why a daughter, born to you, should always stay at home.

有大量证据表明满族和普通话混合在zî-dì-shū，“儿子的书”中，这是对满族早期在北京（1736-96 年）享受的叙事娱乐的书面记录，尽管他们多以汉语词序书写，散布满语词汇。

And there is copious evidence for mixtures of Manchu and Mandarin in the zî-dì-shū, ‘Son’s Books’, which are a written record of the narrative entertainment the Manchu enjoyed in their early days in Beijing (1736-96), though they are written more with Chinese word order scattered with Manchu vocabulary.

在北方方言中，直接宾语仍然倾向于经常出现在动词之前，并且比短语出现在比较形容词之前，这些特征可能归因于阿尔泰语的影响。但总的来说，这种混杂的汉语风格并没有建立起来。¹⁷后世的侵略家庭自然而然地从他们的华裔母亲、护士和校长那里学习中文；可能阿尔泰模式与中国模式太过对立，以至于无法发展任何妥协。这是汉语语言关系的典型：一般来说，汉语中从任何方向借用其他语言的外来词都不多，当然也没有结构性影响；杜, 'calf, 似乎确实来自阿尔泰语系，因为它的人民以畜牧业为生（参见 Mongol tuγul , Manchu tukšan , Evenki tukučən , 均意为 'calf ），但在戏剧中发现的许多蒙古语单词元朝从此又失传了。¹⁸

In northern dialects there is still a tendency for direct objects to occur rather often before the verb, and for than-phrases to occur before comparative adjectives, features that might be attributed to Altaic influence. But in general this mixed style of Chinese did not establish itself.¹⁷ Later generations of invader families picked up Chinese naturally from their Chinese mothers, nurses and schoolmasters; probably the Altaic patterns were just too far opposed to Chinese for any compromise to develop. This is typical enough of Chinese linguistic relations: in general, there are not many loan words in Chinese borrowed from other languages in any direction, and certainly no structural influences; dú, ‘calf, does seem to have come from Altaic, characteristically enough since its peoples lived by stockbreeding (cf. Mongol tuγul, Manchu tukšan, Evenki tukučən, all meaning ‘calf), but the many Mongol words that are found in the drama of the Yuan dynasty have since been lost again.¹⁸

超越南海

Beyond the southern sea

尽管中国在这三个半世纪的时间里几乎完全局限在东亚，但它确实在其南方跨海试探了一些。在过去的一千年里，这导致了一些汉语在国外的永久居留；在过去的 200 年中，部分作为对欧洲定居点的反应或剥削，严重的海外社区已经成长起来，这可能对未来的语言传播具有重要意义。

Although Chinese has spent its three and a half millennia almost wholly confined to East Asia, it did put out some feelers across the sea to its south. In the last thousand years, this led to some permanent residence of Chinese abroad; in the last two hundred, partly as a reaction to—or exploitation of—European settlement, serious overseas communities have grown up, which may be significant in the future spread of the language.

汉语在南洋的最早印象，即“南大洋”，被汉语称为南海之滨，是公元前三世纪商人到铜京（越南北部）的访问。¹⁹公元前 111 年，他们被军队追击，中国吞并了桐京，以及南越^*（今广西和广东）。尽管有零星的和不断增加的抵抗，中国仍将控制通京一千年，实际上直到公元 938 年。中国试图在文化上同化它，为当地精英提供中国经典，为行政人员提供竞争性考试，以及官方使用文言。有华人移民，有的嫁入越南的王室，提供了许多后来的领导人。唐朝传入的大乘佛教成为主流宗教。²⁰尽管如此，汉语并没有永久地传播到世界的这个地区。

The earliest inklings of Chinese in Nán-yáng, ‘the Southern Ocean’, as the Chinese called the shores of the South China Sea, are visits of merchants to Tongking (northern Vietnam) in the third century BC.¹⁹ They were followed up in 111 BC by troops, and China annexed Tongking, along with Nan-yue^* (modern Guangxi and Guangdong). China was to hold Tongking for over a thousand years, in fact until AD 938, despite sporadic and increasing resistance. China attempted to assimilate it culturally, with Chinese classics for the local elite, competitive examinations for administrators, and official use of wényán. There was Chinese immigration, and some married into Vietnam’s princely families, providing many later leaders. Mahayana Buddhism, introduced under the Tang dynasty, became the majority religion.²⁰ Despite all this, the Chinese language did not spread permanently to this part of the world.

比进军铜京稍晚一些，汉语向南继续前进，尽管显然本能比唯物主义者更学术。公元三世纪，两位中国使者康泰和居英写了一篇关于扶南（今柬埔寨）建立的报告。²¹没有什么可说的了，或者汉语在那里做什么；但是，经过 sri Vijaya（在苏门答腊）到印度的路线在稍后的 5 到 8 世纪，中国的佛教学者们走得很顺利。（参见第 5 章，“局外人的观点”，第 192 页。）

Somewhat later than the advance into Tongking, Chinese proceeded farther south, though apparently with instincts more scholarly than materialist. In the third century AD, two Chinese envoys, Kang Tai and Ju Ying, wrote a report on the foundation of Funan (in modern Cambodia).²¹ There is little more to be said of it, or what the Chinese were doing there; but the route via Śri Vijaya (in Sumatra) to India became quite well travelled by China’s Buddhist scholars a little later, in the fifth to eighth centuries. (See Chapter 5, ‘Outsiders’ views’, p. 192.)

八世纪以后，贸易作为一种动机出现，但这种联系似乎一直由外国商人、阿拉伯人、波斯人和印度人维持，直到十一世纪我们才发现了第一次集资的报道由中国商人资助他们自己的探险。这是在积极支持商人的宋朝时期。此后政府对海外扩张的支持动摇，蒙古元坚定支持，甚至于1293年入侵爪哇失败，1368年成功的明朝选择孤立：禁止私人贸易，一切接触都必须通过外交途径进行. 在海军上将郑和（1405-33 年）著名的环球航行期间，曾有过短暂的复兴；但在那之后，中国的居民商人一度不得不转入地下。

After the eighth century, trade comes to the fore as a motive, but the links seem to have been maintained by foreign merchants, Arabs, Persians and Indians, and it is only in the eleventh century that we find the first reports of capital-raising by Chinese merchants to finance their own expeditions. This was under the Song dynasty, which actively backed the traders. Thereafter government support for overseas expansion wavered, the Mongol Yuan staunchly in favour, even making a failed endeavour to invade Java in 1293, the Ming who succeeded in 1368 preferring isolation: private trade was banned, and all contacts had to be made through diplomatic channels. There was a brief resurgence during the famous global voyages of Admiral Zheng-He (in the period 1405-33); but after that episode resident Chinese merchants had, for a time, to go underground.

来此生活的汉语大多来自福建，少数来自广东，这一事实在 15 世纪的一份报告《英亚·生：大洋沿岸的全面调查》中明确记载，作者马欢，一与郑和的水手。马在爪哇的两个州写道，“广东和漳州的很多人都留在那里”，他还提到了岛上其他地方的许多其他福建流亡者。²²直到今天，在华侨华人的话语中，以闽、客、越为主的东南方言，这一点非常清楚地表明了这一点。^*

Most of the Chinese who had taken to this life came from Fujian, with a smaller contingent from Guangdong, a fact which is explicitly recorded in a fifteenth-century report, Yíngyái Shènglšn: The Overall Survey of the Ocean’s Shores, by Ma Huan, one of the sailors with Zheng-He. Ma writes, of two states in Java, ‘Many people from Guangdong and Zhangzhou are staying there,’ and he mentions many other exiles from Fujian elsewhere in the island.²² The truth of this stands out very clearly in the predominance of Min, Hakka and Yue, south-eastern dialects, in the speech of overseas Chinese to this day.^*

对付洋鬼子

Dealing with foreign devils

从十六世纪至今，中国政府与日本等欧洲列强的接触越来越多，以美国的第一次接触达到高潮；这些导致了战争，并在贸易殖民地建立了外国社区。对于海外华人社区来说，影响是复杂的：他们有时会受到中国旨在使外国人贫困和解除武装的措施的影响；但他们也受益于外国人进取的新发展所提供的机会，尤其是英国的发展。

From the sixteenth century until the present day, the Chinese government has increasingly come into contact with Japan and a series of European powers, culminating in the first approaches of the USA; these resulted in wars, and the planting of foreign communities in trading colonies. For overseas Chinese communities, the effects were complex: they sometimes suffered from China’s measures aimed at impoverishing and disarming foreigners; but they also profited from opportunities that were provided by the foreigners’ enterprising new developments, especially those of Britain.

在十六世纪初，日本海盗是一个长期存在的问题。中国对日本实施禁运。此外，1522 年，它还禁止所有前往南洋的商业航行，将所有海外华人都变成了走私者或海盗。与此同时，欧洲探险家越来越多地关注中国海域，寻求贸易让步。1557 年，葡萄牙人在澳门海岸获得一块飞地；从长远来看，这足以阻止他们的入侵。但这又给华侨增加了负担，他们现在似乎在与卑鄙的欧洲佛朗吉相比处于劣势；^* 1566 年，中国对南洋航行的禁令终于解除。

In the early sixteenth century, Japanese pirates were a persistent problem. China imposed an embargo on Japan. For good measure, in 1522 it also banned all commercial voyages to the Nan-yang, converting all overseas Chinese into smugglers or pirates. Meanwhile, European explorers were increasingly nosing about China’s seas, looking for trading concessions. In 1557 the Portuguese were granted an enclave on the coast at Macao; this turned out to be sufficient to fob off their intrusions in the long term. But it added a further burden to the overseas Chinese, who seemed now to be at a disadvantage even as against the dastardly European folangji;^* the ban on Chinese voyages to the Nan-yang was finally lifted in 1566.

尽管继葡萄牙人之后，西班牙人和荷兰人的出现为现在在东印度群岛长期居住的中国商人提供了广阔的新市场，但缺乏中国明确的支持意味着中国商人始终处于不利地位。在吕宋岛，在他们新的西班牙殖民地菲律宾，汉语在 1602 年和 1639 年被屠杀，完全不受惩罚。然而，商人社区开始被视为一种有用的力量：当明朝于 1644 年被满族推翻时，在浙江、福建和广东的海上社区发现了最后的效忠据点，直到 1682 年，在越南和菲律宾近海。当然，他们因忠诚而受苦，满族人实际上是在“清理海岸”的所有居民，将它们移至内陆数英里，以防止对水手的任何支持。或许也——自从满族入侵者通过胜利成为合法的权威，清朝——他们奠定了中国中央政府从此对其海外社区产生某种不信任的基础。这是中国三合会和秘密社团的种子期。

Although the advent of the Spanish and Dutch, following the Portuguese, provided capacious new markets for the now long-resident Chinese traders of the East Indies, lack of clear support from China meant that Chinese traders were always at a disadvantage. In Luzon, in their newly Spanish colony of the Philippines, the Chinese population was massacred in 1602 and again in 1639, with utter impunity. Nevertheless, the trader community was beginning to be seen as a useful force: when the Ming dynasty was toppled by the Manchus in 1644, the last loyalist strongholds were found in the maritime communities of Zhejiang, Fujian and Guangdong, and later, until 1682, offshore in Vietnam and the Philippines. They suffered for their loyalty, of course, with the Manchus literally ‘clearing the coasts’ of all their inhabitants, moving them miles inland to prevent any support to mariners. Perhaps also—since the Manchu invaders through victory became the legitimate authority, the Qing dynasty—they laid the basis for a certain distrust felt ever since by China’s central government towards its overseas community. This was the seed time for the Chinese Triads, and secret societies.

但南阳有新势力松动，汉语准备从中获利。1688 年，当欧洲人被禁止进入泰国时，汉语成为了整个 18 世纪的主要贸易商和经济顾问。他们也安居在马来王国柔佛。但在同一个时代，他们与新的荷兰VOC（东印度公司）勾结，发现了大量的获利机会；如此之多，以至于他们在 1740 年的爪哇又遭受了荷兰人手中的大屠杀。当英国人于 1785 年在空旷的马来亚槟城岛上开始他们自己的东印度企业时，是汉语自愿在那里定居。同样，他们在 1819 年之后莱佛士对新加坡的发展中处于最前沿。随着英国势力在马来亚和婆罗洲北部蔓延，荷兰人的利益进一步向南蔓延，进入苏门答腊、婆罗洲南部和西里伯斯，中国的利益伴随着他们。他们非常喜欢英国的自由港制度。

But there were new forces loose in the Nan-yang, and the Chinese were ready to profit from them. When Europeans were banned from Thailand in 1688, the Chinese became its principal traders and economic consultants through the eighteenth century. They were also well ensconced in the Malay kingdom of Johore. But in the same era, they found abundant opportunities for profit in collusion with the new Dutch VOC (East India Company); so much so that they suffered another major massacre at Dutch hands, in Java in 1740. And when the British started their own East Indian enterprise, on the empty Malayan island of Penang in 1785, it was the Chinese who volunteered to populate it. Likewise, they were in the forefront in Raffles’ development of Singapore after 1819. As British power spread across Malaya and northern Borneo, and the Dutch interest farther south, into Sumatra, southern Borneo and Celebes, the Chinese interests accompanied them. They liked very well the British institution of free ports.

现在，法国和英国的贸易利益对中国本身施加了压力。法国的关注集中在中国在越南的属地，但英国则更直接、更激烈地与清政府打交道，以保护他们在孟加拉的鸦片贸易：结果是割让香港（1842 年，1860 年扩大1898 年）和外国进入另外五个通商口岸，包括上海（1842 年）。虽然其中最突出的不是在他们的经典招募区福建，但海外华人现在已经保证可以进入大陆。联系不断增长，自十七世纪以来，与大陆的直接接触首次成为海外华人贸易的重要组成部分。南阳要回家了。

Pressure was now building up from trading interests in France and Britain on China itself. The French concern centred on Chinese possessions in Vietnam, but the British dealt more directly, and fiercely, with the Qing government, in defence of their opium trade out of Bengal: the result was the cession of Hong Kong (1842, enlarged in 1860 and 1898) and foreign access to five more treaty ports, including Shanghai (1842). Although the most prominent of these were not in Fujian, their classic recruiting area, the overseas Chinese now had guaranteed access to the mainland. Links grew, and for the first time since the seventeenth century direct involvement with the mainland became an important part of overseas Chinese trade. Nan-yang was coming home.

为什么和为什么

Whys and wherefores

既然我们已经考察了埃及和中国历史的全部过程，我们可以考虑哪些主要特性可以解释它们在面对时间和入侵时不可动摇的稳定性。

Now that we have surveyed the full course of the histories of Egyptian and Chinese, we can consider what the major properties could be which might explain their unshakeable stability in the face of time and invasion.

某些明显的可能性可以立即消除，因为在这些可能性中，埃及人和汉语处于相反的极端。

Certain obvious possibilities can be eliminated at once, since in them Egyptian and Chinese are at opposite extremes.

在最明显的语言方面，埃及语和汉语的语言结构类型在本质上总是大相径庭，并且在有记载的历史上朝着不同的方向发展。再抽象一点地观察它们，我们也可以看到它们在语言环境的另一个方面也有很大不同：它们与相邻语言的相似程度或差异程度。

In the most evident linguistic aspect, the structural type of their languages, Egyptian and Chinese were intrinsically always very different, and have developed in different directions over their recorded histories. And looking at them a little more abstractly, we can see too that they were also quite unlike in another aspect of their linguistic environments: their degree of similarity or difference to their neighbouring languages.

埃及语在其整个历史中一直是一种高度屈折的语言，具有复杂的动词形态和灵活的词序，尽管它确实在几千年中发展成为一种更具分析性的结构，可分离的冠词和人称代词成为名词和动词短语的组成部分，并且更加僵化词序。此外，可能预期会影响或取代它的语言，尤其是利比亚语和亚拉姆语，在类型上与它相似——就像它的终极克星阿拉伯语一样。语言结构，无论是绝对的还是相对的，似乎都没有理由解释它的稳定性。

Egyptian remained throughout its history a highly inflected language with complex verbal morphology, and flexible word order, though it did develop somewhat over the millennia into a more analytic structure, with separable articles and personal pronouns becoming constituents of noun and verb phrases, and more rigid word order. Furthermore, the languages that might have been expected to influence or replace it, especially Libyan and Aramaic, were typologically similar to it—just as was its ultimate nemesis, Arabic. There seems no reason in linguistic structure, absolute or relative, to explain its stability.

相比之下，古汉语是一种孤立语言的极端例子，它的词根是单音节的，并带有重要的声调模式，主要作为独立的词发挥作用，并且使用词序作为句法中最重要的方面。再一次，几千年来发生了一些明显的变化：但汉语变得不那么分析性了，在以前可分离的词根的基础上发展出更长的词，一些词根变成了语法语素，标记了诸如复数、连接词缀之类的东西。主语和谓语之间，或关系从句的标记。与受到自身类型语言挑战的埃及语不同，对汉语的威胁来自阿尔泰语系，正如我们所见，它们在类型上有着根本的不同。实际上，

Old Chinese, by contrast, was an extreme example of an isolating language, its roots, monosyllabic and marked with significant tone patterns, largely functioning as independent words, and using word order as the most significant aspect of syntax. Again, there was some change visible over the millennia: but Chinese moved to become less analytic, with longer words developing on the basis of the previously detachable roots, and some of the roots changing into grammatical morphemes, marking such things as plurality, copular links between subject and predicate, or markers of relative and subordinate clauses. Unlike Egyptian, which was challenged by languages of its own type, the threat to Chinese came from the Altaic languages, which were, as we have seen, fundamentally different in type. In fact, where it was in contact with languages of similar type (in the south), Chinese was the incoming language, and tended to replace them.

宗教观是文化的另一个重要方面，我们可能会在其中寻找其稳定性的线索，然后可能会反映在语言中。我们已经看到（第 3 章，“第二次插曲：信仰的盾牌”，第 86 页），尤其是在中东，对宗教的依恋可以使一种语言免受不利影响。但在这里，埃及和中国又分道扬镳了。

Religious outlook is another important aspect of cultures, where we might look for a clue to their stability, which might then be reflected in language. We have seen (Chapter 3, ‘Second interlude: The shield of faith’, p. 86) that especially in the Middle East attachment to a religion could preserve a language against the odds. But here again, Egypt and China diverged.

对来世的信仰对埃及人来说很重要：他们故意让自己的坟墓成为他们建筑环境中最永久的部分，我们在他们的文学作品中发现他们非常关注他们对死后生活、判断和个人生存的了解。当然，他们在语言的大部分生命周期中都保留了自己的宗教信仰，并且他们不再积极地在国外宣传它，就像他们在扩大自己的权力范围时试图传播他们的语言一样。但他们的信仰的某些方面确实在没有语言的情况下传播：他们的母亲女神伊希斯成为罗马帝国最受尊敬的神灵之一，并被视为基督教崇拜玛丽作为上帝之母的根源。矛盾的是，当基督徒镇压埃及的邪教时，埃及语作为一种语言作为基督教的当地语言获得了新的生命。埃及宗教当然有利于埃及语言的生存，但两者在结束之前就已经分离了。

Faith in an afterlife was important to Egyptians: they deliberately made their tombs the most permanent part of their built environment, and we find them in their literature very much concerned with what they could know about life after death, judgement and individual survival. Certainly they preserved their religion for most of the lifespan of their language, and they no more actively preached it abroad than they attempted to spread their language when they enlarged the boundaries of their power. But aspects of their faith did spread without the language none the less: their mother-goddess Isis became one of the most widely revered deities in the Roman empire, and has been seen as a root of the Christian cult of Mary as Mother of God. And paradoxically, when the Christians suppressed the Egyptian cult, Egyptian as a language took on a new life as the local language of Christianity. Egyptian religion was certainly favourable to the survival of the Egyptian language, but the two became detached long before the end.

汉语对宗教的态度大不相同，主要特点是脚踏实地。有两个主要的传统。一个跟随孔子（Kung Fu-zi，“功夫大师”），对美德采取高度社会化和世俗化的定义；另一个跟随道（老子和庄子的“道”），寻求与自然界中辨别的模式相融合。除了流行的万物有灵论信仰之外，直到公元第一个千年佛教开始从印度渗透之前，汉语对另一个世界的渴望都无法实现。（对汉语来说，这是一种西方宗教。）它在三、四、五世纪的动荡时期繁荣起来，然后成为唐朝的既定信仰，将强大的普世政府归还中国；巴利文和梵文经典被翻译成中文，佛教成为中国的自然信仰。

The Chinese attitude to religion was very different, mostly characterised by down-to-earth practicality. There were two major traditions. One followed Confucius (Kung Fu-zi, ‘Master Kung’), taking a highly socialised and worldly definition of virtue; the other followed the Dào (, ‘way’) of Lao-zi and Zhuang-zi, seeking to merge with the patterns discerned in nature. Aside from popular animist beliefs, no fulfilment of any Chinese yearnings for another world was available until Buddhism began to penetrate from India in the first millennium AD. (This, for the Chinese, was a Western religion.) It prospered in the troublous times of the third, fourth and fifth centuries, and then became the established faith of the Tang dynasty that returned strong universal government to China; the Pali and Sanskrit classics were translated in Chinese, and Buddhism became a naturalised Chinese faith.

佛教强调苦难、顺从和日常生活的终极无足轻重，对必须保护自己的王国免受外来侵略的国王从来没有积极的影响。在其祖国印度，没有一个佛教国王，即使是阿育王，也没有成功建立一个可以延续几代人的王朝。以及佛教对入侵的阿尔泰民族，特别是塔巴格和成吉思汗的蒙古人的奇怪吸引力，一旦他们在中国定居，他们的军人美德就早早地结束了。正如格鲁塞所说：“这些凶猛的战士，一旦被菩萨的恩宠所感动，就变得如此容易受到沙门（即佛教僧侣）的人道主义戒律的影响，以至于他们不仅忘记了他们天生的好战，甚至忽视了他们的自卫。”²³

Buddhism, with its emphasis on suffering, resignation and the ultimate unimportance of the daily round of life, was never a positive influence on kings who must preserve their realms against external aggression. No Buddhist king in its homeland of India, not even Aśoka, managed to found a dynasty that would endure more than a couple of generations; and the strange attraction of Buddhism to invading Altaic peoples, especially the Tabgach and Genghis Khan’s Mongols, brought their soldierly virtues to an early end once they had settled in China. As Grousset remarks: ‘These ferocious warriors, once touched by the grace of the bodhisattva, became so susceptible to the humanitarian precepts of the śramanas [i.e. Buddhist monks] as to forget not only their native belligerence but even neglect their self-defence.’²³

但是埃及和中国的宗教有一个方面是相似的，这可能与他们的语言在数千年的原地生存能力有关。这是他们每个人对他们的皇帝，以及他与他的土地、他的人民和他们的神灵的关系所采取的态度。

But there was one aspect of Egyptian and Chinese religion which was similar, and is probably connected with the gross survivability of their languages in situ over many millennia. This is the attitude that each of them took to their emperor, and his relation to his land, his people and their gods.

这两个帝国在一个单一的统治者统治下实现了早期的统一，埃及在传奇的梅内斯统治下，中国在历史上的石皇帝统治下。虽然后来不同王国之间经常出现分裂和竞争，但两个文明从来没有发现这种不团结是可以容忍的：正如我们所见，它们的历史明确区分了繁荣时期，一个单一的王室控制了整个国家，而interregna，这可能是完全和平的，但遭受了国家分裂的主要缺陷。这些是非常中心化的国家，中心不是一个地方（每个国家都有许多不同的帝国首都——埃及的底比斯、孟菲斯、塔尼斯、莱昂托波利斯、赛斯，中国的长安、洛阳、南京、杭州、北京）而是一个皇家宫廷。在每种情况下，国王的位置^*因民族信仰而被圣化。埃及法老被视为王权的化身（am），代表他在两地的所有人民与众神保持直接关系。同样，中国皇帝是天子（tiān zî），保证中央王国的秩序。

Both these empires achieved early unity under a single ruler, Egypt under the legendary Menes, China under the historical Shi Huang Di. Although afterwards there were often divisions, and competition among the different kingdoms, the two civilisations never found such disunity tolerable: their histories, as we have seen, distinguished firmly between prosperous periods, when a single royal house controlled the whole country, and interregna, which may have been perfectly peaceable, but suffered from the cardinal flaw that the country was divided. These were very much centred countries, and the centre was not a place (each of them had many different imperial capitals—Thebes, Memphis, Tanis, Leontopolis, Sais in Egypt, Chang-an, Luoyang, Nanjing, Hangzhou, Beijing in China) but a royal court. In each case, the king’s position^* was sanctified by the national faith. The Egyptian pharaoh was seen as the incarnation (am) of kingship, maintaining a direct relation with the gods on behalf of all his people of the Two Lands. Likewise the Chinese emperor was Son of Heaven (tiān zî), guaranteeing order in the Central Kingdom.

两位统治者都是绝对的，他们的主权不是来自人民，而是来自神灵。然而，每个人都受到明确的道德约束。在埃及，这被称为maR 'at，'秩序'，道德和自然法则。法老有责任在他的王国中用 maR 'at代替jazfat，'错误'。中国皇帝有责任公正统治，不压迫；只有这样做，根据孟子的影响，他才能保留天命（tiān mìng），即合法性：压迫的统治者已经丧失了统治的权利，并且可以是正义的被人民废黜。

Both rulers were absolute, deriving their sovereignty not from the people but the gods. Nevertheless each was subject to an explicit moral constraint. In Egypt, this was called maR ‘at, ‘order’, the moral and natural law. The pharaoh had a duty to put maR ‘at in place of jazfat, ‘wrong’, in his kingdom. The Chinese emperor had a duty to rule justly, and abstain from oppression; only so long as he did this, according to the influential doctrine of Mencius (Meng-zi), could he retain the Mandate of Heaven (tiān mìng), i.e. legitimacy: the oppressive ruler had forfeited his right to rule, and could be justly deposed by the people.

因此，埃及和中国都有同样简单而持久的政治学说，将国家的身份建立在一个皇帝的统治之上，将皇帝的主权建立在正义之上。因此，民族哲学包含了一个内在的神义论：统治者的正义证明是他成功地维持了一个统治王朝。众神确保只有正义的君主才能成功，因此，无论国王是失败还是繁荣，世界都是正确的，埃及或中国公民，无论是最近的闯入者还是长期居民，都可以给予系统他的忠诚。

Both Egypt and China, therefore, had the same simple but sustaining political doctrine, which based the country’s identity on the rule of a single emperor, and based the emperor’s sovereignty on righteousness. The national philosophy therefore contained a built-in theodicy: the proof of a ruler’s righteousness was his success in maintaining a ruling dynasty. The gods were ensuring that only righteous monarchs would be successful, and so, whether the king was failing or prospering, all was right with the world, and the Egyptian or Chinese citizen, whether recent interloper or long-standing resident, could give the system his loyalty.

这种学说非常适合稳定的长期文化，其语言后果正如我们所见。但可以坚持认为，这是文化稳定的结果，而不是原因。至少从更外在、更客观的角度来看，人口密度这一总体事实具有启发性。

This doctrine was extemely fitting for a stable long-term culture, with the linguistic consequences that we have seen. But it could be maintained that it was the result, rather than the cause, of the culture’s stability. At least as revealing, from a more outward, objective point of view, is the gross fact of population density.

在绝对规模上，埃及和中国截然不同。尽管它们在持续时间方面具有可比性，但它们的人口和面积却截然不同。在古王国时期，埃及的人口在古代估计为 200 万，在罗马征服的三千年中增加到 800 万。居住区，尼罗河谷和法尤姆，面积约 30,000 平方公里。相比之下，中国的人口普查数据（最早出现于公元 2 年）显示 5700 万，在 1000 年增加到 8000 万以上，在最近的千年之交超过 12 亿。“围墙内的中国”（不包括内蒙古和满洲，以及甘肃、青海等西部一直人烟稀少的地区）面积约450万平方公里。²⁴汉语和中国历史的拥护者比埃及人多 50 倍，活动空间是埃及人的 150 倍。

In absolute size, Egypt and China are very different. Although they are comparable in terms of their duration, their populations and areas are of quite different orders. Egypt’s population in ancient times has been estimated at 2 million in the Old Kingdom, rising to 8 million over the three thousand years to the Roman conquest. The area inhabited, the Nile valley and the Fayyum, encompasses about 30,000 square kilometres. By contrast, Chinese census figures (first available in AD 2) show 57 million, rising to over 80 million in 1000, and over 1200 million at the recent turn of the millennium. The area of ‘China inside the Wall’ (excluding Inner Mongolia and Manchuria, and western areas such as Gansu and Qinghai, always very sparsely inhabited) amounts to some 4.5 million square kilometres.²⁴ The Chinese language, and Chinese history, has had fifty times more adherents than Egyptian, and 150 times the space in which to act.

然而，这立即导致了他们共同的另一个方面——人口密度高。从埃及引用的数据来看，在此期间，人口密度将从每平方公里 65 人上升到 250 人。中国的环境更加多样化。但是，人口普查数据可以从全国的情况中抽象出一点：在汉代，黄河河谷的密度为每平方公里 58 人，黄河谷地每平方公里 12 人。长江下游河谷。一千年后，即 1250 年，运河将两条河流系统连接起来，更重要的是，北方持续遭受来自匈奴、塔巴嘎、契丹、女真和蒙古的入侵：在此期间，黄河下游人口减少了 45%，而在长江北岸，它增加了 176%，是南岸的两倍（337%）。这使中国的两个地区处于同等水平，每平方公里有 30-40 个；然而，每一个都不到尼罗河上密度的一半。²⁵将其与君士坦丁时代（公元 4 世纪）²⁶估计的意大利（每平方公里 20 个）和安纳托利亚东部（19 个）的密度进行比较。^*

This immediately leads, however, to another aspect that they do have in common—high density of population. From the figures quoted for Egypt, the population density would be 65 rising to 250 per square kilometre over the period. China is much more varied in its environments; however, the census figures make it possible to abstract a little from the situation in the country as a whole: in the Han period they show a density of 58 per square kilometre in the valley of the Huang-he, and 12 per square kilometre in the lower valley of the Yangtze. A millennium later, in 1250, canals linked the two river systems, and more importantly the north had sustained invasions from Xiongnu, Tabgach, Khitan, Jurchen and Mongol: in this period, the lower Huang-he population had declined by 45 per cent, whereas on the northern bank of the Yangtze it had increased by 176 per cent and twice that (337 per cent) on the southern bank. This puts the two regions of China much on a par, with 30-40 per square kilometre; each, however, less than half the density found on the Nile.²⁵ Compare this with the densities in the age of Constantine (fourth century AD)²⁶ estimated for Italy—20 per square kilometre—and for eastern Anatolia—19.^*

那么，按照古代的标准，埃及和中国的人口密度确实是异常的。这也一定支持了他们语言的长期稳定性。在他们人口稠密的地区，说话人的绝对数量使他们免于被说外语的入境者淹没，即使他们不能拒绝他们入境。数量上的优势加强了已经由其文化声望和上天认可的强大的君主制制度所支撑的语言。

By ancient standards, then, the density of population in Egypt and China was something truly exceptional. This too must have supported the long-term stability of their languages. The sheer numbers of speakers in their populated regions gave them immunity against swamping by incomers speaking foreign languages, even when they could not deny them entry. Strength in numbers reinforced languages already buttressed by their cultural prestige, and the robust institution of a monarchy endorsed by heaven.

埃及人和汉语自给自足、坚韧不拔的性格在他们或他们的说话者不得不与外国人及其语言传统互动的许多情况下得到体现。这些密集、集中的社会并不总是不受外国影响，即使在他们自己的语言的代表和使用方面也是如此。但几千年来，他们有足够的平衡，或足够的惰性，将外来者置于他们自己的文化控制之下。

The self-sufficient, resilient character of Egyptian and Chinese is revealed in many situations where they, or their speakers, had to interact with foreigners and their linguistic traditions. These dense, centralised societies were not always impervious to foreign influence, even in the representation and use of their own languages. But for millennia they had sufficient equipoise, or sufficient inertia, to keep the outsiders under their own cultural control.

在本章的其余部分，我们将考虑他们文化中外国人必然会产生影响的三个方面：写作的历史、他们对外国势力的了解和态度，以及他们对入侵的反应。在任何情况下，语言的稳定连续性都取决于坚决拒绝以他人的方式看待自己或行事。

In the remainder of this chapter, we shall consider three aspects of their cultures where foreigners were bound to have an impact: the history of writing, their knowledge of and attitudes to foreign powers, and their responses to invasion. In every case, the languages’ steady continuity depended on a resolute refusal to see themselves, or conduct themselves, on others’ terms.

坚持写作系统

Holding fast to a system of writing

复制你的父亲和你的祖先......看他们的话仍然是书面的。打开，你可以阅读和复制智慧。熟练的人变得有学问。

Copy thy father and thy ancestors … Behold their words remain in writing. Open, that thou mayest read and copy wisdom. The skilled man becomes learned.

梅里卡雷国王的说明，第 35 行（埃及，公元前 20 世纪中叶）²⁷

Instruction for King Merikare, line 35 (Egyptian, mid-twentieth century BC)²⁷

Shu bùjìn yán yán bùjìn yì

Shū bùjìn yán yán bùjìn yì

文字不能表达所有的文字，文字不能包含所有的想法。

Writing cannot express all words, words cannot encompass all ideas.

易经（易经），XìCí附录

（属性孔子），i.12（中国，公元前五世纪）

Yi Jīng (Classic of Changes), Xì Cí Appendix

(attrib. Confucius), i.12 (Chinese, pre-fifth century BC)

埃及的书写系统很奇怪，因为它没有已知的先驱。印章、化妆品调色板、墓志铭和纪念碑上的第一个象形文字铭文虽然可能很短，但在接下来的 3500 年将持续存在的系统中形成了良好的形式。他们在拼音上使用图片，使插图词的特征辅音发挥多重作用，就好像刀的图片在英语中不仅代表“刀”，还代表“niffy”、“nephew”和“enough”。然而，在文字出现之前，艺术家们制作的插图中已经预示了这种独特的风格，这表明该系统是在本土基础上建立的。²⁸

Egypt’s writing system is strange in that it has no known precursors. The first hieroglyphic inscriptions, on seals, cosmetics palettes, epitaphs and monuments, though they may be short, are well formed in the system that was to persist for the next 3500 years. They use pictures phonetically, making an illustrated word’s characteristic consonants do multiple duty, as if a picture of a knife were to stand in English not just for ‘knife’, but also for ‘niffy’, ‘nephew’ and ‘enough’. Nevertheless, the characteristic style is prefigured in illustrations made by artists before the advent of writing, suggesting that the system was set up on an indigenous basis.²⁸

通常的假设是，灵感来自美索不达米亚，那里的文字是在几百年前使用类似的语音原理从会计记录发展而来的。沿着连接尼罗河谷和红海的瓦迪阿拉巴河有古老的贸易路线，据我们所知，其起源可能是由于像塞阔亚这样的天才，他是文盲的切罗基人，他在公元 19 世纪接受了这一事实英语读写能力作为概念的证明，然后从基本原理开始为他自己的语言开发一个音节表。

The usual assumption is that the inspiration came from Mesopotamia, where writing had developed out of accounting tallies, using similar principles of phonetics, a few hundred years before. There were ancient trade routes along the Wadi Araba which connected the Nile valley with the Red Sea, and for all we know the origin may have been due to a genius like that of Sequoya, the illiterate Cherokee who in the nineteenth century AD took the fact of English literacy as a proof of concept, and proceeded then to develop a syllabary for his own language from first principles.

然而，该系统立即以埃及风格的插图标准化。尽管象形文字的草书形式是为日常使用而开发的，但为纪念性铭文保留了严格的图形准确性。尽管埃及人使用的材料，墙壁上的油漆或用刷子放在纸莎草纸上的墨水，都可以完全自由地风格，但这一点仍然存在。流畅、时尚的书法实践从未在埃及开始。埃及文士以他们坚定的态度，与汉字或玛雅字形等系统的主人截然不同。

However it was, the system was immediately standardised in an Egyptian style of illustration. Although cursive forms of the hieroglyphs were developed for daily uses, a rigid pictorial exactitude was kept up for monumental inscriptions. This was maintained despite the fact that the materials used by the Egyptians, paint on walls or ink on papyrus laid on with a brush, would have permitted total freedom of style. The practice of fluid, stylish calligraphy never began in Egypt. In their steadfast approach, Egyptian scribes were very different from the masters of such systems as Chinese characters or Mayan glyphs.

此外，虽然不时增加新的象形文字，但文字的基本原则、图画文字中辅音的双关语使用、通过使用更多图片来确定意义和声音的范围来澄清，并没有改变。我们发现象形文字的实验用途是在西奈半岛的采石场发现一个字母；最终，他们的贸易伙伴腓尼基人对一小部分符号进行了彻底的新用途，以创建他们的字母表，这是当今世界所有字母表的明显祖先。但是，当这些外国人中的一些人从他们那里获得不正当的灵感时，埃及人自己从未修改过象形文字系统来编写自己的语言。

Furthermore, although new hieroglyphs were added from time to time, the basic principle of the script, the punning use of the consonants in words pictured, clarified by the use of more pictures to determine the range of meaning and sound, did not change. We find experimental uses of the hieroglyphs to found an alphabet at quarry sites in the Sinai peninsula; and ultimately radically new uses were made of a small set of the symbols by their trading partners, the Phoenicians, to found their alphabet, the apparent progenitor of all the alphabets in the world today. But while some of these foreigners were taking perverse inspiration from them, the Egyptians themselves never modified the hieroglyphic system to write their own language.

这种对文字改革的抵制是汉语的共同特点，实际上仅表明这些文化已经——无论是按照地区和全球标准，都在很早的时候——实现了将写作稳定地融入他们的生活方式。在这样一个有文化的政府中要求更换书写系统与将拼写改革引入现代英语的各种尝试一样不切实际。只有教育和行政体系受到严重破坏，继承中断，才能重新开始。这在埃及从未发生过，直到该国被具有敌对行政传统的文化——波斯、希腊和罗马——接管。然后埃及语在行政管理中的使用被削弱，取而代之的是亚拉姆语和希腊语。但即便如此，只有当基督教为识字提供了一种全新的用途时，埃及人才能飞跃到用现成的字母文字书写。在中国，尽管 1905 年废除了确实是中央教育和行政机构的科举制度，尽管对汉字系统的未来进行了各种激进的猜测，但在中国，字母书写的变化从未发生过。 20 世纪上半叶，甚至包括中华人民共和国授权的一种新的拼音系统，拼音（贯穿本书）。

This resistance to script reform, a trait shared by the Chinese, really shows no more than that these cultures had already—both very early by regional and global standards—achieved a stable incorporation of writing into their way of life. Asking for a replacement of the writing system in such a literate administration was no more practicable than the various attempts to introduce spelling reform into modern English. It could only become feasible if the systems of education and administration were so severely disrupted that the succession was broken, and a new start could be made. This never happened in Egypt until the country was taken over by cultures with rival administrative traditions, Persian, Greek and Roman. Then the use of Egyptian in administration was undermined, and replaced by Aramaic and Greek. But even so, it was only when Christianity provided a whole new use for literacy that Egyptian could make the leap to writing in a ready-made, alphabetic script. In China, the change to alphabetic writing has never happened at all, despite the 1905 abolition of the imperial examination system, which had indeed been the central educational and administrative institution, and despite all the radical speculation about the future of the character system in the first half of the twentieth century, which had even included the People’s Republic’s authorisation of a new system for romanisation, Pinyin (used throughout this book).

埃及抄写员za Raw从最早的文献记载中就代表了雄心壮志。文士学校复制的各种文本充分证实了这一点：

The Egyptian scribe, zaRaw, represented from the earliest documented times the acme of ambition. This is amply confirmed by the kinds of texts that were copied in the scribal schools:

看哪，没有一种职业是不受约束的；

只有博学的人才能统治自己。²⁹

Behold there is no profession which is not governed;

It is only the learned man who rules himself.²⁹

开始工作并成为一名文士，因为那时你将成为人类的领袖。

文士的职业是贵族的职业；他的写作材料和他的书卷带来了愉快和财富。³⁰

Set to work and become a scribe, for then thou shalt be a leader of men.

The profession of scribe is a princely profession; his writing materials and his rolls of books bring pleasantness and riches.³⁰

在《贸易讽刺》中，抄写员吹嘘：

In the Satire on Trades, the scribe boasts:

我从未见过一位雕塑家被派往大使馆，

也从未见过一位青铜创始人带领使命。

I have never seen a sculptor sent on an embassy,

nor a bronze-founder leading a mission.

这种自满情绪产生了一种极端的保守主义，最终可能是埃及的毁灭。在最后一个独立的埃及国家消亡很久之后，埃及的识字能力仍然是一个受过高等教育的小种姓的保留，事实上直到基督徒将希腊字母用于该语言：这一步骤是在其余的埃及国家一千年之后采取的。地中海地区，包括亚述人和巴比伦人，都采用字母书写。

This complacency generated an extreme conservatism that may ultimately have been Egypt’s undoing. Literacy in Egyptian remained the preserve of a small and highly educated caste long after the demise of the last independent Egyptian state, in fact until the Christians adapted the Greek alphabet for the language: this step was taken fully a thousand years after the rest of the Mediterranean, including the Assyrians and Babylonians, had adopted alphabetic writing.

但似乎是为了表明在字母时代象形系统的生命没有自然的术语，中国的系统甚至在二十世纪的动荡中幸存下来。自从公元前三世纪石皇帝对一个已有千年历史的系统实施标准化以来，尽管笔法有所简化，但它一直存在，基本上没有改变。该系统为语言中的每个单词或词根在一个概念方框中建立了一个特定的风格化图片或语音双关语加限定词的组合。一旦建立起来，它就不像埃及系统那样以语音为基础，因此它的实际使用受到接下来两千年来发生的语言语音变化的影响甚至更小。假名——选择了两组 48 个简化轮廓来代表全套日语音节——和韩语han-gŭl——一个真正的语音字母表，但旨在与中文字符在页面上协调一致。每一个都是针对汉字与它们自己的多音节、粘着性和非声调语言之间的不良匹配的独创性解决方案——但这对汉语本身来说似乎没有问题。

But as if to show that there is no natural term to the life of a pictographic system in an alphabetic age, the Chinese system has survived even the turmoil of the twentieth century. It has persisted, essentially unchanged despite some simplification in penmanship, since Shi Huang Di’s imposed standardisation in the third century BC of a system that was already over a millennium old. This system established a particular stylised picture, or a combination of phonetic pun plus determiner, in a notional square box, for each word or root in the language. Once established, it was less phonetically based than the Egyptian system, and so its practical use was even less affected by the phonetic changes in the language that have come about over the following two and a half millennia. Scholarly Chinese will have watched with amused unconcern the modifications, truncations and additions conceived by foreigners to produce the Japanese kana—two sets of forty-eight simplified outlines chosen to represent the full set of Japanese syllables—and the Korean han-gŭl—a true phonetic alphabet, but designed to harmonise on the page with Chinese characters. Each was an original solution to the poor match between Chinese characters and their own polysyllabic, agglutinative and non-tonal languages—but this must have seemed no problem for Chinese itself.

事实上，在过去的两千年里，汉语已经意识到了许多字母文字，它们的构思完全独立于它们的字符。佛教徒从印度带来了悉达语版本的婆罗米字母，而皈依了许多西方民族的穆斯林带来了阿拉米文字和阿拉伯语的变体。蒙古皇帝忽必烈甚至为他的帝国委托了一个字母脚本，正式用于其所有文学语言，蒙古语、汉语、突厥语和波斯语。被称为“八字”，它是基于藏文的婆罗米文，于 1269 年颁布。它是一种将藏文转换为竖写的版本（虽然与从左到右的列中的汉字不同），并且尊重中文以一种方形的形式品尝。然而，它始终没有流行起来，

In fact, in the last two and a half millennia the Chinese have become aware of a number of alphabetic scripts, conceived quite independently of their characters. The Buddhists brought the Siddha version of the Brahmi alphabet from India, and the Muslims who converted many of the Western peoples brought variants of the Aramaic scripts and Arabic. The Mongol emperor Kublai Khan even commissioned an alphabetic script for his empire, to be used officially for all its literate languages, Mongolian, Chinese, Turkic and Persian. Called ‘Phagspa, it was based on the Tibetan version of Brahmi, and promulgated in 1269. It was a version of the Tibetan script converted to be written vertically (though unlike Chinese characters in columns from left to right), and in deference to Chinese taste in rather a squared-off form. However, it never caught on, and was discontinued, along with the Mongolian dynasty, just a century later.

汉语系统的最大优点是它巧妙地表现了所有汉语方言共有的结构和意义的最高共同因素，其中许多是不能相互理解的。所有现代方言，和wényán同样，它们是建立在一组共同的有意义的音节上的，这些音节可以在各种方言中以不同的顺序发音和串在一起，但仍然可以以图形形式识别。总的来说，这些音节中的每一个都由一个字符在书面中表示，因此，对于任何有文化的任何方言的人来说，书面中文文本的含义都会相对清楚。没有任何一种字母文字，基于一种语言的声音，现在可以如此方便地对所有不同的汉语方言保持中立，除非它是根据历史原则设计的，并且对各种汉语都有了解。这样的巡回演出必须是微妙和模棱两可的奇迹。因此，繁体字得以幸存。

The great advantage of the Chinese system is its masterly representation of the highest common factor of structure and meaning shared by all the Chinese dialects, many of which are not mutually comprehensible. All the modern dialects, and wényán as well, are built on a common set of meaningful syllables, which may be pronounced and strung together in different orders in the various dialects, but are still recognisable in graphic form. By and large, every one of these syllables is represented in writing by a single character, and so the meaning of a written Chinese text will be relatively clear to any literate speaker of any dialect. No alphabetic script, based perforce on the sounds of a language, could now be so conveniently neutral in terms of all the different Chinese dialects, unless perhaps it were designed on historical principles with a knowledge of all varieties of Chinese. Such a tour de force would have to be a miracle of subtlety and ambiguity. And so the traditional characters survive.

尽管学习这个系统很困难，但在中国，仅仅识字并没有像埃及那样一直保持着精英成就。根据家庭的财富和机会，本来可以达到不同的水平，但贫困家庭继续抛出偶尔的知识明星。读写能力在中国仍然受到重视，但在更高的功能水平上。所以埃及文士在中国社会中的地位更符合科举考试毕业生的地位。从公元 622 年到 1905 年，这些活动基本上每三年举行一次。

Despite the difficulty of learning the system, in China mere literacy did not remain the elite accomplishment it always was in Egypt. Different levels would have been attained according to the wealth and opportunities of the family, but poor families continued to throw out the occasional intellectual star. Literacy skills were still prized in China, but at a higher functional level. So the status of the scribe in Egypt corresponds in Chinese society more with that of graduates of the higher levels of the imperial competitive examinations. These were held by and large every third year from AD 622 to 1905.

在写作方面，外国人唯一可能采用的中文不是写作本身，而是对发音的分析。传统的fšnqiè系统根据其声母和押韵加声对一个字的发音进行分类，但déngyùn-xué “分级押韵研究”在语音上对这些组成部分进行了细分。公元七八世纪的中国学者的这项发明，在很大程度上是在对源自佛教传统的梵语发音进行细微语音分析的影响下产生的。³¹即便如此，将一个字符音节的押韵部分分析为其组成的半元音、元音和辅音必须等待 19 世纪和 20 世纪更彻底的字母化方法，特别是罗马化方法。³²

The only possible Chinese adoption from foreigners in respect of writing concerns not writing itself, but the analysis of pronunciation. The traditional fšnqiè system classifies a character’s pronunciation in respect of its initial consonant and its rhyme plus tone, but the déngyùn-xué “study of graded rhymes” sub-classifies these constituent parts phonetically. This invention of Chinese scholars of the seventh and eighth centuries AD came about very much under the influence of the subtle phonetic analysis of the Sanskrit pronunciation, derived from the Buddhist tradition.³¹ Even so, the analysis of the rhyme part of a character-syllable into its constituent semi-vowels, vowels and consonants had to await the more thoroughgoing approach of alphabetisation, and specifically romanisation, in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.³²

因此，尽管人们意识到外国人正在使用更简单的系统，但显然不愿意继续朝着降低其复杂性的方向发展埃及和中国的象形系统。这些文明是建立在尊重传统的基础上的，特别是在加入掌握政府权力的识字阶层时遇到的传统困难。

There was, then, a clear reluctance to continue the development of Egyptian and Chinese pictographic systems in the direction of reducing their complexity, despite awareness of simpler systems that foreigners were using. The civilisations were built around respect for tradition, and in particular the traditional difficulties in joining the literate class, who held the reins of government.

外交关系

Foreign relations

埃及和中国都对邻国和更远的世界部分地区缺乏积极的姿态。

Both Egypt and China mostly lacked an active posture towards their neighbours, and towards parts of the world farther away.

埃及早期的一些主要商品，尤其是木材，依赖于对外贸易。但它通过中间人，主要是第三和第二千年的腓尼基人，后来的希腊语，确保了这一点。它在第二个千年末和第一个千年初控制了巴勒斯坦和叙利亚，但正如我们所见，它没有积极传播其语言（或文化）以在那里建立永久联系。它从未沿着地中海沿岸向西蔓延：人口流动完全是相反的方向，而昔兰尼市在建立时也是如此。公元前 630 年，是希腊语，而不是埃及人。它可能向南更活跃，试图永久合并库什的大部分地区（及其金矿），并派遣一些自己的探险队沿着红海与神话般的蓬特土地进行贸易，也许是在索马里。尽管统一被尼罗河淹没的黑土地被认为具有文化价值，两边都被沙漠荒地包围，但这些努力的净效果很小。这些严酷地区的人口太少了。在政治上，最引人注目的结果是八世纪后期对埃及的反向入侵——埃及文化的库什特狂热者。

Egypt early relied on foreign trade for some of its staple goods, particularly timber. But it secured this through intermediaries, mainly Phoenicians in the third and second millennia, later Greeks. It had control of Palestine and Syria around the end of the second millennium and the beginning of the first, but as we have seen did not actively spread its language (or its culture) to build permanent links there. It never spread out along the Mediterranean coast to the west: population movement was all in the reverse direction, and the city of Cyrene, when it was established c.630 BC, was a Greek, not an Egyptian venture. It may have been more active southward, attempting to incorporate much of Kush (and its gold mines) permanently, and sending some of its own expeditions down the Red Sea to trade with the fabulous Land of Punt, perhaps in Somalia. Although there was seen to be cultural value in unifying the Black Lands, flooded by the Nile, and surrounded by desert wastes on either side, the net effect of these efforts was small. The populations in these harsh regions were just too scant. Politically, the most striking result was the reverse invasion of Egypt in the late eighth century—by Kushite enthusiasts for Egyptian culture.

中国的处境与埃及截然不同，具有讽刺意味的是，命运不得不捍卫北部和西部本质上开放的边界，但在南部自然封闭的边界上积极发展和殖民。东部沿海更多地被视为另一个边界，这使中国容易受到海盗袭击，而不是为海上扩张提供机会。

China was in a very different position from Egypt, by an irony of fate having to defend an intrinsically open border in the north and west, but actively developing and colonising across a naturally occluded frontier in the south. The coasts to the east were seen more as another border, which left China open to pirate attack, rather than offering an opportunity for maritime expansion.

但是在野蛮人的包围区之外，有一种感觉，在更远的西部，在印度、波斯和罗马帝国，有一些外国人值得更多地尊重。事实上，中国朝廷派了一两个使者去发现和报告这些异域文明；佛教、琐罗亚斯德教、景教和伊斯兰教都在唐朝统治下传入中国，前三者在 845 年遭到官方迫害。（只有佛教和伊斯兰教幸存下来。） 872 年，他了解了犹太教、基督教和伊斯兰教的主要事实。但与生产它们的国家的唯一物质联系是通过访问中国港口的外国商人。

But beyond the encircling zones of barbarians, there was a sense that farther to the west, in India and the Persian and Roman empires, there were foreigners worthy of considerably more respect. In fact the Chinese court sent one or two emissaries to discover and report on these exotic civilisations; and Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, Nestorian Christianity and Islam all penetrated China under Tang rule, to the extent that the first three suffered official persecution in 845. (Only Buddhism and Islam survived it.) The Chinese emperor Yi Zong famously impressed the Muslim visitor Ibn Wahab in 872 with his knowledge of the principal facts of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. But the only material links with the countries that had produced them came through foreign traders visiting Chinese ports. Until the sixteenth century these were all from the Indian Ocean economies, Arabia, Persia and India.

印度的情况则不同。一旦佛教传入中国（在公元一世纪，通过印度的倡议）并开始确立自己的地位，从四世纪末法显开始的中国僧侣就被吸引自己从中国出发，有时甚至偷偷地无视法律。其中最著名的玄奘在 627 年不得不偷偷离去，但在 644 年能够回到太宗皇帝的正式欢迎之下。^*资助大型佛教文献翻译中心成为一种时尚。还有一系列中国僧侣到印度学习和收集文献的远征——10世纪之前已知有56人，其中34人从广州（广州）乘海路，22人陆路经过塔克拉玛干沙漠和兴都库什。³³这一切必然是近代以来中国与外部文明接触的最大持续举措。

The case of India was different. Once Buddhism had reached China (in the first century AD, through Indian initiative) and begun to establish itself, Chinese monks starting with Fa-Xian in the late fourth century were drawn to make the journey from China themselves, sometimes in stealthy disregard of the law. The most famous of them, Xuan-Zang, had to depart illegally and furtively in 627, but was able to return to an official welcome from the emperor Tai Zong in 644.^* It became fashionable to fund large-scale centres for translation of Buddhist literature. There was also a series of expeditions by Chinese monks to study and gather literature in India—fifty-six are known before the tenth century, of whom thirty-four travelled by sea from Guangzhou (Canton) and twenty-two overland past the Taklamakan desert and the Hindu Kush.³³ All this must represent the greatest sustained initiative that China undertook before the modern period to make contact with outside civilisations.

翻译产生的数千个新术语对中文产生了持久的影响，这些新术语通常建立在现有的简单中文单词的基础上，但以新的方式将它们组合起来。三个典型的例子是guò-qu , 'past', xiàn-zài , 'present' 和wèi-lái , 'future'，每一个都由两个元素组成：通过/去，出现/在那里，尚未/来. 每一个都准确地反映了相应巴利语词的隐喻：atīta, paccuppanna, anagata。^†这些词成为活跃汉语词汇的核心。

There was a lasting effect on Chinese from the many thousands of new terms which the translations produced, usually building on existing simple Chinese words but combining them in new ways. Three characteristic examples are guò-qu, ‘past’, xiàn-zài, ‘present’, and wèi-lái, ‘future’, each built of two elements: passing/go, appear/be-there, not-yet/come. Each precisely reflects the metaphor of a corresponding Pali word: atīta, paccuppanna, anāgata.^† Such words became central to active Chinese vocabulary.

这里有一个讽刺意味，或者说语法和政府之间存在重要的对应关系。其他国家和语言可能只是借用了梵语或巴利语的一些错误版本，并以这种方式补充了语言。这就是整个东南亚正在发生的事情，尽管它的语言与印度语言和汉语一样不同。（见第 5 章，第 183 页。）但是，新词是对源自梵文或巴利词的概念的汉语重构，这与中国处理外交关系的总体战略是一致的：总是试图将它们置于国内控制。

There is an irony here, or rather a significant correspondence between grammar and government. Other countries and languages may simply have borrowed some mangled version of the Sanskrit or Pali words, and supplemented the language that way. This is what was happening all over South-East Asia, even though its languages were just as different from the Indian languages as was Chinese. (See Chapter 5, p. 183.) But the fact that new words were reconstructions in Chinese of the concepts derived from Sanskrit or Pali words is of a piece with China’s general strategy in conducting its foreign relations: to attempt always to keep them under domestic control.

这种保持控制的尝试也是中国管理其前门和后门、环绕塔克拉玛干沙漠到敦煌的“丝绸之路”和东部沿海港口的一个特点。尽管从罗马时代开始，中国就准备保卫丝绸之路的安全，抵御邻近的野蛮人，但随着海上贸易的发展，这条路线的重要性逐渐黯然失色。从 1368 年左右的明朝三个世纪以来，这条海上航线实际上对私人贸易关闭，但在允许的情况下，这种贸易主要集中在广州（广州），并允许来自更北端的福建泉州港口的一些竞争。从 1757 年到 1842 年和 1949 年到 1979 年，广州享有垄断地位，延续了中国政府对监管和轻松征税的偏好。

This attempt to maintain control was also a feature of China’s management of its front and back doors, the ‘Silk Roads’ round the Taklamakan desert to Dunhuang and the ports along the eastern seaboard. Although China was prepared to defend the security of the Silk Roads against the neighbouring barbarians from Roman times onward, the importance of the route was gradually eclipsed by the growth of the maritime trade. The maritime route was actually closed to private trade during the three centuries of the Ming period from around 1368, but when allowed this trade was concentrated mostly at Guangzhou (Canton), with some competition allowed from the more northerly port of Quanzhou in Fujian. From 1757 to 1842 and 1949 to 1979, Guangzhou enjoyed a monopoly, continuing the Chinese government preference for monitoring and easy taxation. This was forcibly broken open by European and American interests in the intervening century.

中国总政策的一个奇怪的例外——按条件允许对外贸易，但不发起对外贸易或寻求与外国势力的外交接触——出现在郑和海军上将的明显独特的案例中，他承担了七项重大任务。 1405 年至 1433 年间绕印度洋航行，到达红海和摩加迪沙。

A strange exception to the general policy of the Chinese—which was to admit foreign trade on terms, but not to initiate it or to seek diplomatic contact with foreign powers—comes in the apparently unique case of Admiral Zheng-He, who undertook seven great voyages round the Indian Ocean between 1405 and 1433, reaching the Red Sea and Mogadishu.

在印度次大陆，郑和的注意力主要集中在斯里兰卡，众所周知，他在 1411 年的第二次航行中，在一块石碑上（在中国预先准备好）上留下了中文、泰米尔语和波斯语的三语铭文。

In the Indian subcontinent Zheng-He’s attention was mostly concentrated on Śri Lanka, where on his second voyage in 1411 he is known to have left a trilingual inscription on a stone tablet (prepared in advance in China) in Chinese, Tamil and Persian.

它传达了中国明朝皇帝的问候，并用三种语言分别表达了对佛陀、特纳瓦莱-内那瓦神和安拉的敬意，列出了大量的金、银、丝绸等供品。这些远征显然不仅仅是礼节性的拜访，并且与欧洲人在国外臭名昭著的行为有一定的戏剧性相似之处：面对抵抗，汉语在南京绑架了斯里兰卡国王并将他强行带到皇帝那里，然后将他连同岛上最神圣的遗物一起归还了，佛的圣牙。这导致了中国对斯里兰卡的主权主张，直到 1459 年，斯里兰卡人通过向其进贡实际上得到了尊重。

It conveys greetings from the Chinese Ming emperor, and in its three languages expresses respect to the Buddha, the god Tenavarai-Nenavar and Allah respectively, listing massive offerings in gold, silver, silk, etc. These expeditions were evidently not mere courtesy visits, and have a certain dramatic similarity to the notorious behaviour of Europeans abroad: faced with resistance, the Chinese abducted the Śri Lankan king and took him forcibly to the emperor in Nanjing, but then returned him, along with the most holy relic in the island, the Sacred Tooth of Buddha. This resulted in a Chinese claim of sovereignty over Śri Lanka, which was actually respected through payment of tribute by the Śri Lankans until 1459.

尽管取得了明显的成功，但这些帝国主义倡议在郑和最后一次下航后突然停止，并且再也没有重新开始。没有人真正知道为什么。中国的外交政策又回到了内向型和防御型的特点。

Despite their apparent success, such imperialist initiatives ceased abruptly after Zheng-He’s final voyage, and were never renewed. No one really knows why. China’s foreign policy returned to its characteristic inward-looking and defensive stance.

尽管如此，如上所示（“在南海之外”，第 146 页），中国侨民给了中国和汉语一个通往东南亚的桥头堡，这是其政府从未寻找过的——而且实际上在许多世纪以来一直不鼓励。现在，在东南亚所有主要国家，华语社区都是投资资金的主要来源。

Nevertheless, as seen above (’Beyond the southern sea’, p. 146), Chinese expatriates have given China, and the Chinese, a bridgehead into South-East Asia which its government never looked for—and indeed discouraged over many centuries. Now, in all the major countries of South-East Asia, Chinese-language communities are the principal source of investment capital.

在菲律宾，华侨占全国人口的1%，却控制着超过一半的股市。在印度尼西亚，这一比例分别为 4% 和 75%，在马来西亚为 32% 和 60%。在泰国，华侨至少占财富的一半……据估计，5100 万华侨控制着一个价值 7000 亿美元的经济体——与 12 亿大陆人的规模大致相同。³⁴

In the Philippines, the overseas Chinese make up 1% of the country’s population, but control over half of the stock market. In Indonesia the proportions are 4% and 75% respectively, in Malaysia 32% and 60%. In Thailand the overseas Chinese account for at least half of the wealth … According to one estimate, the 51 million overseas Chinese control an economy worth $700 billion—roughly the same size as the 1.2 billion mainlanders.³⁴

成长中的以华人为主的企业将有机会用汉语相互交流，无论是普通话还是闽南语；因此，汉语第一次具有向大陆以外扩展的潜力。中国本身不再与选择在国外谋生的同胞保持距离，中国这个更具外交性的新面孔有可能公开影响力，甚至是霸权。

Growing Chinese-dominated businesses will have the opportunity of communicating with one another in Chinese, whether Mandarin or Southern Min; and so for the first time the Chinese language has potential for expansion outside the mainland. China itself is no longer keeping its distance from its fellow-Chinese who have chosen to make their living abroad, and it is possible that this new, more diplomatic face of China will become openly influential, perhaps even hegemonic.

中国弟子

China’s disciples

尽管中国在接受任何外国人的影响方面总是有所保留，但其较小的邻国在接受来自中国的影响方面却没有那么谨慎。朝鲜、日本和越南的国家和人民采取了这一立场。他们每个人都说一种与汉语无关的语言。他们每个人都不得不抵制中国零星的征服企图（尽管日本只是在蒙古帝国主义的第一波浪潮中遭受了这种痛苦）。但每个人首先不是用自己的语言而是用文言文学习读写。并通过改造或补充汉字的使用，为自己的语言开发了书写系统。

Although China was always reserved in accepting any influence from foreigners, its smaller neighbours who achieved some level of settled civilisation and independent statehood were nothing like so circumspect in their acceptance of influence from China. The states and peoples of Korea, Japan and Vietnam adopted this position. Each of them spoke a language unrelated to Chinese. Each of them had to resist sporadic Chinese attempts at conquest (though Japan suffered this only in the first flush of Mongol imperialism). But each first learnt to read and write not in their own languages but in classical Chinese. And each developed writing systems for their own languages by transforming or supplementing the use of Chinese characters.

与梵文和巴利文的汉语不同，他们各自采用了汉语中的词汇，尽管它不适合他们自己语言的声音系统。毕竟，对他们来说，中国代表了先进文明的源头。^*结果，他们的语言充满了汉语借用词汇，并根据自己的发音进行了修改，并且一直如此。他们很快就对所借的音节的含义和与之相关的字符有了清晰的认识，就像汉语自己一样——实际上，也许更清楚，因为他们也使用相同的字符来表示他们自己的语言中的单词，相关的仅凭意义。

Unlike Chinese with Sanskrit and Pali, they each adopted vocabulary from Chinese as it was, regardless of the fact that it did not fit well within the sound systems of their own languages. For them, after all, China represented the fountainhead of advanced civilisation.^* As a result their languages became full of Chinese loan vocabulary, modified for their own pronunciation, and have remained so ever since. They soon had as clear an appreciation of the meanings of the syllables they borrowed, and the characters associated with them, as the Chinese had themselves—indeed, perhaps clearer, since they also used the same characters to represent words in their own languages, related only by meaning.

这种对汉语的忠实采用和融入，为现代汉语史比较研究提供了一个有用的时间胶囊。这三个“Sinoxenic”方言，中韩语、中日语、中越语，都是由从汉语中借来的音节和单词组成的。它们是如此完整，以至于可以使用它们以wényán 朗读整个文本。因此，他们保留了借用单词时的汉语回声。事实上，在日语的情况下——一如既往的复杂——有三个不同的回声：go-on、kan-on和tō-on，这取决于这个词是在 6 世纪、8 世纪还是早期借用的。第二个千年。所以普通话单词nèi, 'within', 书面, 现在是noi，在越南语中发音为第六声，在韩语中发音为nae ，在日语中发音为dai或nai。当 1954 年瑞典学者 Bernhard Karlgren 提出了对七世纪汉语声音的重构时，这些陈旧的风格被证明是至关重要的。³⁵

This faithful adoption and incorporation of Chinese language has provided a useful time capsule of a kind for modern comparative research on the history of Chinese. These three ‘Sinoxenic’ dialects, Sino-Korean, Sino-Japanese, Sino-Vietnamese, are made up of syllables and words borrowed from Chinese. They are so complete that it is possible to use them to read out whole texts in wényán. As such, they have preserved an echo of Chinese as it was pronounced when the words were borrowed. In fact, in the case of Japanese—complex as ever—there are three distinct echoes: go-on, kan-on and tō-on, depending on whether the word was borrowed in the sixth century, the eighth century or early in the second millennium. So the Mandarin word nèi, ‘within’, written , is now noi, pronounced in the sixth tone in Vietnamese, nae in Korean and dai or nai in Japanese. These antiquated styles proved vital when in 1954 the Swedish scholar Bernhard Karlgren came up with a reconstruction of the sounds of seventh-century Chinese.³⁵

其邻国的这种狂热的文化门徒训练可以被认为是汉语的主要二次传播。它经常被比作拉丁语在英语和其他现代欧洲语言中的作用，或阿拉伯语在波斯语和土耳其语中的作用，但它确实与苏美尔语在阿卡德语中的基本作用更具可比性。汉语是一种与其弟子语言完全无关的语言，在结构上也完全不同。然而，它的文字系统成为了他们识字的根源，它的文字成为任何一种受过教育的话语都不可避免的，它的文学被采纳为他们自己教育系统的基础。

This avid cultural discipleship of its neighbours could be considered a major secondary spread of the Chinese language. It is often compared to the role of Latin within English and other modern European languages, or Arabic within Persian and Turkish, but it is really more comparable with the fundamental role of Sumerian within Akkadian. Chinese was a language quite unrelated to its disciple languages, and totally unlike them structurally. Nevertheless, its writing system became the root of their literacy, its words became inescapable for any sort of educated discourse, and its literature was adopted as the foundation for their own education system.

由于他们的邻居对他们如此敬畏，汉语一定很难将他们的优势视为普遍的客观事实。

With their neighbours so in awe of them, it must have been hard for the Chinese to see their superiority as anything but a universal, objective fact.

应对入侵：埃及削弱

Coping with invasions: Egyptian undercut

来自沙漠的外国人到处都变成了人……的确，沙漠遍布整个大地。耕地被毁。外地野蛮人都来埃及了……真的哪里都没有人……

Foreigners from the desert have become people every where … Indeed, the desert is spread throughout the land. The cultivated districts are destroyed. Barbarians from outside have come to Egypt … There are really no people anywhere …

Ipuwer 的告诫，i.5,iii.lff 行。（埃及，公元前三千年末）³⁶

Admonitions of Ipuwer, lines i.5,iii.lff. (Egyptian, late third millennium BC)³⁶

这是对埃及社会的悲观分析，成为文学经典。（仅存的一份手稿是在文字写成几千年后复制出来的。）它表明，即使在其有记载的历史早期，保守派就在为野蛮人涌入埃及而哀叹，他们认为这扰乱了社会秩序：“农奴已成为所有者……她在水中看着自己的脸，现在成了镜子的主人……”野蛮人的词是pīdjeti，“弓箭手”，带着他的沙漠回家（hrswt），并与真实的人、正统的埃及人形成鲜明对比。

This is from a pessimistic analysis of Egyptian society, which became a literary classic. (The one surviving manuscript was copied out some thousand years after the text was written.) It shows that even early in its recorded history conservatives were bewailing barbarian influxes into Egypt, which as they saw it disrupted the social order: ‘Serfs have become owners … She who looked at her face in the water is now the owner of a mirror …’ The word for barbarian is pīdjeti, ‘bowman’, bringing his desert home (hrswt) with him, and pointedly contrasted with real people, proper Egyptians.

这段文字早于我们所知道的任何外国入侵埃及的时间，但显然这个移民，如果他在社会上取得成功，特别不受欢迎，已经是一个股票人物。然而，这种古埃及的狭隘性更多地告诉我们的是长期的态度，而不是爱国者的任何实际危机：埃及语言的持续存在表明该国能够在不失去其核心特征和传统的情况下吸收接下来两千年的所有外国移民。

This text pre-dates any foreign incursions into Egypt that we know about, but evidently the immigrant, particularly unwelcome if he was a social success, was already a stock figure. Yet this ancient Egyptian insularity is telling us more about perennial attitudes than any actual crisis for patriots: the persistence of the Egyptian language shows that the country was able to absorb all the foreign immigration of the following two millennia without losing its central character and traditions.

埃及历史的一个有趣特征是，在穆斯林出现之前，他们没有遭受与亚摩利人和亚兰人来到美索不达米亚相比的压倒性游牧入侵。然而，我们知道，利比亚移民在许多世纪以来都是重要的，在埃及王朝中，至少希克索斯国王和库什特人是用武力安置自己的外国人。那么，为什么对埃及的语言和文化影响如此之小呢？部分原因一定是埃及人在地面上的高密度（步伐Ipuwer）：他们中的许多人受益于尼罗河的富饶，闯入者注定要合并。

It is an interesting feature of Egyptian history that, until the advent of the Muslims, they suffered no overwhelming nomadic invasions comparable to the coming of the Amorites and Aramaeans to Mesopotamia. Yet we know that Libyan immigration was significant over many centuries, and among Egyptian dynasties at least the Hyksos kings and the Kushites were foreigners who installed themselves by force. Why, then, so little effect on Egypt’s language and culture? Part of the reason must have been the high density of the Egyptians on the ground (pace Ipuwer): there were so many of them, benefiting from the bounty of the Nile, that interlopers were doomed to merge.

因此，尽管王朝传统发生了入侵、分裂和中断，埃及仍然忠于它的宗教，以及法老统治通过maR'at的概念。

And so despite the incursions, and the splits and discontinuities in the dynastic tradition, Egypt remained true to its religion, and the concept of a pharaoh ruling through maR ‘at.

但入侵最终确实摧毁了埃及在其祖国的语言：毕竟，埃及今天是一个以穆斯林为主的国家，只有少数基督徒，每个人都说阿拉伯语。埃及人是如何最终失去对扬声器的控制的？

But invasions ultimately did undo the Egyptian language in its homeland: after all, Egypt is today a predominantly Muslim country with a Christian minority, everyone speaking Arabic. How did Egyptian finally come to lose its grip on its speakers?

首先，说埃及语的部分人口一定会逐渐削弱和稀释。它逐渐成为一个高度多语言的社会。毕竟，埃及在其独立存在的最后五百年中，在亚述人、波斯人、希腊语和罗马人的手中经历了多次入侵。在希腊化时期（公元前 332-30 年），也有大量犹太人涌入，他们的主要通用语是希腊语。这些都没有带来一种在埃及获得完全白话地位的语言。但正如我们所看到的，与亚述人和波斯人有关的亚拉姆语确实在埃及社会中传播到官方领域之外，这些继任者中的每一个都带来并培育了新的社区，这些社区会说埃及语以外的东西。

First of all, there must have been a progressive weakening and dilution of the Egyptian-speaking part of the population. It gradually became a highly multilingual society. Egypt, after all, underwent many invasions in its last five hundred years of independent existence, at the hands of Assyrians, Persians, Greeks and Romans. In the Hellenistic period (332-30 BC) there was also a major influx of Jews, whose major lingua franca was Greek. None of these brought a language that was to achieve full vernacular status in Egypt. But as we have seen, the Aramaic associated with the Assyrians and the Persians did spread within Egyptian society beyond the official sphere, and each of these succeeding powers brought in and fostered new communities that would have spoken something other than Egyptian.

然而，当阿拉伯人在公元 7 世纪中叶第一次接受伊斯兰教时占领了这个国家，埃及语仍然是其街道和田野中使用的主要语言。

Nevertheless, when Arabs in the first flush of Islam took possession of the country in the mid-seventh century AD, Egyptian was still the principal language spoken in its streets and fields.

阿拉伯人并不是第一支进入埃及的游牧民族：利比亚人，也许还有希克索斯人，早在第二个千年就已经做到了这一点，而且在埃及历史上三个记录不充分的中间时期，可能还有许多其他较小的入侵。 . 阿拉伯人并不是第一个将外语用于政府目的的国家：所有波斯人、希腊语和罗马人都这样做过。阿拉伯人并不是第一个以海外为中心来占领埃及并将其作为殖民地统治的实体：波斯人已经这样做了两个世纪，罗马人这样做了七个世纪。阿拉伯人甚至不是第一个引入新宗教的人：这在罗马时期的基督徒已经成功地尝试过。

The Arabs were not the first force of nomads to penetrate Egypt: the Libyans, and perhaps the Hyksos, had achieved this long before in the second millennium, and there may have been many other smaller incursions over the three poorly documented Intermediate Periods of Egyptian history. The Arabs were not the first power to use a foreign language for purposes of government: all of the Persians, Greeks and Romans had done this. The Arabs were not the first substantial power with a centre abroad to take possession of Egypt, and rule it as a colony: this had been done before for two centuries by the Persians, and for seven centuries by the Romans. The Arabs were not even the first to introduce a new religion: this had been successfully attempted by the Christians in the Roman period.

那么，为什么阿拉伯语是在其本国成功取代埃及语的第一种语言呢？答案必须在于所有这些情况的结合。埃及的实力被一一颠覆。

Why, then, was Arabic the first language successfully to replace Egyptian in its home country? The answer must lie in the combination of all these circumstances. Egyptian’s strengths were subverted one by one.

首先，巴勒斯坦的亚述和巴比伦战争在三角洲地区建立了一个大型的说亚拉姆语的移民社区。这将是埃及在该国语言垄断的终结，其本身意义不大。但随后该国被众多具有商业头脑的希腊语渗透，被赛特王朝引入以支持反对近东列强的联盟，并在三角洲的瑙克拉蒂斯授予了他们自己的说希腊语的中转站。埃及现在是一个非常多语言的社会，外国人的语言越来越多地与更高的声望联系在一起。波斯人的征服，以及来自波斯和（继亚历山大之后）希腊的一系列外国统治者，意味着现在更高级别的行政管理开始以埃及以外的语言进行：200 年来使用亚拉姆语，然后使用希腊语进行了 200 年。一千年。^*

First the Assyrian and Babylonian wars in Palestine created a large Aramaic-speaking émigré community in the Delta area. This would have been the end of Egyptian’s language monopoly in the country, not very significant in itself. But then the country was penetrated by numerous business-minded Greeks, brought in by the Saite dynasty to buttress an alliance against Near Eastern powers, and granted their own, Greek-speaking, entrepôt in Naucratis in the Delta. Egypt was now very much a multilingual society, with foreigners’ languages more and more associated with higher prestige. The Persian conquest, and a succession of foreign rulers from Persia and then (after Alexander) Greece, meant that now higher-level administration began to be conducted in a language foreign to Egypt: in Aramaic for two hundred years, and then in Greek for a millennium.^*

从语言上讲，当罗马人在公元前 30 年将希腊语赶下台时，除了一小部分讲拉丁语的人（主要是士兵）涌入之外，并没有太大变化。但是这次政府的更迭证明了语言命运的最深刻转折点：埃及不再为了自己的利益而由自己的国王统治，而是由省长作为罗马有用的面包篮，并且（越来越) 有钱游客的目的地。

Linguistically, not much would have changed when the Romans unseated the Greeks in 30 BC, other than a small influx of Latin speakers, principally soldiers. But this change of government was to prove the profoundest turning point for the fate of the language: Egypt was no longer to be governed by its own kings in its own interest, but by provincial governors as a useful bread basket for Rome, and (increasingly) a destination for rich tourists.

所有入侵的共同点是它们不是游牧运动：它们是由组织良好的军队为追求指挥官的全球政治目标而进行的军事事务。控制埃及的重点是与其古老的荣耀联系起来，并占有其目前的农业财富。否则，埃及将忠于其传统，因此唯一的人口流动是精英和犹太人等小群体的流动。然而，埃及文明变成了一场空洞的表演。除非罗马皇帝碰巧来访，否则不再有任何法老可以通过海事控制国家并进行祭祀，到公元三世纪，甚至这种伪装也已被摒弃。

What all the invasions had in common was the fact that they were not nomadic movements: they were military affairs conducted by well-organised armies in pursuit of commanders’ global political aims. The point in controlling Egypt was to be associated with its ancient glory, and to appropriate its present agricultural wealth. Otherwise, Egypt was to be kept true to its traditions, and so the only population movements were movements of elites, and small groups such as the Jews. Egyptian civilisation had, however, become a hollow show. There was no longer any pharaoh to hold the country through maR ‘at and perform the sacrifices, unless the Roman emperor happened to be visiting, and by the third century AD even this pretence had been abandoned.

埃及人保留的一项精英活动是宗教，而语言提供了其祭司和普通民众之间的联系。然而，在罗马统治三个世纪之后，甚至这种联系也被削弱了。当地的基督教社区已经发展壮大，首先是面对罗马人的迫害，然后在官方的支持下，采用埃及语而不是希腊语作为其语言。通过这种方式，它为埃及的忠诚提供了一种精神上的新焦点。但它日益增长的力量以不宽容为特征，特别是对古老的宗教。基督徒们怎么知道在摧毁它的同时，他们也在剪除那些锚定和维持他们独立身份的最深根？到公元四世纪，埃及已经成为一个基督教国家，民众说埃及语，但其行政和文化生活是用希腊语进行的。埃及人的一项精英活动仍然是宗教，但现在这是当地版本的基督教信仰。

The one elite activity retained by Egyptians was religion, and the language provided a link between its priests and the common people. Nevertheless, after three centuries of Roman rule even this link was to weaken. The local Christian community had grown, first in the face of Roman persecution, and then with official support, adopting Egyptian rather than Greek as its language. In this way, it provided a new focus, of a spiritual kind, for Egyptian loyalty. But its growing strength was characteristically marked with intolerance, particularly towards the ancient religion. How were the Christians to know that in destroying it, they were also pruning away the deepest roots that anchored and sustained their separate identity? By the fourth century AD, Egypt had become a Christian country whose populace spoke Egyptian, but whose administration and cultural life were conducted in Greek. It was still true that Egyptian’s one elite activity was religion, but now this was the local version of the Christian faith.

641 年，当政治控制权转移到讲阿拉伯语的人手中时，希腊的精英活动已经没有空间了。尽管希腊语的一些正式使用持续了一个多世纪，但它们很快就枯萎了。宗教的屈服要慢得多。但这不仅仅是另一种政治征服：与亚历山大和奥古斯都凯撒不同，伊斯兰教渴望战胜一切。当它这样做时，保留埃及人的最后一个动机就被消除了：皈依者进入了一个新的忏悔社区，讲阿拉伯语和国际化。对于那些决心坚持自己的基督教信仰的人来说，埃及语被留下来作为礼仪语言，这是一个逐渐缩小的少数群体。

In 641, when political control moved to Arabic speakers, there was no space left for the elite activities in Greek. They soon withered, although some formal use of Greek continued for over a century. Religion was to yield much more slowly. But this was not just another political conquest: Islam, unlike Alexander and Augustus Caesar, aspired to win over all. When it did, the last motive for retaining Egyptian was removed: converts moved into a new confessional community, Arabic-speaking and cosmopolitan. Egyptian was left as the language of liturgy for those who were determined to hang on to their Christian faith, a gradually shrinking minority.

即使事后看来，也很难说基督教对埃及人来说是福还是祸。它为罗马世俗统治下的埃及语社区提供了强烈的仪式焦点；但它激进地切断了该语言与其民族异教过去的联系。它提供了一种新的综合身份，即“埃及基督徒”或科普特人的身份，以取代古老的身份，这种身份将持续数个世纪，甚至直到今天仍然存在于一小部分人身上。但是，一个独立的埃及基督教教派被宣传为一种普遍信仰的神学动机是零。埃及语在面对阿拉伯语社区的挑战时相应地较弱：

Even in hindsight, it is difficult to say whether Christianity was more of a blessing or a bane to Egyptian. It provided a strong ritual focus for the Egyptian-speaking community under Roman secular rule; but it was militant in cutting the links the language had had with its national pagan past. It provided a new synthetic identity, that of ‘Egyptian Christian’ or Copt, to replace the ancient one, an identity that was to last for many centuries, and for a small minority even until the present day. But the theological motivation for a separate Egyptian sect of Christianity, promoted as a universal faith, was nil. Egyptian was correspondingly weaker when it faced the challenging embrace of the Arabic-speaking community: what ground was there to maintain their Egyptian identity when the gods and rituals of the land of Egypt had all been long forgotten?

最终，当埃及语在其唯一的环境——埃及土地上不再是一种主流语言时，埃及语无法维持自己的生存。这种语言，就像法老的宗教一样，是埃及身份的象征。只要埃及的宗教以埃及为基础，埃及人就可以在说外语的政府中幸存下来。它无法在外国政府和真正的世界性宗教中生存，因为它的演讲者没有任何民族作为他们身份的焦点。他们还不如成为阿拉伯穆斯林，就像其他人一样。

Ultimately, Egyptian could not sustain itself when it ceased to be a majority language in its one and only environment, the land of Egypt. The language, like the pharaonic religion, had been a symbol of Egyptian identity. Egyptian could survive a government speaking a foreign language, as long as its religion was based in Egypt. It could not survive a foreign government and a truly cosmopolitan religion, for its speakers had nothing national left as a focus for their identity. They might as well become Arab Muslims, just like all the rest.

应对入侵：汉语不安

Coping with invasions: Chinese unsettled

公认的中国边境管理战略³⁷

Recognised Chinese strategies for border management³⁷

埃及人的最终衰落可以理解为失去自身中心感的长期影响。

The final decline of Egyptian can be understood as the long-term effect of losing the sense of its own centre.

在罗马征服之后，埃及充其量只是罗马地中海世界边缘的一个好奇者，不再为自己的命运负责，而是满怀希望地向西看。四个世纪后，重心从罗马转移到拜占庭几乎没有影响。埃及的身份是通过它对新的和不断增长的基督教信仰的贡献来维持的。又过了三个世纪，被并入一个完全不同的外星帝国，一个现在以东部为中心（大马士革，然后是巴格达）的外星帝国的进一步震惊，超出了它的独立身份所能承受的范围。埃及人第一次也是最后一次走下坡路。

After the Roman conquest, Egypt was at best a curiosity on the edge of Rome’s Mediterranean world, no longer responsible for its own destiny, but looking hopefully to the west. Four centuries later, the change of focus from Rome to Byzantium had had little impact; Egypt’s identity was sustained by its contributions to the new and growing faith of Christianity. Three centuries later still, the further shock of being incorporated into a quite different alien empire, one that was centred now to its east (in Damascus, then Baghdad), was more than its separate identity could stand. For the first and last time, Egyptian went into decline.

中国一直将自己视为世界的中心，传统上是“天下”，四面八方被小民族包围，修为低劣，道德低下。这个国家的现代词Zhōnggŭo，“中央领域”，似乎说明了一切。但另一种指全国的方式是Sìnši zhīněi，“四海之内”，至少可以追溯到孔子。汉语传统上认为自己生活在四海之内的九大洲。每片海域都被视为野蛮人的出没地，即所谓的“四夷”：Dōng Yí Běi Dí Xī Róng Nán Mán'东夷，北狄，西戎，南曼'。这种将中国心脏地带包围的草原作为海洋的想法，对于任何看现代地图的人来说都是奇怪的，但当这些草原上居住着游牧民族，在草原上漫游，以捕食居住在绿洲周围的定居农民时，这种想法具有一定的现实意义，这片海洋中的岛屿。而在传统世界观中的“四夷”之外，还有“八荒”的八荒，所以传统汉语很少想进一步探索国外，这是可以理解的。^*

China has always viewed itself as being at the centre of its world, traditionally Tiān Xià, ‘Heaven Below’, encompassed on every side by lesser peoples, inferior in cultivation and morals. The modern word for the country, Zhōnggŭo, ’Central Realm’, seems to say it all. But another way of referring to the whole country is Sìnši zhīněi, ‘Within the Four Seas’, going back at least to Confucius. The Chinese conventionally saw themselves as living in Nine Continents within Four Seas. Each of those seas was seen as the haunt of a barbarian people, the so-called Sìyí, ‘The Four Yi’: Dōng Yí Běi Dí Xī Róng Nán Mán, ‘east the Yi, north the Di, west the Rong, south the Man’. This idea of the steppes that surround China’s heartland as seas, bizarre to anyone who looks at a modern map, had a certain reality when those steppes were populated by pastoral nomads, roaming the grassy plains to prey on the sedentary farmers who lived round the oases, the islands in this ocean. And beyond the Sìyí in the traditional world-view lay the Bāhuāng, ‘the Eight Wastes’, so it is understandable that the traditional Chinese was little tempted to explore farther abroad.^*

在这个敌人的圈子中，汉语认为自己处于其中心，具有共同的文明价值观观念，以及将愿意的邻居纳入他们的阵营的持久愿望。

Within this ring of hostiles, the Chinese saw themselves at its centre, with a shared conception of civilised values, and a persistent aspiration to bring willing neighbours into their fold.

中国局势的三个特点使他们庞大的社区不仅集中，而且在社会和语言上保持统一。第一个是关于他们的人类环境的事实，这从字面上看是与他们居住的领土有关的。第二个是汉语发明的一个非常独特的机构，结果证明它非常持久。第三个是野蛮人征服时的矛盾结果。

There were three features of the Chinese situation that kept their vast community not only centred but also united, socially and linguistically. The first was a fact about their human environment, which quite literally came with the territory that they inhabited. The second was an institution invented quite distinctively by the Chinese, which turned out to be remarkably persistent. And the third was the paradoxical result of the barbarian conquests when they came.

事实是敌对的掠夺游牧民族周期性涌入，他们说着与汉语截然不同的语言，并掠夺定居的中国农民。这对语言有客观影响，对汉语的意识有主观影响。从语言上讲，周期性的涌入使中国北方人口不断流动，从而阻止了他们在不同的方言地区定居。但即使在汉唐的黄金时代，几个世纪以来，蛮族威胁都被有效地反击了，但门口的蛮族意识仍然存在，自然而然地在人群中引起了更大的团结感。入侵的外部威胁使汉语专注于他们必须失去的东西。中央对它的防御经常出现部分失败，使中国北部不断变化，

The fact was the periodic influx of hostile marauding nomads, speaking languages radically different to Chinese, and preying on settled Chinese farmers. This had an objective effect on the language, and a subjective effect on Chinese consciousness. Linguistically, the periodic influxes kept the northern Chinese population on the move, preventing it from settling into distinct dialect areas. But even when, as in the golden ages of the Han and the Tang, the barbarian threat was effecively countered for centuries at a time, the consciousness of barbarians at the gate still remained, naturally causing a greater sense of unity in the population. The external threat of invasion kept the Chinese focused on what they had to lose; and recurrent partial failures of the centre’s defences against it kept the north of China in flux, and so perversely maintained the cohesion of its spoken language.

该制度是公共考试制度，持续了 13 个世纪，成功是政府职业生涯的关键。这意味着从很早的时代开始，中国就可以拥有正式组成的公务员制度。当它起作用时，这对社会秩序产生了类似于入侵者涌入对语言秩序的影响。两者都倾向于减少本地群体，并强调更高层次的忠诚度。精英公务员建立了对国家的忠诚度，削弱了个人忠诚度，当中央政府削弱时，这种忠诚度往往会发展并将国家分裂为相互竞争的军阀的权力基地。但它也有进一步的影响，与汉语有关。

The institution was the system of public examinations, persistent over thirteen centuries, where success was the key to a career in government. This meant that from a very early era China could boast a formally constituted civil service. When it was working, this had an effect on social order analogous to the influxes of invaders on the linguistic order. Both tended to reduce local groupings, and emphasise higher-level loyalties. The meritocratic civil service built loyalties to the state, and undercut the personal loyalties which, when the central government was weakening, tended to develop and split the country into the power bases of contending warlords. But it also had a further effect, bound up with the Chinese language.

课程大纲几乎完全是文学性的，包括古典诗歌的创作（在八世纪末由吴皇后引入）和臭名昭著的“八足散文”，严格地引出了古典诗歌的思想表达文本及其在当代问题中的应用。因此，它只能推广其开展的主要语言文言文的国家标准。

The syllabus was almost entirely literary, including composition of classical poetry (introduced under the empress Wu at the end of the eighth century) and of the notorious bāgŭwén, ‘eight-legged essays’, which rigorously elicited clear expression of the ideas from the classical texts and their application to contemporary problems. As such, it could only promote national standards for the major language in which it was conducted, wényán, classical Chinese.

在这个意义上，可以说，在朝廷之外的中国国家，是作为中国文学精英的政治表现而构成的。蔡翔本人就是制度的光辉产物，他在十一世纪中叶否定地说：

In this sense it is fair to say that the Chinese state, outside the imperial court, was constituted as the political manifestation of the Chinese literary elite. Cai Xiang, himself a brilliant product of the system, remarked negatively in the middle of the eleventh century:

今人任人，可见其在官上之高，主要是以其文才。最高职位是文人；登基的都是文人；掌管财政事务的是文人；边防总司令是文人；所有区域交通专员都是文人；各省的知府都是文人。³⁸

Nowadays in appointing people it can be observed that they are advanced in office mainly on the basis of their literary skills. The highest office-holders are literary men; those attending the throne are literary men; those managing fiscal matters are literary men; the chief commanders of the border defences are literary men; all the Regional Transport Commissioners are literary men; all the Prefects in the provinces are literary men.³⁸

关于考试制度的叙述充满了关于其精英理论与贵族和财阀现实之间的距离的警告。在一个持续了 2000 多年的机构中，它几乎不可能是其他情况，而且每隔一段时间就会被取消或重组。然而，无论对于它未能偏爱的大量聪明人（例如，所有女性都被排除在外）来说，无论多么令人不满意，它从来都不是一纸空文：它总是作为一种可以复活的潜在手段而存在或者进行改革以将新人才带入权力和影响力，这是中国体制沉积物的内在煽动者，是政府牡蛎中永恒的一粒沙子。

Accounts of the examination system are full of caveats about the distance between its meritocratic theory and its aristocratic and plutocratic reality. It could hardly have been otherwise in an institution that lasted for over two thousand years, every so often dropped or reconstituted. Nevertheless, however unsatisfactory it may often have been for the vast number of bright individuals whom it failed to favour (all women, for example, were excluded), it was never a dead letter: it always existed as a potential means which could be resurrected or reformed to bring new talent into power and influence, a built-in agitator of the sediments of the Chinese establishment, a perpetual grain of sand in the government oyster.

正如阿尔泰部落的入侵使中国北方的民众沸腾一样，考试制度和基于此的任命也使权力结构保持开放。因此，它促进了整个政治体的凝聚力，使用一种共同语言，其标准由考试大纲明确规定。

Just as invasion by Altaic hordes kept northern China’s populace on the boil, so the examination system, and appointments based on it, kept the power structures open. It therefore promoted the cohesion of the body politic as a whole, with a common language whose standards were clearly defined by the examination syllabus.

矛盾的结果是，尽管中国最终无法遏制军事化游牧民族的压力，不得不将其王位让给蒙古人和满人，但中国仍然是中国的。归根结底，与野蛮人的斗争失败了——但这对于语言的未来或它所传达的文化的未来并不重要。在某种程度上，汉语表明它可以超越最根本的失败。

The paradoxical result was the fact that although China was ultimately unable to stem the pressure from militarised pastoral nomads, and had to yield its throne to the Mongols and the Manchus, China remained Chinese. The struggle with the barbarians was, in the last analysis, lost—yet it did not matter for the future of the language, or of the culture that it conveyed. In a way, Chinese showed that it could transcend the most fundamental defeat.

从战略上讲，这可以用中文来描述为：

Strategically, this may be characterised—in Chinese terms—as:

—— tōu liáng huàn zhù

—tōu liáng huàn zhù

偷梁换柱。³⁹

Steal the beams, change the pillars.³⁹

中国“三十六计”中的这句格言指的是一种技巧，使对手逐渐陷入一种虚假的自信中，认为他所依赖的结构仍然是可靠的，尽管实际上它们已被破坏或收买。显然，要做到这一点，战略家必须与敌人的组织保持密切关系，因为他很可能在遭受明显的彻底失败并接受投降之后。就蒙古人而言——顺便说一句，他们从未接受过认真使用科举制度，因此很容易受到地方领主增长的影响——事实证明，在一个世纪内建立足够的区域权力基础来推翻中央政府是可能的。对满族来说，就更难了，因为他们自己，意识到他们的人数少，有效利用考试等中方制度，吸纳忠诚干部。他们也集中在军队。尽管如此，他们只占人口的 2%，事实证明他们不可能与汉语一起生活而不被他们吸收。法律禁止他们与汉语通婚或采用中国习俗，但徒劳无功，徒劳地强制接受满语教育，这种语言在政府文件中一直持续到 1911 年王朝灭亡：然而，在他们成功征服中国后的 150 年内，满族人都说中文。⁴⁰

This maxim from the Chinese ‘36 Strategems’ refers to a technique whereby an opponent is gradually lulled into a false sense of confidence, thinking the structures he relies on are still sound, although in fact they have been undermined or suborned. Evidently to do this the strategist must be on close terms with the enemy’s organisation, as he may well be, after suffering apparent total defeat and accepting surrender. In the case of the Mongols—who never, incidentally, accepted serious use of the examination system, and so were vulnerable to the growth of local lordships—it proved possible within a century to build up sufficient regional power bases to unseat the central government. With the Manchu, it was more difficult, since they themselves, conscious of their small numbers, made effective use of Chinese institutions such as the examinations to recruit loyal cadres. They also concentrated themselves in the military. Still, making up no more than 2 per cent of the population, it proved impossible for them to live with the Chinese and not be absorbed by them. In vain were they forbidden by law from intermarrying with Chinese or adopting Chinese customs, in vain compulsorily educated in Manchu, a language that continued in government papers until the fall of the dynasty in 1911: nevertheless, within 150 years of their successful conquest of China, all those of Manchu ancestry were speaking Chinese.⁴⁰

它也将我们引向当前中国对来自西方世界挑战的反应。奇怪的是，中国再次采用这种传统战略。

It also leads us to the current Chinese response to the challenge from the Western world. Bizarrely, but revealingly, China is again adopting this traditional strategy.

在经历了 19 世纪西方列强之手的创伤之后，中国于 1905 年废除了科举制度，并于 1911 年废除了帝制本身。一种使国家与时俱进的欧洲风格的普遍气氛盛行。一个被考虑的建议甚至是废除中文本身以支持世界语，这是一种人造的但可能是国际语言，由一个源自欧洲的波兰人在 19 世纪后期塑造，在当时尤其流行。结果，在 1920 年代和 1930 年代，中文的官方形式被重新定义：代替可追溯到公元前 5 世纪的wényán，出现了báihuà，“白话”，北京口语的普通话形式。用汉字书写，代表口语语法和词汇，但在实际发音上当然是中性的。这并没有太大的震惊，因为它一直是流行的，并且确实在流行文学中使用，^*至少从公元第一个千年中期开始，但以前从未有过严肃商业语言的感觉。^†

After its traumatic experiences at the hands of Western powers in the nineteenth century, China abolished the examination system in 1905 and the imperial monarchy itself in 1911. A general air prevailed of bringing the country up to date, European-style. One suggestion considered was even to abolish the Chinese language itself in favour of Esperanto, an artificial but would-be international language fashioned by a Pole out of European roots in the late nineteenth century, and in particular vogue at the time. In the event, during the 1920s and 1930s the official form of Chinese was redefined: in place of wényán, which went back to the fifth century BC, came báihuà, ‘white speech’, the colloquial form of Mandarin as spoken in Beijing. Written in characters, it represents colloquial grammar and lexicon, but is of course neutral on actual pronunciation. This was not too much of a shock, since it had been current, and indeed used in popular literature,^* since at least the middle of the first millennium AD, but had never previously had the feel of a language for serious business.^†

中国现在正处于经济高速发展的时期，它自觉地采用了西方的方法。从某种意义上说，这是一个世纪以来第三次西方启发的革命，1911年共和国成立以来，1949年共产主义革命和毛泽东逝世后开始资本主义改革，都是西方思想的应用。所有这一切都发生在一个自公元 6 世纪和 7 世纪广泛接受佛教以来就没有内化西方主要思想的国家。如果中国为了自身的长远利益成功地采纳和调整了这些想法，它将再次将其对手明显决定性的胜利转变为自己的更大范围的胜利。确实是新的梁柱。

China is now in a period of extremely rapid economic development, in which it has consciously adopted Western methods. In a sense this is the third Western-inspired revolution in a century, since the foundation of the republic in 1911, the communist revolution in 1949 and the initiation of capitalist reforms since Mao’s death were all applications of Western ideas. All this in a country that had not internalised a major Western idea since the widespread take-up of Buddhism in the sixth and seventh centuries AD. If China succeeds in adopting and adapting these ideas in its own long-term interests, it will once again have turned the apparently conclusive victory of its adversary into a longer-scale triumph of its own. New beams and pillars indeed.

但如果我们再拿埃及的例子来比较的话，汉语的长远未来可能就悬而未决。我们发现的共同特征，解释了埃及和中国几千年来的坚持，是在语言社区内维持一个独特的身份和忠诚中心。

But if we take up again our comparison with the Egyptian case, the long-term future of the Chinese language may be hanging in the balance. The common feature we have found, which explains both Egyptian and Chinese persistence over so many millennia, is the maintenance of a distinct centre of identity and loyalty within the language community.

埃及逐渐失去其历史中心的各个方面，首先是君主制，然后是政治独立，然后是自己的民族宗教，最后是基督教的民族形式，埃及人随着时间的推移而逐渐衰弱，现在，作为一种简单地在正式礼仪中背诵的语言，几乎完全消失了。如果这个类比是正确的，那么汉语，尽管有十亿人口，可能会认为它现在也走上了一条危险的道路。为了适应来自现代欧洲风格的世界的挑战，它已经放弃了与自己的君主制的联系，这是它两千年来一直确定的理想。它并没有放弃其政治独立，但它至少正式地放弃了自己的宗教：自从君主制垮台以来，

Gradually losing aspects of its historic centre, in the form first of its monarchy, then of its political independence, then of its own national religion, and finally of its national form of Christianity, Egyptian weakened steadily over the ages, and has now, as a language simply recited in formal liturgy, come close to disappearing altogether. If the analogy is valid, Chinese, despite its billion speakers, might consider that it too has now entered on a perilous path. To accommodate the challenge from the modern, European-inspired, world, it has already given up the link with its own monarchy, an ideal with which it had identified for over two millennia. It has not given up its political independence, but it has, at least officially, resigned its own religion: since the fall of the monarchy, it has no longer actively sustained the value of Confucian, much less Taoist, ideas.

中国的政治独立或许还能将其语言从埃及的下滑中拯救出来。即使在外国统治下，汉语也比埃及人在过去两千年里表现出的韧性和吸收能力都要强得多。它具有埃及人从未有过的优势，不仅人口密度高，而且绝对人口规模庞大。在书面形式上，中国历史上还没有任何东西可以与埃及丧失本土文字系统和采用希腊文字相提并论，尽管罗马化可能还没有到来。

China’s political independence may yet save its language from the downward slide of Egyptian. And even under foreign rule, Chinese has shown itself much more resilient, and indeed absorbent, than Egyptian ever was in its last two millennia. It has the advantage, which Egyptian never had, not just of high density but also of vast absolute population size. In its written mode, there is nothing yet in the history of Chinese to compare with Egyptian’s loss of its indigenous writing system and adoption of the Greek script, though romanisation may yet come.

总而言之，除了政治征服之外，我们认为导致埃及灭亡的文化撤退在近代中国历史上都有其相似之处。对于现在有五分之一的人类使用的语言，文字可能已经写在墙上了。

In sum, the cultural retreats that we identified as leading to Egyptian’s demise all have their analogues in the recent history of Chinese, except for political conquest. The writing may already be on the wall for the language now spoken by one fifth of mankind.

^*这个拼音罗马拼音代表了公元前五世纪这段文字的现代普通话发音。因此，它代表了单词和句子结构，而不是孔子会使用的声音。

^* This Pinyin romanisation represents a modern Mandarin pronunciation of this text from the fifth century BC. As such it represents the words and the sentence structure, but not the sounds that Confucius would have used.

^†在本书中，中文是使用pīnyīn zìmŭ “拼音字母”系统转录的，通常称为拼音，自 1958 年以来由中国政府正式推广。其中，重音 ( v,v,v,v)) 表示音调模式，而不是不同的元音。辅音中，c为英语ts，j为英语j，q为英语ch，x为英语sh。您还会看到 zh、ch 和 sh：它们的发音与 j、q 和 x 相似，但带有卷舌音，好像紧随其后的是 r。东北地区以外的大多数汉语实际上是无法区分的。拼音具有紧凑、准确和一致的优点（没有旧的西方系统、Wade-Giles 和耶鲁的令人讨厌的撇号），但它只能声称代表现代发音。当它应用于非常古老的单词和名称时，这可能会产生误导。

^† In this book, Chinese is transcribed using the pīnyīn zìmŭ ‘phonetic alphabet’ system, usually known as Pinyin, officially promoted by the Chinese government since 1958. In it, the accents (v,v,v,v) denote tone patterns, not different vowel sounds. Among consonants, c is English ts, j is English j, q English ch, and x English sh. You will also see zh, ch and sh: these are pronounced similarly to j, q and x, but with retroflex tongue, as if there were an r immediately following. Most Chinese outside the north-east area are in fact incapable of making the distinction. Pinyin has the virtue of being compact, accurate and consistent (without the irritating apostrophes of the older Western systems, Wade-Giles and Yale) but it can only claim to represent modern pronunciation. This can be misleading when it is applied to very old words and names.

^*普通话这个词根本不是中文，而是梵语māntrin 'cousellor' 的变形，受葡萄牙动词mandar 'command' 的影响。Pŭtōnghuá的意思是“通用语言”，一个具有包容性的术语，它在很大程度上取代了旧术语，例如guāNnhuá，“官方语言”（最接近汉语的普通话等价物）或 guòyŭ，“国家语言”，它指的是几乎是一样的。Hànyŭ，“汉语言”，是另一个使用的术语。

^* The word Mandarin is not Chinese at all, but a deformation of the Sanskrit word māntrin, ‘counsellor’, with some influence from the Portuguese verb mandar, ‘command’. Pŭtōnghuá means ‘common language’, a term with an inclusive feel, which has largely replaced older terms such as guāNnhuá, ‘official language’ (the closest to a Chinese equivalent for Mandarin), or guòyŭ, ‘national language’, which referred to much the same thing. Hànyŭ, ‘Han language’, is another term used.

^*这个名字的起源似乎是早期希腊语试图代表晚期埃及人n-irw-aR，“伟大的河流”，指的是尼罗河三角洲地区的许多溪流。这与jatruw，“（the）河”有关，在古典埃及语中总是它的名字（Luft 1992）。

^* The origin of this name seems to be an early Greek attempt to represent late Egyptian n-irw-aR, ‘the-rivers-great’, referring to the Nile’s many streams in the Delta area. This is related to jatruw, ‘(the) river’, always its name in classical Egyptian (Luft 1992).

^†原名是Kiang，一个南亚语词，与越南歌曲中的“河” （曾经发音为“krong”）和Mon kruŋ有关，显示了汉语从北方传入之前这里所说的语言（诺曼 1988：18）。

^† The original name was Kiang alone, an Austro-Asiatic word, related to words for ‘river’ in Vietnamese song (once pronounced ’krong’) and Mon kruŋ, showing the kind of language spoken here before Chinese came in from the north (Norman 1988: 18).

^§比较san，“兄弟”，与sānat，“姐妹”。大多数抽象名词都具有这种女性气质，例如maR 'at、'righteousness'（总是被视为女神）。见第 35 页。有关闪米特特征的详细描述。

^§ Compare san, ‘brother’, with sānat, ‘sister’. Most abstract nouns share this femininity, e.g. maR ’at, ‘righteousness’ (always conceived as a goddess). See pp. 35ff. for a longer description of Semitic features.

^†埃及国王的这个常用词是在希伯来圣经中使用的。它代表埃及的pr- 'r (House-Great)，因此就像用“宫殿”来指代英国君主一样。

^† This common word for the king of Egypt was established by its use in the Hebrew Bible. It represents the Egyptian pr- ’r (House-Great), and so is like using ‘the Palace’ to refer to the British monarch.

^*孟菲斯这个名字实际上是指佩皮国王在那里建造的金字塔，大约七百年后建成：“美丽稳定”。埃及作为这个国家的名称是不准确的。反映希腊词Aiguptos，它实际上是孟菲斯的一个标题： əyt kRUW pta的连音，“Ptah 的 Ka 能量神庙”。kruw是生命力kaR的养料，由食物和饮料和祭品提供。

^* The name Memphis actually refers to King Pepi’s pyramid there, built some seven hundred years later: ‘stable in beauty’. Egypt is inexact as a name for the country. Reflecting the Greek word Aiguptos, it is in fact a title of Memphis: a slurring of əyt kRUW pta, ‘temple of the Ka-energy of Ptah’. kruw was the sustenance to the life force kaR, given by food and drink, and sacrificial offerings.

^*位于三角洲地区的 Sarw(Sais)，据传他们有利比亚血统。

^* Based in Sarw (Sais) in the Delta area, they are rumoured to have been of Libyan ancestry.

^*然而，当虚构的 Sinuhe 故事的主人公到达巴勒斯坦北部的 Retjenu 时（故事设定在公元前 20 世纪末，Retjenu 与埃及的敌人混战），他被告知：“你在这里会很开心. 你会听到埃及的语言。正如 Sinuhe 所说，已经有埃及人与 Retjenu 的统治者一起为他说话（第 30 节）。统治者的名字是阿穆拉纳西，可以认出是亚摩利人。

^* Yet, when the hero of the fictional Tale of Sinuhe reached Retjenu, in northern Palestine (the tale is set at the end of the twentieth century BC, with Retjenu ranged with Egypt’s enemies), he was told: ‘You will be happy here. You will hear the language of Egypt.’ As Sinuhe recounts, there were already Egyptians with the ruler of Retjenu, who had spoken up for him (verse 30). The ruler’s name was Ammulanasi, recognisably Amorite.

^*希罗多德，二。154，叙述 Psamtek 让一些埃及男孩为爱奥尼亚人和卡里亚人服务，学习希腊语，从而建立了埃及的口译种姓。没有提到任何研究埃及的希腊语。

^* Herodotus, ii. 154, recounts that Psamtek put some Egyptian boys into the service of the Ionians and Carians, to be taught Greek, and thereby founded the Egyptian caste of interpreters. There is no reference to any Greeks studying Egyptian.

^*普鲁塔克，安东尼，xxvii.4-5。在克娄巴特拉时代，所有这些语言一定在亚历山大港的街道上听过。埃塞俄比亚语将是库什语，而叙利亚语是亚拉姆语的一种形式。Trogodyte 会在红海沿岸使用，可能是现代 Beja 的祖先。Medjay应该是相同的，是 15 至 13 世纪在埃及担任警察的东部沙漠人（Gardiner 1957: 183, n. 2）。这里没有提到利比亚语或拉丁语，尽管普鲁塔克补充说，据说克利奥帕特拉除了他提到的语言外，还讲过许多其他语言。她与凯撒和后来的安东尼的恋情很可能是用希腊语进行的。

^* Plutarch, Antony, xxvii.4-5. All these languages must have been heard on the streets of Alexandria in Cleopatra’s day. Ethiopian would be the language of Kush, and Syriac is a form of Aramaic. Trogodyte would have been spoken along the Red Sea coast, and is perhaps the ancestor of modern Beja. The Medjay, supposed to be the same, had been an eastern desert people employed in Egypt as police in the fifteenth to thirteenth centuries (Gardiner 1957: 183, n. 2). There is no mention here of Libyan—or of Latin, although Plutarch adds that Cleopatra is said to have spoken many other languages besides the ones he does mention. Most likely her amours with Caesar, and later Antony, were conducted in Greek.

^*最后的铭文是在神圣的菲莱岛上制作的，就在尼罗河的第一个白内障上方，象征着埃及土地上最远的前哨。罗马皇帝查士丁尼 (Johnson 1999: 229) 批准了对神殿的最后一次亵渎，这是埃及最后一次也是最远的一次。

^* The last inscription was made on the sacred island of Philae, just above the Nile’s first cataract and symbolically the farthest outpost of the land of Egypt. The final desecration of the shrine, the last as well as the farthest in Egypt, was ratified by the Roman emperor Justinian (Johnson 1999: 229).

^*数千年来，写作材料发生了变化。在早期，我们对当前事物的了解当然取决于它的耐用性，因此青铜和骨头的早期突出地位。后来（从第一个千年开始），毛笔被用来在竹条上写字。更灵活的材料，独特的中国发明，后来出现：公元前 2 世纪的丝绸卷和公元 105 年的纸。印刷也是汉语对世界语言技术的贡献：固定的块被切割成从末期开始印刷整页公元九世纪，活字印刷术是从十一世纪开始引入的。对于一个一直使用数千个符号的书写系统，最后一个自然是更难的工作。

^* Materials for writing changed over the millennia. For the early period our knowledge of what was current is of course reliant on its durability, hence the early prominence of bronze and bone. Later on (from the first millennium) the brush was used to write on strips of bamboo. More flexible materials, distinctive Chinese inventions, came later: rolls of silk from the second century BC, and paper from AD 105. Printing too was a Chinese contribution to world language technology: fixed blocks were cut to print whole pages from the end of the ninth century AD, and movable type was introduced from the eleventh. Naturally this last was harder work with a writing system that has always used several thousand symbols.

^†孟子（根据布鲁克斯 2002 年约公元前250 年），3.B.6：“假设楚某位大将要他的儿子学习说齐……” 显然，雄心勃勃的人已经准备好学习中文了。齐大约是现代山东，位于黄河口，是汉语传播的中心。奇怪的是，大约十年后的一篇文字似乎选择了楚与东方的野蛮语言进行对比：“让楚人在容中长大，或容人在楚中长大，楚人会说容，而容人会说楚'（卢氏春秋，4.E）。

^† Mencius (c.250 BC according to Brooks 2002), 3.B.6: ‘Suppose some great officer of Chu wanted his son to learn to speak Qi …’ Evidently, the ambitious were already setting themselves to learn Chinese. Qi was approximately modern Shandong, at the mouth of the Huang-he, and so at the centre of the spread of Chinese. Strangely, a text written only a decade or so later seems to pick Chu to contrast with an eastern barbarian language: ‘Let a Chu man grow up among Rong, or a Rong man grow up in Chu, and the Chu man will speak Rong, while the Rong man will speak Chu’ (Lushi Chunqiu, 4.E).

^*这些举动可以与亚述和巴比伦国王在重大军事胜利后下令减少人口相提并论。（见第 3 章，“阿卡德语——世界领先的技术：识字模型”，第 64 页。）但是，由于美索不达米亚国王看到了外国人的最大威胁，他们最终用一种外语阿拉姆语播种了他们的帝国。中国皇帝看到中国封建领主的威胁，将他们（以及随之而来的汉语）传播到他的王国最远的角落。

^* These moves can be compared with the depopulations ordered by the kings of Assyria and Babylon after major military victories. (See Chapter 3, ‘Akkadian—world-beating technology: A model of literacy’, p. 64.) But since the Mesopotamian kings saw the greatest threat in foreigners, they ended up seeding their empire with a foreign language, Aramaic; the Chinese emperor, seeing threat in Chinese feudal lords, disseminated them (and therewith the Chinese language) to the farthest corners of his realm.

^§这经常被提议作为中国这个名字的词源，这个名字似乎是通过波斯语和意大利语传到西方的。但汉语宁愿使用汉唐或汉代的名字作为他们的国家名称，而这个名字的形式表明它是从梵文名称Cīna衍生而来的。这主要适用于西藏地区，但有时也包括阿萨姆邦和缅甸（Sircar 1971：104-5）。整个中国被印度人称为Mahācīna，“大中国”：例如，中国朝圣者玄奘在 629 年访问时告诉印度人他来自哪里。 Si-Yu-Ki, v. 1（在 Beal 1884，第 1 部分：216）。

^§ This is often proposed as the etymology for the name China, a name that seems to have reached the West through Persian and Italian. But the Chinese use rather the names of the Han or Tang dynasties as the name of their nation, and the form of the name suggests that it is derived from the Sanskrit name, Cīna. This applied mainly to the area of Tibet, though also on occasions included Assam and Burma (Sircar 1971: 104-5). China as a whole was known to the Indians as Mahācīna, ‘Great China’: this, for example, is where the Chinese pilgrim Xuan Zang told the Indians he was from, when he visited in 629. Si-Yu-Ki, v. 1 (in Beal 1884, part 1: 216).

^*中亚的阿尔泰山脉，这个名字的来源，本身就是以其黄金命名的：cf. 土耳其阿尔廷。

^* The Altai mountains of central Asia, the source of this name, are themselves named for their gold: cf. Turkish altin.

^*这看起来很像Hunnu的中文翻译，这将使这些人与印度人称为Hūna和欧洲人称为 Hunni 的人相识别。但不幸的是，语音相似性仍然是唯一有力的证据。（参见西诺 1990：177-9。）

^* This looks very much like a Chinese rendition of Hunnu, which would allow these people to be identified with those known to the Indians as Hūna, and to the Europeans as Hunni. But the phonetic resemblance unfortunately remains the only strong evidence. (See Sinor 1990: 177-9.)

^*在现代汉语中称为Tùobá，使用当时发音为Tak-B'uat 的字符。这个名字已经成为现代楚瓦什语：它仍然指代一个讲突厥语的人，其中有 150 万分散在俄罗斯和西伯利亚（Clauson 2002 [1962]: 38; Dalby 1998: 134-5）。

^* Called in modern Chinese Tùobá, using characters that at the time would have been pronounced Tak-B’uat. The name has become the modern Chuvash: it still designates a Turkic-speaking people of whom there are 1.5 million scattered across Russia and Siberia (Clauson 2002 [1962]: 38; Dalby 1998: 134-5).

^*基尔肯尼法规于 1366 年通过，要求英国殖民者（第 III 节）“使用英语，并以英语名称称呼，完全摒弃爱尔兰人使用的命名方式……”

^* The Statute of Kilkenny was passed in 1366, requiring the English colonists (section III) ‘to use the English language, and be called by an English name, leaving off entirely the manner of naming used by the Irish …’

^†简而言之，中国北方失去了所有的最后辅音；以前自由的单音节串变成了更长的单词。没有人知道为什么，但已经提出了一些对这些变化的解释。也许汉语语素的语义模糊，在失去了这么多独特的辅音之后，意味着一个词与另一个词的加强是有效交流的必要条件。也许新的较短音节的纯粹语音弱点意味着必须发生双倍以使该语言具有可接受的语音节奏（Feng 1998）。也许是佛教的出现，梵文和巴利文的诵经引入了较长的单词，以及翻译成中文时出现的复杂表达，使人们习惯了多音节。

^† Briefly put, northern Chinese lost all its final consonants; and strings of previously free monosyllables became congealed into longer words. No one knows why, but some explanations for the changes have been proposed. Perhaps the semantic vagueness of Chinese morphemes, after losing so many distinctive consonants, meant that reinforcing one word with another was necessary in order to communicate effectively. Perhaps the sheer phonetic weakness of the new shorter syllables meant that doubling up had to occur to give the language an acceptable speech rhythm (Feng 1998). Perhaps the advent of Buddhism, with chanting in Sanskrit and Pali which introduced longer words, and the complicated expressions that arose when they were translated into Chinese, inured people to polysyllabism. The various trends and possible influences are clearly discussed in Wilkinson (2000:31-40).

^*但是在所有汉语方言中都可以看到同样的趋势（在更南的彝语和越南语中确实如此）。

^* But this same trend can be seen in all Chinese dialects (and indeed farther south in the Yi and Vietnamese languages).

^* '南越'。普通话Nán-Yuè 和现代越南语 Vi& t Nam只是同一个词，发音不同并重新排序，所以这个名字在两千年后仍然很强大，它的名称向西南移动了 750 公里。

^* ‘Southern Yue’. Mandarin Nán-Yuè and modern Vietnamese Vi&t Nam are just the same words, pronounced differently and reordered, so the name is still going strong two millennia on, its designation moved 750 kilometres to the south-west.

^*在菲律宾，有 50 万汉语，在泰国有 180 万，几乎都说南闽语。在马来西亚 450 万说华语的人中，一半说闽南语或闽东语，四分之一说客家话，六分之一说粤语，其余（仍有 50 万）说普通话。印度尼西亚 600 万华裔的口中，大部分汉语已经死去，只有三分之一的人还在家里说某种形式的汉语：但在那些说汉语的人中，有三分之一以上说闽南语，略低于三分之一的客家语，不到十分之一悦。剩下的四分之一讲普通话（Grimes 2000）。

^* In the Philippines, there are half a million Chinese, and in Thailand 1.8 million, almost all speaking Southern Min. Of Malaysia’s 4.5 million Chinese speakers, half speak Southern or Eastern Min, a quarter speak Hakka, a sixth speak Yue, the rest (still half a million of them) speaking Mandarin. Chinese has largely died on the lips of Indonesia’s 6 million ethnic Chinese, and only a third of them still speak some form of it in the home: but of those who do, over a third speak Min, a little less than a third Hakka, just under a tenth Yue. The remaining quarter speak Mandarin (Grimes 2000).

^*这个词最初用于葡萄牙语，源自阿拉伯-波斯语firengi，最终源自弗兰克。

^* This term, first applied to the Portuguese, derives from Arab-Persian firengi, ultimately from Frank.

^*两个帝国都偶尔允许女性担任国王，特别是埃及的哈特谢普苏特（公元前 1473-1458 年）和克娄巴特拉（公元前 51-30 年），以及吴皇后（公元 690-705 年）和慈禧（公元1895-1908) 中国。令人毛骨悚然的是，在一个女人的统治下，两个君主制在几千年后都走到了尽头。

^* Both empires very occasionally permitted a woman to take up the office of king, notably Hatshepsut ( 1473-1458 BC) and Cleopatra (51-30 BC) of Egypt, and the empresses Wu (AD 690-705) and Ci Xi (AD 1895-1908) of China. Eerily, it was in the reign of a woman that both monarchies, after so many millennia, came to their end.

^*他们对印度的看法见第 192 页。以下。

^* Their views of India are considered at pp. 192ff. below.

^†梵文 atlta、pratyutpanna、anagata、“过去”、“在场”、“不来”。

^† Sanskrit atlta, pratyutpanna, anagata, ‘past by’, ‘given in the presence’, ‘not come’.

^*他们对中国同时代人的行事方式印象深刻，甚至在公元七世纪韩国和日本还引入了公开考试进入政府的制度。（与此同时，越南在中国的直接统治下度过了整个公元一千年。）但他们这样做是为了模仿，这并不是因为他们理解这个制度的重点：日本人只允许贵族参加考试；在韩国，高年级家庭的儿子被豁免。

^* So generally impressed were they with the way that their Chinese contemporaries did things that in the seventh century AD Korea and Japan even introduced the system of public examinations for entry into the government. (Vietnam, meanwhile, was spending the whole first millennium AD under direct Chinese rule.) But they did it as copycats, emphatically not because they appreciated the point of the system: the Japanese permitted only nobles to sit the examination; and in Korea, sons of higher-graded families were exempted.

^*除了克娄巴特拉著名的勇敢表演之外，佩尔曼斯 (Peremans, 1964) 几乎没有发现托勒密时代的埃及存在双语的证据，而且大部分希腊语和埃及人（ egkhōrioi，“当地人”）坚持使用自己的语言。一些著名的埃及人，如埃及的大祭司和希腊历史学家马涅托, 确实在讲希腊语的等级制度中达到了很高的地位。但是如此多的公共文件是双语的（最著名的是罗塞塔石碑，还有与私人案件有关的司法通知），人们不可能做到这一点。他还引用了一封感人的信：“我很高兴，为你和我自己，得知你正在学习埃及文字，因为现在你可以来到这个城市，教帕鲁的孩子……作为灌肠医生，并且拥有养老的一种方式”（第 57 页）。尽管提到了写作，这位导师大概是受雇教埃及中产阶级儿童希腊语，而不是相反。

^* Aside from Cleopatra’s well-known bravura performance, Peremans ( 1964) finds little evidence of bilingualism in Ptolemaic Egypt, and much of Greeks and Egyptians (egkhōrioi, ‘locals’) sticking to their own languages. Some famous Egyptians, such as the high priest and Greek historian of Egypt, Maněthō, did reach high rank in what remained to the end a Greek-speaking hierarchy. But so many public documents were bilingual (the most famous being the Rosetta Stone, but also judicial notices relating to private cases) that the population could not have been. He also quotes a touching letter: ‘I was glad, both for you and for myself, to learn that you were learning Egyptian writing, because now you can come to the city and teach the children of Phalu … es the enema doctor, and have a means of support for your old age’ (p. 57). Despite the mention of writing, the tutor was presumably to be employed to teach the middle-class Egyptian children Greek, not vice versa.

^*汉语与本书中评论的大多数其他主要语言社区有一个不同之处：他们没有将所有说其他语言的人归为一个不讨人喜欢的名字。“野蛮人”一词在英文翻译中是不可避免的，但中文有很多词，原则上都有不同的名称。早在公元前三世纪的字典Erya（'Examples of Refined Usage'）中，术语sìhši的定义是： jiŭyí bādí qīróng liŭmán，“九易、八狄、七戎和六人”（ Erya , sv Sidí，引自 Wilkinson 2000: 710)。还有一个词是 Fān，从中文的角度来看分为, shēngfān, and , shúfān, 'raw' or 'cooked'，取决于他们是否已经开始适应中国文明的方式。并不是说这种多样性表明了对较小品种的任何特别的洞察力或尊重。虽然不同的词是语言的一部分，但它们经常被混为一谈，例如Róngdí、 Yídí，或者不加区别地使用。事实上，单音节的一揽子术语补充了针对特定部落的更具体的术语。这些通常被写出来，作为一种中国私人笑话，带有侮辱性的字符，例如，在Xiōngnú ， nú，“奴隶”，在 Wōgŭo， wō，“侏儒” ，“矮人国度”，即日本。带着善意的恶意，这在日语中的发音可能与 wa相同，“和谐”，日本人在提到自己时更喜欢这个词。

^* The Chinese have been unlike most other dominant language communities reviewed in this book in one way: they have not lumped all those speaking other languages under one unflattering name. The single term ‘barbarian’ is inescapable in English translation, but Chinese has many words, in principle all with different designations. Already in the third-century BC dictionary Erya (’Examples of Refined Usage’), the term sìhši is defined: jiŭyí bādí qīróng liŭmán, ‘the 9 Yi, the 8 Di, the 7 Rong and the 6 Man’ (Erya, s.v. Sidí, cited in Wilkinson 2000: 710). Yet another term was Fān, from the Chinese point of view divided into the , shēngfān, and , shúfān, ‘raw’ or ‘cooked’, depending on whether they had begun to settle to civilised Chinese ways. Not that this multiplicity betokened any particular discernment or respect for the lesser breeds. Although the different words were part of the language, they were often lumped together, e.g. Róngdí, Yídí, or used undiscriminatingly. In fact, the monosyllabic blanket terms are supplemented with more specific terms for particular tribes. These were often written out, as a kind of Chinese private joke, with insulting characters, e.g. nú, ‘slave’, in Xiōngnú, and wō, ‘dwarf’, in Wōgŭo, ‘dwarf-realm’, i.e. Japan. With urbane malice, this chanced to be pronounced in Japanese identically with wa, ‘harmony’, the term the Japanese preferred when referring to themselves.

^*十六至十八世纪中国著名小说，著名的有曹雪芹的《红楼梦》、三国志燕游的《三国志》、罗冠中的《三国志》、西游记的《红楼梦》。吴承恩的《西》都是用这种汉语方言写的。

^* The famous Chinese novels of the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, notably Hongloumeng, “The Dream of the Red Chamber’, by Cao Xueqin, Sanguozhi Yanyo, ‘Romance of the Three Kingdoms’, by Luo Guanzhong, and Xiyouji, ‘Journey to the West’, by Wu Cheng-en, were all written in this dialect of Chinese.

^†也曾多次尝试用罗马字母代替汉字，但众所周知，很难找到一个可以对不同方言保持中立的系统，因此没有一个成功地成为学习者和外国人的辅助工具. 本书中使用的拼音罗马拼音代表标准普通话，现在已接近成为国际标准。它是与俄罗斯学者合作开发的，并于 1957 年正式出版。

^† There were also a number of attempts to replace Chinese characters with a romanised script, but with the acknowledged difficulty of finding a system that could be neutral in terms of the different dialects, none succeeded in becoming anything more than an aid to learners and foreigners. The Pinyin romanisation used in this book represents standard Mandarin, and is now close to being an international standard. It was developed in collaboration with Russian scholars, and published officially in 1957.

5

像爬行者一样迷人：梵文的文化职业

5

Charming Like a Creeper: The Cultured Career of Sanskrit

bhā ā praśastā sumano lateva

ke ām na cetā sy āvarjayati

bhāā praśastā sumano lateva

keām na cetāsy āvarjayati

语言，吉祥，妩媚，如爬山虎，不服谁的心？^*

Language, auspicious, charming, like a creeper, whose minds does it not win over?^*

( sūkta — 传统格言)

(sūkta—traditional maxim)

故事简介

The story in brief

梵文有一个持久的形象是一种匍匐植物，繁茂而盛开。两千多年来，它围绕着亚洲人口的中心传播：从印度次大陆的北到南，然后到东南亚和东印度群岛，到青藏高原和远东。

There is a persistent image of Sanskrit as a creeping plant, luxuriant and full blossomed. Over two thousand years it spread itself round the centres of Asian population: from north to south of the Indian subcontinent, and thence to South-East Asia and the East Indies, to the Tibetan plateau and to the Far East.

梵文（sa sk ta ）这个词的意思是“组合的”或“综合的”。它是语法书中制定的语言术语，将其与其口语方言（称为Prakrits (prā ta )，即“自然”）进行对比。它还将它与旧形式（有时称为吠陀）区分开来，从它在吠陀中的使用而闻名，“知识”：这些是对众神的赞美诗，似乎可以追溯到公元前二千年的最后几个世纪在印度所说的语言的早期时代，但在今天的印度教仪式中仍然没有改变。印度北部和中部的大多数现代语言都是梵语的后裔，梵语是普拉克里特语的发展版本，就像罗曼语语言是从粗俗的拉丁语形式发展而来的一样。但在印度次大陆之外，梵文从未被当作一种流行语言。它仍然纯粹是一种学术交流和神圣表达的媒介，在主要宗教来自印度的地方最为强大。

The word Sanskrit (saskta) means ‘composed’ or ‘synthesised’. It is a term for the language as formulated in the grammar books, contrasting it with its colloquial dialects, known as the Prakrits (prāta), the ‘naturals’. It also distinguishes it from an older form, sometimes called Vedic, known from its use in the Veda, ‘the knowledge’: these are hymns to the gods which appear to go back to the earliest days of the language as spoken in India, in the last centuries of the second millennium BC, but which are still recited unchanged in Hindu rituals today. Most of the modern languages of northern and central India are descendants of Sanskrit, developed versions of the Prakrits, much as the Romance languages developed from forms of vulgar Latin. But outside the Indian subcontinent, Sanskrit was never taken up as a popular language; it remained purely a medium of learned communication and sacred expression, strongest where the dominant religion had come from India.

尽管在许多avatāra（“后裔”，作为来自天堂的神灵）中，宗教传统已被证明是最可靠的梵语保存者，尽管在今天的西方，该语言与超然招魂术有着密切的联系，梵文绝不仅仅是一种礼仪语言。

Although it is religious tradition which has proved the most reliable preserver of Sanskrit in many an avatāra (’descent’, as of a divine being from heaven), and despite the heavy association, in the West today, of the language with transcendental spiritualism, Sanskrit was never just a liturgical language.

甚至吠陀语料库也包含对 māūkā 的欢乐而讽刺的唤起，1 '^青蛙'，与婆罗门的僧侣种姓加倍相似：他们发誓保持沉默一年（直到雨季）；并且当他们做管道时，“他们中的一个重复另一个的演讲，就像学习者重复他的老师一样”。它也给我们带来了一个强迫性赌徒的苦涩自怜，²被babhrava奴役，“棕色”，然后将坚果用作骰子：rājā cid ebhyo nama it k oti，“即使是国王也会在他们面前鞠躬......”他为自己辩解，继续说：tasmai k omi, 'na dhanā ru adhmi' daśāham pracīs, 'tad tam vadāmi'。“我向他展示了我空荡荡的手掌：“我没有阻止你——这是事实，我告诉你。”

Even the Vedic corpus contains a joyous yet wry evocation of māūkā,¹ ‘frogs’, doubly like the priestly caste of Brahmans: they take a vow of silence for a year (until the rainy season); and when they do pipe up ‘one of them repeats the speech of the other, as the learner does of his teacher’. It also brings us the wry self-pity of a compulsive gambler,² enslaved to babhrava, ‘the browns’, the nuts then used as dice: rājā cid ebhyo nama it koti, ‘even a king bows before them...’ he excuses himself, going on: tasmai komi, ‘na dhanā ruadhmi’ daśāham prācīs, ‘tad tam vadāmi’. ‘I show him my empty palms: “I am not holding out on you—it’s the truth, I tell you."’

后来，梵文的内容变得非常广泛，包括其最广为人知的作品，其中包括浪漫喜剧、理论语言学、经济学、性学（尤其是《爱经》）、抒情诗、历史和道德寓言，以及不断产生的史诗诗歌和宗教和哲学小册子。这是一种非常自觉的文学传统，充满了博学的典故，尤其是地球上任何地方已知的双关语的最详尽的发展。

Later on, Sanskrit becomes very wide ranging in its content, including among its most widely known works romantic comedy, theoretical linguistics, economics, sexology (notably the Kāma Sūtra), lyrical verse, history and moral fables, along with a continuing production of epic poetry and religious and philosophical tracts. It is a very self-conscious literary tradition, full of learned allusions, and above all the most elaborate development of the pun known anywhere on earth.

我们首先概述梵语是如何在亚洲传播的。

We begin with an outline of how Sanskrit was spread across Asia.

印度-伊朗语的一种方言，最早出现在斯瓦特的西北边境地区和旁遮普省北部（现在在巴基斯坦），由显然来自更远的北方或西方并喜欢自称的民族使用ārya（后来成为“绅士”的常用词，也是佛教徒最喜欢的词，表示纯粹的高贵精神）。不知何故，他们的后代，甚至更多的是他们的语言，遍及广阔的印度恒河平原，以及喜马拉雅山脉（“雪地”）的南部，以至于到公元前五世纪初该语言在东至比哈尔邦，南至纳尔默达的地区使用。这一时期的梵文文学，主要是史诗《摩诃婆罗多》（'Great Bharata'）和Rāmāya a（'The Coming of Rama'），充满了战功和征服。

A dialect of Indo-Iranian, it is first heard of in the North-West Frontier area of Swat and the northern Panjab (now in Pakistan), spoken by peoples who have evidently come from farther north or west, and who like to call themselves ārya (later a common word for ‘gentleman’, and always the Buddhists’ favourite word for sheer nobility of spirit). Somehow their descendants, and even more their language, spread down over the vast Indo-Gangetic plain, as well as up into the southern reaches of the Himālaya (’snow-abode’) mountains, so that by the beginning of the fifth century BC the language was spoken in an area extending as far east as Bihar, and as far south, perhaps, as the Narmada. Sanskrit literature from the period, principally the epic poems Mahābhārata (’Great Bharata’) and Rāmāyaa (’The Coming of Rama’), is full of military exploits and conquests.

结果就是今天的情况，印度北部的中心地带，从大海延伸到大海，语言或多或少与梵语密切相关。这个中心在印度一直被称为Āryāvarta（“雅利安人的居所”）。它还在最南端的 $ SARī Lankā获得了一个分支，在那里建立了Si hala（'lion-y'）社区：根据传统，这个群体在 5 世纪来自西北海岸的古吉拉特邦公元前。雅利安人的进步在阿萨姆邦和尼泊尔的北部地区一直持续到今天，那里的官方语言（阿萨姆语、尼泊尔语或廓尔喀里语）都是雅利安语，但尚未成为其大部分人口的方言。

The result was the present-day situation, a northern Indian heartland, stretching from sea to sea, of languages more or less closely related to Sanskrit. This centre is always known in India as Āryāvarta (’abode of the Aryas’). It also gained one offshoot in $SArī Lankā to the far south, creating the Sihala (’lion-y’) community there: according to tradition, this group had come from Gujarat, on the north-western coast, in the fifth century BC. The advance of Aryan is continuing to this day in the northern regions of Assam and Nepal, where the official languages (Assamese, and Nepali or Gurkhali) are both Aryan, but have not yet become the vernaculars of large majorities of their populations.

并非梵文的所有传播都是通过将这种语言作为白话来充分吸收的。即使在泰卢固语、卡纳达语和泰米尔语等预先存在的语言拥有自己的语言时，它们通常也渗透着来自梵语的术语。在语法不是雅利安语的语言中，这些借来的词（称为tat-sama ，'that-same'）很可能数量众多。相反，在印度北部的主要语言乌尔都语甚至印地语中，雅利安语的根源可能在后来从波斯语和阿拉伯语借来的严重影响下几乎看不见。（这种由文化引起的广泛借用一直是印度历史语言学的祸根：从外国借用中筛选出继承的语言部分，并将它们的历史拼凑起来，这是前所未有的困难。）

Not all the spread of Sanskrit was through full take-up of the language as a vernacular. Even when pre-existing languages, such as Telugu, Kannada and Tamil, held their own, they were usually permeated with terminology from Sanskrit. It is quite possible for these borrowed words (called tat-sama, ‘that-same’) to be overwhelmingly numerous in a language whose grammar is non-Aryan. Conversely, in Urdu, or even Hindi, majority languages of northern India, Aryan roots may be almost invisible under the heavy influence of later borrowings from Persian and Arabic. (This widespread culturally induced borrowing has been the bane of Indian historical linguistics: nowhere has it been harder to sift the inherited part of languages from foreign borrowings, and so piece together their history.)

梵文化的进程并没有止步于次大陆的边界。在公元第一个千年的过程中，印度航海商人或传教士登陆，不仅在斯里兰卡，而且在东南亚沿岸的许多地方。在这里，语言首先是作为精英文明和宗教（无论是印度教还是佛教）的语言传播的，但其影响，以及显然对梵文作为高雅文化载体的研究，是深远的。该地区被称为印度支那，这是完全正确的，因为它成为了印度和中国相互竞争的文化影响的熔炉。

The process of Sanskritisation did not stop at the boundaries of the subcontinent. Over the course of the first millennium AD, Indian seafaring traders or missionaries made landfall, not only in Śri Lanka, but also in many places along the coasts of South-East Asia. Here, the language spread above all as a language of elite civilisation and religion (whether Hindu or Buddhist), but the influence, and evidently the study made of Sanskrit as a vehicle of high culture, was profound. The region is known as Indo-China, quite rightly, for it became a crucible for the competing cultural influences of India and China.

但当梵语向北走，绕过喜马拉雅山脉到达西藏、中国、韩国和日本时，最重要的是佛陀教义的吸引力导致了这种语言的传播。佛陀生活在公元前五世纪，在恒河下游，说着一种被称为摩揭地语的自然语。在接下来的 200 年里，他创立的信仰传遍了印度和斯里兰卡，以及缅甸，其经文主要用与之密切相关的 Prakrit、Pali 语书写，但随着时间的推移，也越来越多地用古典梵语书写。除了传播到东南亚之外，佛教最有影响力的路径是到克什米尔，然后回到旁遮普和斯瓦特的梵文故乡。

But when Sanskrit took its path northward, round the Himalayas to Tibet, China, Korea and Japan, it was above all the attractions of the Buddha’s teachings which caused the spread of the language. The Buddha had lived in the fifth century BC, in the lower valley of the Ganges, speaking a Prakrit known as Magadhi. In the next two hundred years the faith he founded spread all over India and Śri Lanka, as well as into Burma, its scriptures largely written in a closely related Prakrit, Pali, but also, more and more over time, in classical Sanskrit. Besides the spread to South-East Asia, the most influential path that Buddhism took was to Kashmir, and back to the homeland of Sanskrit itself in Panjab and Swat.

因此，在公元一世纪，佛教及其伴随的经文向北传播，也许在这里再次跋涉回到一千年前梵语使用者进入印度的历史路线。但经过大夏，它并没有左转进入中亚草原，而是右转，沿着丝绸之路驶向中国。被崛起的唐朝接受并最终被他们传播，佛教与中国文化并存。最终，它连同其梵文和巴利文经文一起被传播到韩国和日本，这是它最东边的家园，于六世纪末到达。

Hence in the first century AD Buddhism, with its attendant scriptures, spread northward, perhaps here again trekking back up the historic route that Sanskrit speakers had used to enter India over a millennium before. But past Bactria, instead of turning left into the central Asian steppes, it turned right and, picking up the Silk Road, headed into China. Received by the rising Tang dynasty, and ultimately propagated by them, Buddhism became coextensive with Chinese culture. Thence it was ultimately transmitted, along with its Sanskrit and Pali scriptures, to Korea and Japan, its most easterly homes, arriving at the end of the sixth century.

其他更近的地区需要更长的时间才能接受该教义，这些教义一如既往地由其车辆巴利语和梵语承担。公元前三世纪，尼泊尔曾是阿育王统治下印度早期佛教传播的一部分。但是第一位受邀进入西藏的印度僧人圣塔拉吉塔是在公元 8 世纪下半叶到来的，此时距佛陀在南边 200 英里（诚然，喜马拉雅山上空）的摩揭陀城生活了整整 1200 年。直到十一世纪，宗教才在西藏牢固确立。

Other, closer, areas took much longer to receive the doctrine, borne as ever by its vehicles Pali and Sanskrit. Nepal had been part of the early Indian spread of Buddhism under Aśoka, in the third century BC; but the first Indian monk invited into Tibet, Śāntarak⋅ita, came in the second half of the eighth century AD, a full 1200 years after the Buddha had lived just two hundred miles to the south (admittedly, over the Himalayas) in Magadha; and the religion was firmly established in Tibet only in the eleventh century.

最后一个大规模接触佛教（因此也是神圣的梵文）的地区是蒙古，它最北端的故乡。许多世纪以来，西藏人和蒙古人之间有着密切的联系，蒙古人从 1280 年到 1368 年在中国取得了统治地位。如忽必烈，西方著名的马可·波罗的东道主中国的蒙古皇帝，14世纪初就热衷于将佛教传播到蒙古国。但这个目标直到后来才由中国传教士永久实现：1578 年，蒙古的阿勒坦汗代表他的整个王国接受了藏传佛教传统的一个版本。

The last area to be exposed to Buddhism (and hence sacred Sanskrit) on a large scale was Mongolia, its northernmost home. For many centuries there were strong links between the Tibetans and the Mongols, who from 1280 to 1368 achieved ascendancy over China. Kublai Khan, for example, the Mongol emperor of China well known in the West as the host of Marco Polo, was keen to spread Buddhism to the Mongol homeland in the early fourteenth century. But this aim was only achieved permanently by Chinese preachers rather later: in 1578 the Altan Khan of Mongolia accepted a version of the Tibetan Buddhist tradition, on behalf of his whole realm.

因此，梵语有着悠久的历史，并与南亚、东亚和中亚各地以其他语言进行的文化接触。一个有趣的概括出现了。尽管梵文一直是新文化发展的核心，但无论在哪里，这种语言接触都不会导致其他语言传统的丧失或替代。这一记录与大规模竞选文明的语言（如希腊语、拉丁语、阿拉伯语、西班牙语、法语和英语）的影响形成了鲜明的对比，这种影响往往是毁灭性的。

Sanskrit, then, has a far-flung history, and has been in contact with cultures conducted in other languages all over southern, eastern and central Asia. And an interesting generalisation emerges. Nowhere has this linguistic contact led to loss or replacement of other linguistic traditions, even though Sanskrit has always been central to new cultural developments wherever it has reached. This record makes a striking contrast with the impact, too often devastating, of languages of large-scale campaigning civilisations, such as Greek, Latin, Arabic, Spanish, French and English.

但另一方面，这种对印度文化的广泛接受让人想起二十世纪下半叶对美洲的热情，这种热情征服了整个世界，当然还有东南亚地区。在这一进步中，主要动机也是通过贸易增加利润，以及随着外国人而来的全球联系和自由放任文化将提高所有接受它的人的生活水平的感觉。与印度化的古老进步一样，很少或根本没有使用军队来加强微软、迈克尔杰克逊或米老鼠的进步。无论是在当时的印度，还是在今天的美国，创新中心的政治力量都计划或协调了这一进步，这一点几乎没有意义。语言效果也很相似：英语，

But in another way this widespread embrace of Indian culture is highly reminiscent of the enthusiasm for Americana that captured the whole world, and certainly the South-East Asian region, in the second half of the twentieth century. In that advance too the primary motives were the growth of profits through trade, and a sense that the globally connected and laissez-faire culture that came with the foreigners was going to raise the standard of life of all who adopted it. As with the ancient advance of Indianisation, there has been little or no use of the military to reinforce the advance of Microsoft, Michael Jackson or Mickey Mouse. There has been little sense that the advance is planned or coordinated by political powers in the centre of innovation, whether in India then, or in the USA today. And the linguistic effects are similar too: English, like Sanskrit, has advanced as a lingua franca for trade, international business and cultural promotion.

一个主要的不同之处是美国运动中没有任何宗教元素。它没有任何东西可以反对印度教的神灵，或佛陀的四圣谛和八正道。这对英语的未来可能具有重要意义，因为我们将看到，最终只有宗教，无论是印度教还是佛教，才能在印度以外保留梵语的任何角色。但有了这个警告，比较这两个上升的潮流似乎比误导更有帮助——公元第一个千年初期的印度文化和第二个千年末的美国文化。

A major dissimilarity is the absence of any religious element in the American movement. There is nothing in it to set against the cult of Hindu deities, or the Buddha’s Four Noble Truths and Noble Eightfold Path. This may be significant for the future of English, since we shall see that it was ultimately only religion, whether Hindu or Buddhist, which was to preserve any role for Sanskrit outside India. But with this one caveat, it seems more helpful than misleading to compare these two rising tides—of Indian culture in the early first millennium AD, and of American culture at the end of the second.

本章的其余部分将更深入地探讨梵语是一种什么样的语言，以及它如何在南亚和东亚受到如此热烈的欢迎。

The rest of this chapter looks a little more deeply at what kind of language Sanskrit was, and how it came to be received so enthusiastically across southern and eastern Asia.

梵文的性格

The character of Sanskrit

dūrīk tā khalu gu āir udyānalatā vanalatābhi

dūrīktā khalu guāir udyānalatā vanalatābhi

在美德上确实远远落后于森林爬行者的花园爬行者。

Left far behind indeed in virtues are the garden-creepers by the forest-creepers.

Kālidāsa, Śākuntalā 认可, i. 17

Kālidāsa, Śākuntalā Recognised, i. 17

内在品质

Intrinsic qualities

印度文化因其对自己语言的严格分析而在世界上独一无二，并将其作为自己文化的核心学科。梵文的语法词vyākara a不像希腊文grammatikē那样基于某个词对词或写作，只是意味着分析：因此语言是卓越分析的主题。

Indian culture is unique in the world for its rigorous analysis of its own language, which it furthermore made the central discipline of its own culture. The Sanskrit word for grammar, vyākaraa, instead of being based, like the Greek grammatikē, on some word for word or writing, just means analysis: so language is the subject for analysis par excellence.

公元前 2 世纪著名的语法学家帕坦伽利在其著作《Mahābhā⋅ya》（“伟大的评论”）的开头写道，学习语法有五个原因：保存吠陀经，能够修改古文中的公式。吠陀经以适应新情况，履行宗教承诺，尽可能轻松地学习语言，并解决文本解释中的疑问。³所以很明显，即使在这个阶段，也就是吠陀经编撰后的一个千年，当语言已经发生了相当大的变化时，加强用于宗教目的的语言的使用仍然被认为是语法的中心点。

Patanjali, a noted grammarian of the second century BC, wrote at the beginning of his work the Mahābhā⋅ya (’great commentary’) that there were five reasons for studying grammar: to preserve the Vedas, to be able to modify formulae from the Vedas to fit a new situation, to fulfil a religious commitment, to learn the language as easily as possible, and to resolve doubts in textual interpretation.³ So it is clear that even at this stage, a good millennium after the composition of the Vedas, when the language had already changed quite considerably, enhancing the use of language for religious purposes was still felt to be the central point of grammar.

在梵文在世界上的形象中，宗教用途一直隐约可见。印度教的礼拜仪式已经在连续 3500 年的时间里被用在语言中，这可能是梨俱吠陀中最古老的赞美诗的时代。几千年来，被选为崇拜焦点的众神发生了变化，从吠陀经中的 Agni（“火”）、Savitri（“太阳”）、Varuna 和 Rudra，到 Śiva、Krishna、Ganesha 和 Kali（以及许多其他人）今天，但一些神仍然与我们同在（尤其是毗湿奴），语言变化很小。事实上，在梨俱吠陀中有一首赞美诗是对 Vāc 的调用，即言语本身。以下是它的两节经文：

And religious uses have always loomed large in the figure that Sanskrit cuts in the world. Hindu liturgies have been intoned in the language over a continuous period of 3500 years, which is probably the age of the oldest hymns in the Rig Veda. The gods chosen to be the focus of worship have changed over the millennia, from Agni (’Fire’), Savitri (’Sun’), Varuna and Rudra in the Vedas, to Śiva, Krishna, Ganesha and Kali (and many others) today, but some gods are still with us (notably Vishnu), and the language has changed very little. In fact, in the Rig Veda there is one hymn that is an invocation of Vāc, speech itself. Here are two of its verses:

最后的词显示了梵文中常见的性和神秘意象的混合；但它们也表明语言学家的技能很早就得到了认可。这一点特别有趣，因为它发展起来的语法学科主要不是对吠陀经的宗教语言的分析，而是对一种不同的、稍微简单的、因此可能是后来的方言的分析。Pāini是公元前 5 世纪梵语语法的原始元老，必须给出额外的规则，才能从普通梵语的基础（称为bhāā —'speech '）生成吠陀经中使用的形式（称为chandas）。（帕尼尼大概生活在Tak aśilā的学术界，被希腊语称为Taxila，位于次大陆最东北部的现代拉瓦尔品第附近，现在是巴基斯坦的一部分。）

The last words show a blending of sexual and mystical imagery, often found in Sanskrit; but they also show that the skills of the linguist were early recognised. This is particularly interesting in that the discipline of grammar as it had been developed was an analysis not primarily of the religious language of the Vedas, but of a different, slightly simpler, and therefore presumably later, dialect. Pāini, the original fifth-century BC doyen of Sanskrit grammar, has to give extra rules to generate the forms used in the Vedas (called chandas) from a base in ordinary Sanskrit (designated as bhāā—’speech’). (Panini probably lived in the academic community of Takaśilā, known to the Greeks as Taxila, near modern Rawalpindi in the extreme north-east of the subcontinent, now part of Pakistan.)

此外，传统定义的语法是一个庞大的抽象规则系统，由一组用人工行话写成的精辟格言（称为sūtras，字面意思是“线程”）组成。这些经文与现代语言的计算语法中的规则无异，例如可能用于机器翻译系统：没有任何神秘或仪式元素，它们根据抽象的形式原则应用。^*

Furthermore, the grammar that the tradition had defined was a vast system of abstract rules, made up of a set of pithy maxims (called sūtras, literally ‘threads’) written in an artificial jargon. These sutras are like nothing so much as the rules in a computational grammar of a modern language, such as might be used in a machine translation system: without any mystical or ritual element, they apply according to abstract formal principles.^*

经文的表述成为梵文学术文本的关键特征，但使用的是常规梵文中的格言，而不是这种复杂的元语言。直到现代，西方的说教文本在某些希腊传统中被表述为一组公理和定理（在欧几里得之后），或者更常见的是作为说教诗（在赫西奥德之后），但梵文传统中的首选方法是将论文封装为一系列令人难忘的格言，通常被表述为对联。如此之多，以至于甚至有一部经典来定义一部好经的品质：

Formulation in sutras became the key feature of Sanskrit academic texts, but using maxims in regular Sanskrit and not this complex meta-language. Whereas Western didactic texts until the modern era were formulated in some Greek tradition as a set of axioms and theorems (after Euclid), or more often as didactic verse (after Hesiod), the preferred approach in the Sanskrit tradition has been to encapsulate treatises as a series of memorable aphorisms, usually phrased as verse couplets. So much so that there is even a sutra to define the qualities of a good sutra:

svalpāk aram asandigdha saravad viśvatomukham

svalpākaram asandigdha sāravad viśvatomukham

astobham anavadya ca sūtra sūtravido vidu

简短的，明确的，精辟的，普遍的，

brief, unambiguous, pithy, universal,

圣人所知道的经，非虚无无。

non-superfluous and faultless the sutra known to the sutra-sages.

这种方法在很大程度上是梵语语言文化另一个显着特征的一部分，即对写作价值的强烈矛盾心理。依赖书面形式的语言被认为是严重的，并且不能真正控制语言内容。因此有这句谚语：

This approach was very much a part of another distinctive feature of Sanskrit linguistic culture, namely a strong ambivalence about the value of writing. Reliance on language in its written form was seen as crippling, and not giving true control over linguistic content. Hence this proverb:

pustakasthā tu yā vidyā parahastagatam dhanam

书中的知识——钱在别人手中。⁴

Knowledge in a book—money in another’s hand.⁴

在这个古老的印度，像公元前⁵世纪的高卢德鲁伊和现代危地马拉（玛雅人在那儿评论说，外人记下事情不是为了记住它们，而是为了不必记住他们）。⁶甚至苏格拉底也回忆起一个故事，当透特神第一次向埃及国王提供写作技巧时，国王并没有留下深刻的印象：“由于缺乏记忆练习，它会在学习者的头脑中造成健忘”。⁷印度学习的先辈们非常重视书本学习这一不可否认的副作用。

In this ancient India was like many cultures as widely divided as the Druids of Gaul in the first century BC⁵ and modern Guatemala (where Mayans remark that outsiders note things down not in order to remember them, but rather so as not to have to remember them).⁶ Even Socrates recalled a story that when the the god Thoth first offered the craft of writing to the king of Egypt, the king was not impressed: ‘it will set forgetfulness in the minds of learners for lack of practice in memory’.⁷ The doyens of Indian learning took this undeniable side effect of book learning very much to heart.

尽管该语言在公元前 5 世纪已经进行了全面的语音分析，甚至被纳入了字母表中的官方字母顺序，但对重要（尤其是精神上重要）文件的书面文本的依赖仍受到谴责。于是又有说法：

Even though the language had undergone a full phonological analysis by the fifth century BC, which was even incorporated into the official order of letters in the alphabet, reliance on written texts for important (especially spiritually important) documents was decried. Hence another saying:

vedavikrayi açcāiva vedānā cāiva dū aka

vedānā lekhakaścāiva tevāi nirayagāmina

vedavikrayiaçcāiva vedānācāiva dūaka

vedānā lekhakaścāiva tevāi nirayagāmina

吠陀经的销售者，吠陀经的误读者，吠陀

经的作者，都走上了地狱之路。⁸

The sellers of the Vedas, the misreaders of the Vedas,

the writers of the Vedas, all go on the path to hell.⁸

相比之下，理想的是通过明智地使用记忆技巧来死记硬背所有主要文本。然后，这种学习使得真正参与其中的各个方面成为可能，包括新文本和评论的组成，这些可能确实受益于被写下来。

By contrast the ideal was the rote learning of all the principal texts, through judicious use of mnemonic techniques. This learning then made possible true engagement with all aspects of them, including the composition of new texts and commentaries, which might indeed benefit from being written down.

受到这种关注的语言的特征已经在引文中表现出来。它是一种典型的古印欧语系语言，名词、形容词、代词和动词都在一个系统中高度屈折变化，尽管易于进行优雅的分析（如帕尼尼和语法传统所证明的那样），但也有很多特殊的例外。单词往往是多音节的，并且由于语言倾向于容忍几乎无限长度的复合词，它们的长度通常会增加，随着几个世纪和几千年的过去，梵语的一个特征变得更加极端（在所有文学体裁中）。

The character of the language that received this attention has already been exhibited in the quotations. It was a typical ancient Indo-European language, with nouns, adjectives, pronouns and verbs all highly inflected in a system that, although susceptible to elegant analysis (as Panini and the grammatical tradition demonstrated), was rife with special exceptions. Words tended to be polysyllabic, and their length was often increased by the propensity of the language to tolerate compounds of almost unlimited length, a feature of Sanskrit that became more extreme (in all genres of literature) as the centuries and millennia wore on.

词汇量很大：在传统的诗人词库中有超过一万个名义（即非语言）词根（Amarako a，“不朽的宝库”，当然组织成经文用于记忆），当允许使用动词和复合词时， Monier Williams 1899 年的字典有 180,000 个词条。^*这意味着在近义词中有大量资源：在极端情况下，John Brough 声称“莲花”有五十个同义词，这是梵文诗歌中最喜欢的字面和隐喻意义上的概念。⁹无论如何，单词往往有多种意义：莲花最直接的词，padma在中性性别中有十一种额外的意义（莲花状饰，莲花形，莲花根，象面和象鼻上的彩色印记，军队编队，万亿（¹⁰），铅，密宗脉轮，身体上的痣，斑点，列的一部分）和另外八个男性（寺庙，四分之一象，蛇种，罗摩，Kubera的宝藏，性享受的方式，冥想的姿势，与魔法有关的宝藏）。这些词汇资源在梵文诗歌中得到了充分的利用，它无缘无故地暗示和附庸，并且沉迷于śle a或双关语。

The vocabulary is vast: there are over ten thousand nominal (i.e. nonverbal) roots in the traditional thesaurus for poets (Amarakoa, ‘the Immortal Treasury’, organised of course into sutras for memorisation) and, when verbs and compounds are allowed in, Monier Williams’ 1899 dictionary runs to 180,000 entries.^* This means that there are vast resources in near-synonyms: at an extreme, John Brough claims there are fifty synonyms for ‘lotus’, a favourite concept of Sanskrit poetry in both literal and metaphorical senses.⁹ Words tend to have multiple senses anyway: the most straightforward word for lotus, padma has eleven extra senses in the neuter gender (lotus-like ornament, form of a lotus, root of a lotus, coloured marks on the face and trunk of an elephant, an army formation, a trillion (¹⁰), lead, a tantric chakra, a mole on the body, a spot, part of a column) and eight more in the masculine (temple, quarter-elephant, species of serpent, Rama, a treasure of Kubera, a mode of sexual enjoyment, a posture in meditation, a treasure connected with magic). These lexical resources are exploited to the full in Sanskrit poetry, which is gratuitously allusive and periphrastic, and addicted to ślea or punning.

但我们已经注意到，梵语的一个特点是词联的复杂系统。这被称为sandhi（'放在一起'）。这意味着单词的边界经常被抹去，单个音节流，无论是发音还是书写，都容易受到多种解释。梵语的这两个属性的综合结果是一个以几乎不可思议的规模双关语的机会。这个机会在文学创作中得到了充分的利用。诗人Kavirāja（“诗人国王”）做到了这一点，他在他的Rāghavapā avīya（公元 12 世纪）中为自己设定了同时复述印度两部伟大史诗故事的任务，即罗摩耶a和摩诃婆罗多，含糊不清（而且非常华丽）的诗句。从某种意义上说，这可以看作是对文字表达的意义的释放，因为如果没有观众主动和详细的预先知识，很难想象在任何一种意义上都可以理解这部作品。被讲述的故事。作者和观众分享故事，但只关注他们表达的口头细节。这在实践中不仅迫使使用模棱两可的术语，而且在两部史诗的叙事流程之间建立了类比。因此，引用一副对联（vi.8）：

But we have already noted that a special characteristic of Sanskrit is a complicated system of word liaison. This is known as sandhi (’putting together’). It means that word boundaries are often effaced, and a single stream of syllables, as pronounced or even written, becomes susceptible to multiple interpretations. The combined result of these two properties of Sanskrit is an opportunity for punning on an almost inconceivable scale. This opportunity was amply taken up in literary composition. The ultimate in this was achieved by the poet Kavirāja (’poet-king’), who in his Rāghavapāavīya (twelfth century AD), set himself the task of retelling simultaneously the stories of both the great epics of India, the Rāmāyaa and Mahābhārata, in ambiguous (and highly ornate) verses. In a way, this can be seen as a release of meaning from its expression in words, for it is difficult to conceive how the work could have been understood, in either of its senses, without active and detailed pre-knowledge by the audience of the tales being told. Author and audience share the stories, but are focused exclusively on the verbal details of their expression. This in practice forces not only the use of ambiguous terms, but an analogy to be set up between the narrative flow of the two epics. So, to quote one couplet (vi.8):

paracakra parikrāmann aśokagahana gata :

k anād iva k tārtho 'bhūn maheyīdarśanena sa .

paracakra parikrāmann aśokagahana gata:

kanād iva ktārtho ‘bhūn maheyīdarśanena sa.

绕过敌国/势力，来到阿育王丛林/悲痛的反面：

Going round the enemy’s kingdom/forces, he came to a thicket of Aśoka trees/the reverse of grief:

瞬间，他的任务就完成了，因为他看到了大地之女/ 奶牛。

in an instant as it were, his task was accomplished, by his sight of the daughter of the earth/the cows.

在这里，短语的第一个变体翻译（粗体）适用于寻找 Sita 的哈努曼，第二个（斜体）适用于在敌后进行的牛群远征中的 Arjuna。但是为了保持连贯的叙述，大多数短语仍然有一个明确的翻译。

Here the first of the variant translations (in bold) of phrases applies to Hanuman seeking Sita, and the second (italicised) to Arjuna on a cattle-rustling expedition behind enemy lines. But to maintain a coherent narrative, most of the phrases still have an unambiguous translation.

那么，从任何意义上来说，梵语都是一种华丽的语言。印度首席大法官兼皇家亚洲学会创始人威廉·琼斯爵士在 1786 年对它进行了令人难忘的描述：比希腊文更完美，比拉丁文更丰富，更精致精致。

In every sense of the word, then, Sanskrit is a luxuriant language. Sir William Jones, Chief Justice of India and founder of the Royal Asiatic Society, memorably described it in 1786: ‘The Sanskrit language, whatever may be its antiquity, is of a wonderful structure; more perfect than the Greek, more copious than the Latin, and more exquisitely refined than either.’

印度生活中的梵文

Sanskrit in Indian life

社会的

SOCIAL

在其漫长的生命周期中，谁或什么提供了最佳梵语模型的问题已经以各种方式得到了解答。这比希腊语或拉丁语的标准问题更令人担忧，因为这些语言并没有像梵语那样带有沉重的神学色彩。

The question of who or what provided the model for the best Sanskrit has been answered in various ways over its long life. It was far more fraught than the question of the standard for Greek or Latin, since those languages did not carry the heavy theological overtones that have remained with Sanskrit throughout.

正如我们所见，最初的重点是纯粹的宗教，推广的目的是正确地发音和表达吠陀经。现在被视为社会和虔诚礼节的事情在古印度却有所不同。毕竟，吟唱吠陀经被认为是为了赋予超自然的力量，而帕坦伽利举了一个例子，说明了糟糕的语法可能会危及生命：恶魔 Vritra 进行了牺牲，以获得一个儿子，他将成为indra-śatru，一个杀手因陀罗，他在众神中的死敌。不幸的是，他在第一个而不是最后一个音节上重音错误，因此变出了一个因陀罗会杀死的儿子。¹⁰

Originally, as we have seen, the focus was purely religious, and the promoted aim was to pronounce and articulate the Vedas properly. What would now be seen as a matter of social and pious propriety was represented otherwise in ancient India. Intoning the Vedas, after all, was held to give supernatural power, and Patanjali gave an example of the potentially life-threatening nature of bad grammar: the demon Vritra performed a sacrifice to obtain a son who would be indra-śatru, a killer of Indra, his sworn enemy among the gods. Unfortunately he accented it wrong, on the first rather than the last syllable, and so conjured up a son whom Indra would kill.¹⁰

来自帕坦伽利，这是公元前二世纪的轶事，表明至少帕尼尼语法定义的语言的某些特征已经不再是常规的。帕尼尼生活在公元五世纪的梵语或自然语地区的最西北部。到了帕坦伽利的时代，这个地区已经落入了来自西方的mleccha ^*民族、非印度教（和非梵语）外国人、Yavana（希腊语）和Śaka（说伊朗语言，可与普什图语相媲美的斯基泰人）的控制之下和北方。

Coming from Patanjali, this is an anecdote of the second century BC, showing that some features at least of the language defined by Panini’s grammar had already ceased to be routine. Panini had lived in the fifth century in the extreme north-west of the Sanskrit- or Prakrit-speaking area. By Patanjali’s time, this region had fallen under the control of mleccha^* peoples, non-Hindu (and non-Sanskrit-speaking) foreigners, the Yavana (Greeks) and Śaka (Scythians speaking an Iranian language, comparable to Pashto) from the west and north.

帕坦伽利强调的确保一个人的梵语正确的宗教动机，在印度等级森严的神权社会中，自然地发展为社会标志，甚至是身份象征。Patanjali 担心在他的自然愿望中可能存在循环（itara-itara-āśraya ），即用语法规定来识别受过最好教育的（ śi a）用法：毕竟，语法家怎么知道要规定什么？因此，他呼吁使用Āryāvarta的地理定义：这原来是印度北部，北部是喜马拉雅山，南部是温迪亚山脉，西部是旁遮普省，东部是阿拉哈巴德。¹¹这仍然是雅利安中心的公认观点，尽管在大约七百年后，大约公元 500 年写成的马努法典中发现了一些改进：Madhadeśa（“中地”）与这个定义一致——实际上现代哈里亚纳邦和北方邦——而Āryāvarta已经扩展到包括整个次大陆北部；与此同时，德里周围的一个小区域（“在神圣的河流Sarasvatī和D advatī 之间”）被称为Brahmāvarta，享有最高荣誉：“世界上所有的人都应该向出生在那个国家的婆罗门学习他们的正确行为。” ¹²

The religious motives emphasised by Patanjali for ensuring one’s Sanskrit was correct developed naturally, in India’s hierarchical and theocratic society, into social markers, and indeed status symbols. Patanjali worries that there may be a circularity (itara-itara-āśraya) in his natural wish to identify the best educated (śia) usage with what grammar prescribes: after all, how does the grammarian know what to prescribe? So he appeals to the usage of the Āryāvarta, defined geographically: this turns out to be northern India, bounded by the Himalayas in the north and the Vindhya mountains in the south, and the Panjab in the west and Allahabad in the east.¹¹ This was to remain the received view of the Aryan centre, although there are refinements to be found in the Manu Law Code, written perhaps seven hundred years later, about AD 500: Madhyadeśa (’Mid Land’) is identified with this definition— effectively modern Haryana and Uttar Pradesh—while the Āryāvarta has expanded to encompass the whole of the north of the subcontinent; meanwhile, a small region round Delhi (’between the divine rivers Sarasvatī and Dadvatī’), identified as the Brahmāvarta, has the supreme accolade: ‘All men in the world should learn their proper behaviour from a Brahman born in that country.’¹²

政治的

POLITICAL

Patanjali 方便地将Āryāvarta的边界或多或少地置于他作为公民的Śunga帝国的边界上。¹³这在一个世纪前就不会那么方便了，当时的政治世界围绕着规模大得多但位置不那么中心的孔雀王朝。它的中心是Pā aliputra（现代巴特那），位于印度东部，超出当时的Āryāvarta 范围。此外，它向东延伸至布拉马普特拉河，向北和向西延伸至阿富汗南部，向南延伸至现代迈索尔和尼尔吉里山。这些边界以巨大的铭文为标志，由最伟大的孔雀王朝皇帝阿育王放置在柱子上或雕刻在活石上（“无忧无虑”——或者，他更喜欢称自己为Piyadasi ，梵文Priyadarśin，“友好的”）方面'。）

Patanjali conveniently places the limits of Āryāvarta more or less at the borders of the Śunga empire of which he was a citizen.¹³ This would not have been so convenient a century earlier, when the political world revolved around the vastly larger, but less centrally located, empire of the Mauryas. Its centre was Pāaliputra (modern Patna), which is in eastern India beyond the confines of the then Āryāvarta. Furthermore, it extended as far to the east as the Brahmaputra, as far to the north and west as the southern part of Afghanistan, and to the south it reached modern Mysore and the Nilgiri hills. These bounds are marked by monumental inscriptions, set up on pillars or carved into the living rock, placed by the greatest Maurya emperor Aśoka (’grief-less’—or, as he preferred to called himself, Piyadasi, Sanskrit Priyadarśin, ‘of friendly aspect’.)

政治在梵语在印度早期传播中的作用仍然模糊不清。很可能，公元前三世纪的军事征服和王朝从属的过程传播的不是梵文本身，而是孔雀王朝的语言 Magadhi Prakrit。梵语此后将占据其地位，在这里，毫无疑问，在其他地方确立自己的地位，成为所有在日常生活中讲印度普拉克语的人的受过教育的话语的共同语言。从那以后，这一直是它在印度的地位，尽管在过去的千年中，其他语言，特别是波斯语（在莫卧儿人统治下）和英语（在英国人统治下）已经进入次大陆并争夺这一地位，成为主要的教育语言。

The role of politics in the early spread of Sanskrit across India remains obscure. Very likely, the process of military conquest and dynastic subordination in the third century BC spread not Sanskrit as such but the Magadhi Prakrit, which was the language of the Maurya court; Sanskrit would have taken up its position thereafter, establishing itself here, and no doubt elsewhere, as the common language for educated discourse of all those who spoke some Indian Prakrit in day-to-day life. This has been its position in India ever since, although in the last millennium other languages, notably Persian (under the Mughals) and English (under the British), have entered the subcontinent and competed for this status as the prime language of education.

事实上，军事征服所取得的语言进步似乎特别短暂。在现代卡纳塔克邦和安得拉邦的边界上，在赖丘尔周围有一串阿育王的诏书；但现在这里是说卡纳达语和泰卢固语的地区的核心——这两种德拉威语都与马加地语无关，甚至与梵语无关。后来，一系列基于恒河下游的雅利安帝国（如阿育王）兴衰：这发生在公元前二世纪和公元二、五世纪；每年秋天后，以恒河下游为中心的比哈尔地区重新使用（同样无关的）蒙达语。印度东部和中部似乎只是逐渐地、断断续续地屈服于雅利安人的倾向：公元四世纪的孟加拉，公元七世纪的奥里萨邦。再往西走，Mahārāra （ “伟大的王国”）仍在卡纳达语；但后来它变成了另一个完全讲雅利安语的地区，使用一种被称为马拉地语的语言。^*看来社会阶层一定会说不同的语言有一段时间了，（至少在这种情况下）雅利安人更受下层阶级的青睐。

In fact, the kind of linguistic advance achieved by military conquest seems to have been particularly impermanent. There is a cluster of Aśoka’s edicts round Raichur, on the borders of modem Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh; but this is now the very heart of the area where Kannada and Telugu are spoken—both Dravidian languages unrelated to Magadhi, or indeed to Sanskrit. Later, a series of Aryan-speaking empires based on the lower Ganges (such as Aśoka’s) rose and fell: this happened in the second century BC, and the second and fifth centuries AD; after each fall Bihar, the area centred on the lower Ganges, relapsed into the (likewise unrelated) Munda language. It seems that the east and centre of India succumbed to the Aryan tendency only gradually, and fitfully: Bengal in the fourth century AD, Orissa in the seventh. Farther to the west, even in the fourteenth century, the official inscriptions of Mahārāra (’great kingdom’) were still in Kannada; but it then became another totally Aryan-speaking area, with a language known as Marathi.^* It appears that the social strata must have been speaking different languages for some time, with (in this case, at least) Aryan favoured much more by the lower orders.

阿育王的铭文是最早以可辨认的雅利安语保存下来的铭文，不是梵文，而是摩揭地语；铭文中没有梵文，或者更确切地说，梵文的存在只是为了文学装饰，而信息的核心是用Prakrit给出的，这种情况持续了几个世纪。直到 200 年后，在更西边的阿约提亚和马图拉（德里以南）发现了第一批梵文铭文。在这些铭文中可以看到梵文和 Prakrit 之间的功能明确划分，其中包含两者：梵文用于诗句，Prakrit 用于散文奉献。最终，梵文确实占据了主导地位，并且确实成为了铭文的专有语言。但这一传统又过了 250 年才完全确立，Rudradāman，位于古吉拉特邦西海岸的Junāga h（“希腊堡垒”）。

Aśoka’s inscriptions, the earliest in a decipherably Aryan language to survive, are not in Sanskrit but Magadhi Prakrit; and this absence of Sanskrit from inscriptions, or rather its presence only for literary decoration while the guts of the message are given in Prakrit, continues for several centuries. It is not until two hundred years later that the first inscriptions in Sanskrit are found, farther west, in Ayodhya and Mathura (south of Delhi). There is a clear division of function between Sanskrit and Prakrit visible in these inscriptions, which contain both: Sanskrit is used for the verse, Prakrit for the prose dedications. Ultimately, Sanskrit did come to predominate, and indeed to be the exclusive language of inscriptions. But this tradition did not get fully established for another 250 years, starting in AD 150 with the rock inscriptions of a fairly minor king, Rudradāman, at Junāgah (’Greek fort’) on the western coast, in Gujarat.

梵语戏剧的语言惯例也显示出高音梵语和日常使用的自然语之间相同的功能划分。每部剧都是多语言或多方言的。从公元六世纪开始，贵族男性使用梵语；女士们用Śaurasenī（Mathura Prakrit）说话，但用Mahārā rī 唱歌；同时，低级字符是用 Magadhi 编写的（具有讽刺意味的是，这是九百年前带有皇家色彩的方言的后裔）。我们只能假设干预的政治逆转（例如公元前和公元一世纪马哈拉施特拉邦萨塔瓦哈那国王的崛起）对方言的感知地位或多或少有永久影响。^*

Something of the same division of function between Sanskrit for high and Prakrit for everyday use is also shown by the language conventions of Sanskrit drama. Every play was multilingual, or multi-dialectal. From the sixth century AD, noble males speak in Sanskrit; ladies speak in Śaurasenī (the Mathura Prakrit), but sing in Mahārārī; meanwhile, low characters are scripted in Magadhi (ironically, the descendant of the dialect that had had royal overtones, nine hundred years before). We can only suppose that intervening political reversals (e.g. the rise of the Sātavāhana kings in the Maharashtra area over the first centuries BC and AD) had a more or less permanent effect on the perceived status of the dialects.^*

Rājaśekhara在公元 900 年为理想的诗人提出建议时说，他应该让仆人精通Apabra śa （“脱落，这是相当普遍使用但不讨人喜欢的词，用于 Śauraseni Prakrit 的后期形式，正在走向现代印地语），马加迪的女仆等；但他的妻子应该说梵语，或者说“Prakrit”，对他来说，这意味着马哈拉施特里，以及他的朋友所有语言。¹⁴尽管诗人本人对他当地的 Prakrit 充满热情，但梵文的社会需求已变得不可避免。但在很大程度上，方言的地位似乎已经完全脱离了对其地方起源或历史的认识。

Rājaśekhara, making recommendations C.AD 900 for the ideal poet, says that he should have servants fluent in Apabhraśa (’falling off, the quite generally used, but unflattering, term for later forms of Śauraseni Prakrit, on its way to becoming modern Hindi), maids in Magadhi and the like; but his wives should speak Sanskrit, or else ‘Prakrit’, which for him means Maharashtri, and his friends all languages.¹⁴ The social imperative for Sanskrit had become inescapable, despite the poet’s own personal enthusiasm for his local Prakrit. But to a large extent, the status of the dialects seemed to have become fully detached from awareness of their local origins, or their history.

宗教的

RELIGIOUS

有趣的是，摩揭地可能也是佛教创始人乔达摩的方言，尽管大约在一千年前。（与他同时代的耆那教创始人马哈维亚也居住在该地区。）摩揭陀也是最早的佛教委员会所在地，为后世确立了这种信仰的轮廓。佛教最著名和最有影响力的早期皈依者是阿育王本人，他是摩揭陀的另一位居民，位于其主要城市Pā aliputra（恒河上比哈尔邦的现代巴特那）。

Interestingly, Magadhi had probably also been the dialect of Gautama, the founder of Buddhism, though about one millennium earlier. (His contemporary, Mahāvīra, the founder of Jainism, lived in the area too.) Magadha was also the area of the earliest Buddhist councils, which established the outlines of this faith for later generations. And Buddhism’s most famous, and influential, early convert was King Aśoka himself, another resident of Magadha, in its chief city, Pāaliputra (modern Patna in the state of Bihar on the Ganges).

这种地理上的巧合可能会导致佛教偏爱马加迪。佛陀曾建议他的比丘用他们自己的语言（sakayā niruttiya ）进行教学。他在这里的观点似乎不仅涉及对白话的尊重，而且还积极相信他的种姓，即战士K atriya，实际上优于具有梵文联想的祭司布茹阿玛。这是他有说服力地重新定义整个种姓制度以及真正的ariya（雅利安人）的一部分——尽管这个词在佛教英语中通常被翻译为“高贵”——基于个人功绩而不是出生。

This geographical coincidence might have been expected to lead Buddhism to favour Magadhi. The Buddha had advised his monks to teach in their own language (sakayā niruttiyā). His view here seems to have involved not only a respect for the vernacular, but also a positive belief that his caste, the warrior Katriya, was actually superior to the priestly Brāhmaa with its Sanskrit associations. This was part of his persuasive redefinition of the whole caste system and of what it was to be truly ariya (Aryan)—though this word is usually translated in Buddhist English as ‘noble’—based on personal merit rather than birth.

但是僧侣们并没有反过来对佛陀本人和他所在地区的普通语言给予特权。相反，他们宣称自己支持任何形式的白话语言。有故事说，这在婆罗门僧侣中引起了一些不安，他们担心由此产生的语法和发音松弛会破坏佛陀的说法。然而，随着时间的推移，一种特定的 Prakrit 确实占主导地位：它被称为Pāli（“规范”）并且是混合的 Prakrit。尽管佛教传统声称（也声称这种语言是佛陀所说的，并且在很大程度上是所有众生的原始语言，sabbasattana mūlabhāsa），^*巴利语不是主要的马加迪语，而是包含许多独特的西方元素，让人想起 Śauraseni：它一定是作为一种佛教雅利安克里奥尔语出现的，通过讲各种 Prakrits 的僧侣之间的妥协过程。

But the monks did not in turn privilege the common speech of the Buddha himself and his region. Rather, they declared themselves in favour of any form of vernacular language. There are stories that this caused some unease among Brahman monks, who feared that the resulting slack grammar and pronunciation would corrupt the sayings of the Buddha. However, in time a particular Prakrit did come to predominate: it was called Pāli (’canonical’) and was a mixed Prakrit. Despite the claims of the Buddhist tradition (which also claimed that this language had been spoken by the Buddha and was, for good measure, the original language of all beings, sabbasattāna mūlabhāsa),^* Pali was not predominantly Magadhi, but included many distinctively Western elements, reminiscent of Śauraseni: it must have arisen as a kind of Buddhist Aryan creole, by a process of compromise among monks speaking various Prakrits.

后来，随着信仰的发展，变得更加制度化，它越来越多地采用更宏大的语言风格，形式更接近古典梵语，被称为佛教混合梵语。这通常涉及采用 Prakrit 的语法结构，它比梵语的更简单和更具分析性，并重新修饰使人联想到古典梵语的格标记和动词结尾的单词，但从古典语法的角度来看却经常被误用。

Later on, as the faith developed, and became more heavily institutionalised, it increasingly adopted a grander style of language, in form closer to classical Sanskrit, which is known as Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit. This typically involves taking the grammatical structures of Prakrit, which are much simpler and more analytic than those of Sanskrit, and reclothing the words in case markings and verb endings that are reminiscent of classical Sanskrit, but quite often misapplied from the viewpoint of classical grammar.

总体而言，纵观印度语言历史，梵文的地位在世俗和神圣用途中都有上升趋势。孔雀王朝的国王，以及佛教徒和耆那教徒，早期对白话的偏爱最终都让位于对梵语的尊重。它自始至终被认为是一种人工（sa sk ta）语言；但是，如果有的话，这提高了它的地位，并且它的使用已被视为文本质量的语言试金石。

Overall, throughout Indian linguistic history, Sanskrit’s status has tended to rise, both in secular and sacred use; the Maurya kings’, and the Buddhists’ and Jains’, early preference for the vernacular all ultimately yielded to the respect in which Sanskrit was held. It has been recognised throughout as an artificial (saskta) language; but if anything this has increased its status, and its use has come to be seen as a linguistic touchstone for the quality of a text.

局外人的看法

Outsiders’ views

简要比较一些对梵语的外部看法及其在社会中的作用是很有趣的。有两个外来者的传统留下了他们相遇的记录：在公元前最后三个世纪，我们有来自希腊语的报道；在公元第一个千年中叶，从中国到东北。

It is interesting to compare briefly some external perceptions of Sanskrit, and of its role in society. There are two outsiders’ traditions which have left records of their encounters: for the last three centuries BC, we have reports from the Greeks; and for the middle of the first millennium AD, from the Chinese to the north-east.

看一眼地图就可以看出，在陆路徒步旅行的时代，两个文明的使者在到达印度文化中心之前就必须在决心方面脱颖而出：希腊在 5000 多英里之外（尽管在这段距离的大部分时间里，希腊语已被确立为通用语），而中国虽然像乌鸦飞得更近，但实际上不仅被塔克拉玛干沙漠，而且被从帕米尔高原延伸到遥远的喜马拉雅山脉的山脉所切断。

A glance at the map shows that, in an age of overland travel on foot, emissaries of both civilisations must have had to distinguish themselves in terms of determination even before they could reach the centres of Indian culture: Greece was over 5000 miles away (though Greek had been established as a lingua franca for most of that distance), while China, though closer as the crow flies, was in practice cut off not only by the Taklamakan desert but also by the mountains stretching from the Pamirs to the far Himalayas.

希腊语

THE GREEKS

希腊语对印度知之甚少，直到公元前 327 年亚历山大的战役将他们带到印度边境。此后，北方一些伟大的印度统治者与控制波斯帝国东部的希腊王朝塞琉古人之间进行了外交交流。从 302 年到 288 年，Megasthenes 在 Pataliputra (Patna) 担任塞琉古国王 Chandragupta Maurya 的大使，他将其作为 Palibothra 介绍给希腊世界。他留下了一篇关于印度方式的论述研究，即Indika ，连同一些关于Onesicritus和 Nearchus 的报道，这些海军军官曾为亚历山大写过回忆录，一直是希腊知识的核心，直到古代世界。

The Greeks knew little about India until Alexander’s campaigns brought them to its borders in 327 BC. Thereafter there were diplomatic exchanges between some of the great Indian rulers of the north and the Greek dynasts who controlled the east of what had been the Persian empire, the Seleucids. From 302 to 288 Megasthenes served as Seleucid ambassador to King Chandragupta Maurya in Pataliputra (Patna), which he introduced to the Greek world as Palibothra. He left a discursive study of Indian ways, the Indikā, which, taken together with some reports of Onesicritus and Nearchus, naval officers who had written memoirs of their service with Alexander, stood as the core of Greek knowledge of India until the end of the ancient world.

印地卡没有幸存下来，但可以从两个世纪后（在意大利）写作的其他作者（如斯特拉博和普林尼）的大量引文中大致重建。它几乎没有或根本没有关于印度生活的政治或文学方面，但确实包含了对种姓制度的分析，确定了不少于七个不同的“部落”或“血统”，可以很好地映射到时间——尊崇的四分法分为婆罗门（僧侣和哲学家）、刹帝利（国王和战士）、吠舍（商人）和首陀罗（劳工）。它似乎也注意到了湿婆和克里希纳崇拜的盛行，但推论是间接的：以通常的希腊罗马方式，它只给出了作者与印度人物认同的希腊神灵的名字；mērou，他是一个相当狂野的角色，崇拜音乐和舞蹈）。

The Indikā has not survived, but can be reconstructed substantially from the extensive quotations that figure in other authors, such as Strabo and Pliny, writing (in Italy) two centuries later. It contains little or nothing on the political or literary aspects of Indian life, but does contain an analysis of the caste system, identifying no fewer than seven distinct ‘tribes’ or ‘lineages’, which can be fairly well mapped on to the time-honoured four-way division into Brahmans (priests and philosophers), Kshatriyas (kings and warriors), Vaiśyas (merchants) and Śudras (labourers). It also appears to note the prevalence of the cults of Śiva and Krishna, but the inference is indirect: in the usual Graeco-Roman way, it gives only the names of Greek gods which the author had identified with the Indian figures; so the Indians are said to have worshipped Heracles (since like Krishna he carried a club), and Dionysus (since like Śiva he was associated with thriving vegetable life and with Mount Meru, whereas Dionysus had been born from Zeus’s thigh, in Greek mērou, and he was a pretty wild character, worshipped with music and dance).

Megasthenes 确实更明确地处理了在他那个时代的孔雀帝国实践的宗教的更多知识方面，将婆罗门（brak ^hmanai或bragmanai）和沙门（sarmanai）区分为不同类型的哲学家。Śrama a确实是一个梵语词，有时专门用于佛教僧侣，但没有明确提及佛教，当时佛教已有约 200 年的历史（建立在 Megasthenes 居住的完全相同的地区）。

Megasthenes does cope more explicitly with the more intellectual aspects of religions practised in the Maurya empire of his time, distinguishing Brahmans (brak^hmanai or bragmanai) and Śramans (sarmanai) as different kinds of philosophers. Śramaa is indeed a Sanskrit word sometimes used specifically for Buddhist monks, but there is no explicit mention of Buddhism, which would have been some two hundred years old at the time (having been founded in exactly the same region where Megasthenes was resident).

评论往往集中在一个相当肤浅的层面上，例如gumnosophístai或裸体圣人的存在，以及男女学生作为沙门弟子的事实。Megasthenes 显然从不明白婆罗门实际上是他所区分的“部落”之一，即种姓。也不是说“森林居民”（他的主人会称之为vanaprastha）不是 sraman 的一种，而是那些已经达到一定生命阶段的人，无论是 Brahman 还是 sraman。

The commentary tends to be focused at a fairly superficial level, for example the presence of gumnosophístai, or naked sages, and the fact that male and female students were on a par as disciples to the Śramans. Megasthenes apparently never understood that the Brahmans are in fact one of the ‘tribes’, i.e. castes, that he had distinguished; nor that ‘forest-dwellers’ (what his hosts would have called vanaprastha) are not a species of Śraman, but rather those who have reached a certain period of life, whether Brahman or Śraman.

印度仍然是希腊语以及罗马人以外的异国产品的神话般的来源。事实上，他们所吸收的最真实的梵文知识元素是他们最喜欢的一些物质的名称：帆布（希腊语karpasos，“棉花”，来自karpāsa）、姜（希腊语zingiber来自ś ngavera，以恒河）、胡椒（希腊语peperi来自pippali，“浆果”）、糖（希腊语sakkharon来自śarkarā，“砂砾”）——最初由亚历山大的海军上将 Nearchus 描述为来自芦苇的蜂蜜，无需蜜蜂的帮助。¹⁵

India remained the fabulous source of exotic products for the Greeks and beyond them the Romans. In fact, the truest elements of Sanskrit lore that they ever absorbed were the names of some of their favourite substances: canvas (Greek karpasos, ‘cotton’, from karpāsa), ginger (Greek zingiber from śngavera, named after a town on the Ganges), pepper (Greek peperi from pippali, ‘berry’), sugar (Greek sakkharon from śarkarā, ‘grit’)— originally characterised by Alexander’s admiral Nearchus as honey coming from reeds without the aid of bees.¹⁵

Megasthenes 的著作在文艺复兴之前形成了欧洲对印度的认识，但在某些方面缺乏理解，从未提供过任何对哲学、语言或文学的欣赏。在一个案例中，一位圣人开玩笑说，由于对话是通过三位翻译进行的，他们很可能对所阐述的哲学有一个清晰的认识，就像通过泥浆净化水一样。¹⁶

Megasthenes’ work, which came to form Europe’s knowledge of India up until the Renaissance, was in some ways lacking in understanding, and never offered any appreciation of philosophy, language or literature. In one case, a sage joked that since the conversation took place through three interpreters, they were as likely to get a clear idea of the philosophy being expounded as to purify water by running it through mud.¹⁶

但这并不意味着住得更近的希腊语同样缺乏。旁遮普的一位希腊国王米南德（公元前 2 世纪）实际上以巴利文经典Milinda-pañha或“米林达国王的问题”的形式因对佛教的深刻兴趣而成为不朽的：“许多是艺术和科学他知道——神圣的传统和世俗的法律；Sā khya 、Yoga、Nyāya和Vaiśe ika哲学体系；算术、音乐；药物; 四个吠陀经、往世书和伊提哈萨斯；天文学、魔法、因果关系和咒语；战争的艺术; 诗歌; 和财产转让——总之，整整十九个。¹⁷

But this did not mean that the Greeks who lived closer in were similarly lacking. One Greek king of the Panjab, Menander (second century BC), in fact became immortalised for his penetrating interest in Buddhism in the form of the Pali classic Milinda-pañha, or ‘Questions of King Milinda’: ‘Many were the arts and sciences he knew—holy tradition and secular law; the Sākhya, Yoga, Nyāya and Vaiśeika systems of philosophy; arithmetic, music; medicine; the four Vedas, the Purānas and the Itihāsas; astronomy, magic, causation and spells; the art of war; poetry; and property-conveyancing—in a word, the full nineteen.’¹⁷

同一时期的另一位印度-希腊语自称是安提阿基达斯国王的希腊大使 ( yonadūta ) Heliodorus，在中央邦贝斯纳加尔的一根柱子上留下了完美的 Prakrit 铭文。它以精神戒律结束：

And another Indo-Greek of the same period, announcing himself as Heliodorus, Greek ambassador (yonadūta) from King Antialkidas, left an inscription in perfect Prakrit on a column still standing at Besnagar in Madhya Pradesh. It ends with the spiritual precept:

trīni amutapādāni...suanu hitāni

neya ti svagam dame cāga apramāda

trīni amutapādāni...suanuhitāni

neyati svagam dame cāga apramāda

不朽的三个步骤，如果正确地遵循，

就会通往天堂：控制、慷慨、关注。

Three steps to immortality, when correctly followed,

lead to heaven: control, generosity, attention.

汉语

THE CHINESE

与在印度主要作为商人、征服者或权力代表的希腊作家相比，汉语作为印度文化的认真学生，尤其是佛教：一些显然在逗留期间深入学习了梵语（与巴利语和摩揭地语一起） . 因此，他们的描述具有远超希腊见证的权威和洞察力。在许多情况下，它们为我们当时所掌握的印度生活细节提供了最好的证据，印度人自己一直非常不关心对自己的日常生活进行直截了当的描述。

By contrast with Greek writers, who were in India largely as traders, conquerors or representatives of power, the Chinese came as serious students of India’s culture, and particularly Buddhism: some evidently learnt Sanskrit (with Pali and Magadhi Prakrit) in depth during their stay. Their descriptions, therefore, have an authority and penetration that far exceed the Greek testimony; in many cases, they provide the best evidence we have for the details of Indian life at this time, the Indians themselves having always been remarkably unconcerned to set down straightforward descriptions of their own daily life.

中国的证词来自四位寻找正宗佛经的朝圣者，他们中的大多数人艰难地经过塔克拉玛干沙漠，越过兴都库什山脉，通过这条北方路线进入印度。他们每隔大约一个世纪就来了。他们每个人除了带回大量佛教手稿，然后着手翻译外，回国后还写了一本回忆录。

The Chinese testimony comes from four pilgrims in search of authentic Buddhist scriptures, most of whom struggled past the Taklamakan desert and across the Hindu Kush to enter India through this northern route. They came at intervals of about a century. Each of them, besides bringing home quantities of Buddhist manuscripts which they then set about translating, went on to write a memoir after their return to China.

法显（）是第一个故事幸存下来的人，他于公元 400 年至 414 年通过兴都库什河前往印度，然后乘海路返回。在这三年中，他在 Pataliputra，“学习阅读梵文^*的书籍并用该语言交谈，并抄写戒律”。¹⁸ （他的同志道正对印度沙门的圣洁生活印象深刻，因此决定不回家。）法显随后沿着恒河搬到另一个主要城市占婆（靠近现代的巴格布尔），在那里他度过了再过两年，主要是为了获取佛教经典，¹⁹之后通过“Ye-po-ti”或Yava-dvīpa（爪哇）进行了一次极其多事的航行回家。他说他总共在印度中部居住了六年。²⁰

Fa-Xian (), the first whose tale has survived, travelled to India via the Hindu Kush from AD 400 to 414, returning by sea. For three of these years he was at Pataliputra, ‘learning to read the books in Sanskrit^* and to converse in that language, and in copying the precepts’.¹⁸ (His comrade Do-Zhing was so impressed with the holy life of the Indian śramanas that he decided not to go home.) Fa-Xian then moved down the Ganges to another major city, Champa (near modern Bhagalpur), where he spent two more years, principally seeking to acquire Buddhist texts,¹⁹ before an extremely eventful voyage home via ‘Ye-po-ti’ or Yava-dvīpa (Java). He says he had resided in central India for six years in all.²⁰

518年宋允（）来了。他在现在连接阿富汗和巴基斯坦的开伯尔山口两端的Nagarahāra (贾拉拉巴德) 和Puru apūra (白沙瓦) 不远了。三年后按原路返回中国。

In 518 Song-Yun () came. He penetrated no farther than Nagarahāra (Jalalabad) and Puruapūra (Peshawar), at either end of the Khyber pass, which now links Afghanistan and Pakistan; and returned to China by the same route after three years.

然后，629 年，其中最著名的玄奘（）秘密到达印度（当时中国边境已关闭），经过三年的旅程，停留了十年，主要是作为学生在那烂陀大学在 Pataliputra 以外，但也在次大陆南部的大部分地区进行旅行。

Then, in 629, the most famous of them all, Xuan-Zang (), reached India by stealth (the Chinese border being closed at the time), and after a three-year journey stayed for ten years, mostly as a student at Nālandā university outside Pataliputra, but also undertaking a journey around most of the south of the subcontinent.

一代人之后，在 671 年，跟随玄奘的朝圣者名叫易敬 ( )，易敬从广州乘海路旅行，但他在苏门答腊南部的印度化王国 Śrī Vijaya (巨港) 停留了两个小时。多年梵文学习。（他写道：“如果中国的僧侣想去西方了解和阅读那里，他会在佛陀（Vijaya）住一两年，在那里修行适当的规则，然后他可能会去。到印度中部。'）然后他自己进入那烂陀大学，在那里他学习了十年。其后，他乘海路返回圣毗奢耶，直到 695 年，他大部分时间都在此度过，组织将梵文佛经翻译成中文，并撰写了两部回忆录：《论西方求法的高僧》和南海传来的精神法则。²¹

Xuan-Zang was followed, a generation later, in 671, by a pilgrim called Yi-Jing (), Yi-Jing travelled by sea from Canton, but he stopped at the Indianised kingdom of Śrī Vijaya (Palembang) in southern Sumatra for two years of Sanskrit study. (He wrote: ‘if a Chinese priest wishes to go to the west to understand and read there, he would be wise to spend a year or two in Fo-Shi [Vijaya], and practise the proper rules there; he might then go on to central India.’) He himself then proceeded to the university of Nalanda, where he studied for ten years. Afterwards, he returned by sea to Śrī Vijaya, where he spent most of his time until 695, organising the translation of Buddhist texts from Sanskrit into Chinese, and writing two memoirs: On eminent monks who sought the law in the West, and On the spiritual law, sent from the Southern Seas.²¹

印度对他们来说是佛教启蒙的故乡。但它本身也是一个迷人的国家。他们对他们在那里的时间的描述大部分都被游记所占据，但玄奘对他在逗留期间所遇到的知识生活以及他做出的贡献特别详细。他写了：

India for them was the home of Buddhist enlightenment. But it was also a fascinating country in its own right. Their accounts of their time there are very largely taken up with travelogue, but Xuan-Zang is particularly detailed about the intellectual life he encountered, and to which he contributed, during his stay. He wrote:

他们的字母是由布茹阿玛戴瓦安排的，它们的形式从一开始就流传至今。共四十七字，合而为言，依对象，依情况而定。时态和地方情况]：还有其他形式[即。屈折] 使用。这个字母根据情况向不同的方向传播并形成了不同的分支；因此，[即。口语]; 但它的伟大功能并没有改变。印度中部完整地保留了语言的原始特征。这里的发音柔和而悦耳，就像天人的语言[即。众神^*]。字的发音清晰纯正，适合所有男人的榜样。边陲人染上了几种错误的发音方式；因为按照人们的放荡习惯，他们语言的败坏性质也将如此。²²

The letters of their alphabet were arranged by Brahmādeva, and their forms have been handed down from the first till now. They are forty-seven in number, and are combined so as to form words according to the object, and according to the circumstances [viz. tenses, and local cases]: there are other forms [viz. inflexions] used. This alphabet has spread in different directions and formed diverse branches, according to the circumstances; therefore there have been slight modifications in the sounds of the words [viz. spoken language]; but in its great features there has been no change. Middle India preserves the original character of the language in its integrity. Here the pronunciation is soft and agreeable, and like the language of the Devas [viz. the gods^*]. The pronunciation of the words is clear and pure, and fit as a model for all men. The people of the frontiers have contracted several erroneous modes of pronunciation; for according to the licentious habits of the people, so will be the corrupt nature of their language.²²

严格来说，正如我们所见，马努当代的中观（ “中部”）概念将摩揭陀和恒河下游地区排除在东太远的地方。但在实践中，我们可以从玄奘推断，在他那个时代，“中印度”的语言包括了几个印度帝国的古都帕塔里弗特拉和那烂陀的语言，那烂陀甚至是当时在这片土地上最杰出的大学。

Strictly speaking, Manu’s contemporary conception of Madhyadeśa (’midland’) would, as we have seen, have excluded Magadha and the region of the lower Ganges as too far to the east. But in practice we can infer from Xuan-Zang that in his day the speech of ‘Middle India’ included the language of Pataliputra, ancient capital of several Indian empires, and of Nalanda, even then the pre-eminent university in the land.

梵文的传播

The spread of Sanskrit

印度梵文

Sanskrit in India

梵语首先出现在我们面前，就像它的大多数印欧姐妹语言一样，作为征服战士的语言，他们能够使用马匹和轮式车辆来统治他们的邻居，并将他们变成农奴和臣民。从各个方向印欧民族的英雄诗歌中都熟悉这种生活方式：在战车上战斗，直言不讳，关心自己的个人荣誉而不是生命本身的人。当在梵文史诗《摩诃婆罗多》中，克里希纳那天在他的职责中建议阿朱那时，他可能是在与攻击特洛伊的希腊阿喀琉斯（一千年前）交谈，或者与康诺特的东道主对抗的爱尔兰人库丘林（在一千年前来）。

Sanskrit first appears to us, as do most of its Indo-European sister languages, as the speech of conquering warriors, well capable of using horses and wheeled vehicles to establish domination over their neighbours, and turn them into serfs and subjects. The way of life is familiar from heroic poetry of Indo-European peoples in every direction: men who fight from chariots, speak forthrightly, and care for their own personal honour more than life itself. When, in the Sanskrit epic Mahābhārata, Krishna advises Arjuna on his duty that day, he could be speaking to the Greek Achilles attacking Troy (a thousand years earlier), or the Irishman Cúchulainn standing against the hosts of Connacht (in a thousand years to come).

svadharmam api cāvek ya na vikampitum arhasi：

dharmyāddhi yuddhācchreyo 'nyat k atriyasya na vidyate。

yad cchyā copapannam svargadvāram apāv tam

sukhina k atriyā pārtha labhante yuddham īdrśam。

atha cet tvam ima dharmya sangrāma na kari yasi

tata svadharmam kīrtim ca hitvā pāpam avāpsyasi。

akīrtim cāpi bhūtāni kathayi yanti te' vyayam

sambhāvitasya cākīrtir mara ād atiricyate。

svadharmam api cāvekya na vikampitum arhasi:

dharmyāddhi yuddhācchreyo ‘nyat katriyasya na vidyate.

yadcchyā copapannam svargadvāram apāvtam

sukhina katriyā pārtha labhante yuddham īdrśam.

atha cet tvam ima dharmya sangrāma na kariyasi

tata svadharmam kīrtim ca hitvā pāpam avāpsyasi.

akīrtim cāpi bhūtāni kathayiyanti te’ vyayām

sambhāvitasya cākīrtir maraād atiricyate.

也看自己的本分，不可退缩；

因为对于刹帝利来说，没有什么比正义的战斗更好的了。

得到这样一场战斗的刹帝利是有福的，阿帕达，不求之不得

，作为通往天堂的大门。

但如果你选择不进行这场正义的冲突，

然后放弃个人的责任和荣耀，你就会陷入罪中。

众生会告诉你永远的耻辱

，对于一个可敬的人来说，耻辱比死亡更糟糕。

Looking to your own duty too, you must not flinch;

for there is nothing better for a Kshatriya than a righteous fight.

Blest are the Kshatriyas who gain such a fight,

offered unsought, O Partha, as an open door to heaven.

But if you choose not to carry on this righteous conflict,

then discarding personal duty and glory, you will fall into sin.

Beings will tell of your eternal dishonour

and, for a respectable man, dishonour is worse than death.

《博伽梵歌》，ii.31-4

Bhāgavad Gītā, ii.31-4

作为印度教的神，克里希纳确实在轮回神学和将行动世界简化为外表皮影戏的知识理论中建立了对英雄密码的阐述。但通过勇气和军事实力表达的贵族基本道德是明确的。

Being a Hindu god, Krishna does go on to ground this exposition of the heroic code within a theology of reincarnation and a theory of knowledge that reduces the world of action to a shadow-play of appearances; but the basic ethic of nobility expressed through courage and military prowess is clear.

人们通常认为，正是这种生活态度，再加上以战马、轮式车辆和金属武器为主导的技术，将雅利安人的统治权和语言传播到了印度北部，并使各个王国处于几乎不断的相互战争中。在此期间。（毕竟，这种语言传播模式在历史时期的世界许多地方都得到了很好的证明，例如诺曼人将诺曼法语带到英国，或者征服者将西班牙语带到中美洲和南美洲。）

It is usually presumed that it was this attitude to life, together with the dominating technologies of warhorses, wheeled vehicles and metal weapons, which spread Aryan lordship and language across northern India, and then kept the various kingdoms in an almost constant roil of mutual warfare over this period. (This model of language spread is, after all, well attested in many parts of the world in the historical period, as when the Normans brought Norman French to England, or the conquistadores brought Spanish to Central and South America.)

但除了梵文史诗中记载的战斗之外，考古学、铭文或土著传统几乎没有证据表明这种语言是用火和剑传播的。特别是在印度，人们根深蒂固地认为印度教和梵语不是外星人入侵的结果，而是完全在次大陆内部发展起来的。最近甚至有人尝试为这个故事提供一个完整的准神话支持，并提出这样一种理论，即如果与印欧语系的其他部分存在语言和遗传联系，这是由于雅利安人的传播在他们返回他们真正的家乡印度之前绕欧洲一圈。²³

But besides the battles recounted in Sanskrit epics there is very little evidence, from archaeology, inscriptions or indeed from indigenous tradition, that the language was spread with fire and sword. Particularly in India, there is an ingrained belief that Hinduism and Sanskrit are not the result of alien invasions, but developed rather wholly within the subcontinent. There has even been a recent attempt to give this story a full quasi-mythological backing, developing the theory that, if there are linguistic and genetic links with the rest of the Indo-European language family, this is due to the spread of the Aryans round Europe before their return to their true home of India.²³

不管雅利安人史前流浪的真相如何，有很多迹象表明马从一开始就对他们很重要。在安纳托利亚中部（印度河以西 2500 英里）的赫梯图书馆中，我们找到一本关于马术和战车的手册，由 Mitannian 的 Kikkuli 在公元前二千年中期撰写：他将自己的职业称为assussanni-，这可以是等同于吠陀梵文aśvasani '获得或采购马'，他的文本充满了显然是印度雅利安语的借词：课程可以是aikawartanna, terawartanna, panzawartanna, sattawartanna, nawartanna , '1-, 3-, 5- , 7 或 9 转'，即梵文eka-、tri-、pañca-、sapta-和nava-vartana。大多数米坦尼亚人讲一种完全不相关的语言，Hurrian，但在几乎同时用这种语言写的另一篇文字中（来自伊拉克北部的努齐市 - 约根泰佩）马的颜色以接近梵语的方式给出：babru（babhru )、'栗子'、parita (palita )、'灰色'、pinkara (pingala )、'roan'。

Whatever the truth of the Aryans’ prehistoric wanderings, there is a lot that shows that horses were important to them from the beginning. In the Hittite libraries of central Anatolia (2500 miles to the west of the Indus) we find a manual on horsemanship and chariotry, written by Kikkuli the Mitannian in the mid-second millennium BC: he gives his profession as assussanni-, which can be equated with the Vedic Sanskrit aśvasani ‘gaining or procuring horses’, and his text is full of loan words which are evidently Indo-Aryan: courses can be aikawartanna, terawartanna, panzawartanna, sattawartanna, nawartanna, ‘1-, 3-, 5-, 7- or 9-turns’, which is just Sanskrit eka-, tri-, pañca-, sapta- and nava-vartana. Most Mitannians spoke a completely unrelated language, Hurrian, but in another text written in this language at much the same time (from the city of Nuzi—Yorgan Tepe—in northern Iraq) horse colours are given in something close to Sanskrit: babru (babhru), ‘chestnut’, parita (palita), ‘grey’, pinkara (pingala), ‘roan’.

在这里，骑手的雅利安精英文化被叠加在说另一种语言的民众身上。证据来自很久很久以前；但印度雅利安语早期的情况可能非常相似。即使在梵文本身的结构中也可以看到这一点。

Here the Aryan elite culture of the horseman had been superimposed on a populace that spoke another language. The evidence stems from long before and far away; but the situation of the early days of Aryan language in India was probably very similar. This can be seen even within the structure of Sanskrit itself.

梵语及其相关的印度-雅利安语言与其在北部和西部、伊朗、俄罗斯和欧洲的所有亲属不同，它们拥有额外的一系列辅音，梵文语法学家将其称为mūrdhanya（“头部”）声音,或对西方人来说，舌舌的位置后舌舌停止：门牙的后面。所以pa ati，“splits”，与patati，“falls”和ma a，“泡沫，奶油”是不同的词，来自曼达，'沉闷'。这些声音也是现在印度雅利安语南部以及其他邻国使用的德拉威语的特征，例如散布在印度东北部的蒙达语。尽管没有其他印欧语系拥有它们（这使得它们不太可能成为它们全部起源的任何语言的特征），但它们在德拉威语中是如此系统化，以至于它们可能与家族一样古老。看来，他们已经在梵语和雅利安语中确立了自己的“基础”，这是最早采用梵语的语言的残余特征，并且在他们学习新语言时不会丢失。

Sanskrit and its related Indo-Aryan languages are different from all their relatives to the north and west, in Iran, Russia and Europe, in possessing an extra series of consonants, known to Sanskrit grammarians as the mūrdhanya (’in the head’) sounds, or to Westerners as the retroflex stops, after the position of the tongue: , , h, h and with the tongue curled backward against the roof of the mouth, as against t, d, th, dh and n, where the tongue touches the back of the front teeth. So paati, ‘splits’, is a different word from patati, ’falls’, and maa, ‘foam, cream’, from manda, ‘dull’. These sounds are also characteristic of the Dravidian languages now spoken to the south of the Aryan languages in India, as well as other neighbours, such as the Munda languages dotted around the north-east of India. Whereas no other Indo-European language has them (making them unlikely as a feature of whatever language they all originate from), they are so systematic in Dravidian that they are probably as old as the family. It would appear, then, that they have established themselves in Sanskrit and Aryan as a ‘substrate’, a residual feature of the languages that the earliest adopters of Sanskrit were speaking, and could not lose when they learned the new language.

《梨俱吠陀》中也有一些文化证据表明，入侵的雅利安人如何感觉他们与民族、达萨和达休不同，^*他们的语言开始占主导地位，因为他们认为他们的皮肤较黑，“来自黑色”，卡约尼。_ ²⁴这与传统上用于将社会种姓分为四重的梵文词——Brahman~Kshatriya~Vaiśya~Śudra 相吻合，即va a，“颜色”。dasyu在史诗摩诃婆罗多中有代表由 Pandu（“苍白”）的两个小儿子 Nakula 和 Sahadeva 所生，他们的第二任妻子 Madri 据说是黑眼睛和黝黑的肤色。在整部史诗中，他们是他们明显更高贵的雅利安同父异母兄弟 Yuddhishthira（“战斗中的坚定”）、Bhīma（“可怕”）和 Arjuna（“光辉”）的忠实支持者，但缺乏想象力。

There is also some cultural evidence in the Rig Veda which suggests how the invading Aryans felt they differed from the peoples, the dāsa and dasyu,^* their language came to dominate, for they saw them as having darker skins, ‘of black origin’, kayonī.²⁴ This fits with the Sanskrit word used traditionally for the four-fold division into social castes, Brahman~Kshatriya~Vaiśya~Śudra, namely vaa, ‘colour’. The dasyu are represented in the epic Mahabharata by the two younger sons of Pandu (’the Pale’), Nakula and Sahadeva, born to his second wife Madri, who is said to be black eyed and dusky complexioned. Throughout the epic, they act as faithful, but unimaginative, supporters of their apparently nobler Aryan elder half-brothers, Yuddhishthira (’Firm in Fight’), Bhīma (’terrible’) and Arjuna (’Resplendent’).

我们已经看到，与不同地方群体的同化过程一直持续到公元第二个千年，并且似乎在印度北部和中部的某些地区涉及到千变万化的语言继承。在这一系列变化中，最令人难忘的时刻之一，至少在政治上，发生在公元前 260 年左右，当时阿育王征服了东部卡林加王国（大约是现代奥里萨邦的地区）。这次征服是印度帝国统一的一个高水位标记，两千年内都不会超过。阿育王在他的帝国的其他地方（用马加迪语、亚拉姆语和希腊语）写下了这段经历：“在他统治的第八年，皮亚达斯征服了卡林加。150,000 人在那里被捕并被驱逐出境，另有 100,000 人被杀，几乎同样多的人丧生。从那之后，

We have seen that the process of assimilation with various local groups continued well into the second millennium AD, and seems to have involved a kaleidoscopic succession of languages in some parts of north and central India. One of the most memorable moments, at least politically, in this long series of shifting patterns occurred about 260 BC, when Aśoka conquered the eastern kingdom of Kalinga (approximately the area of modern Orissa). This conquest was a high-water mark for imperial unity in India, one not to be exceeded for two thousand years. Aśoka wrote this of the experience all over the rest of his empire (in Magadhi, Aramaic and Greek): ‘In the eighth year of his reign, Piyadasi conquered Kalinga. 150,000 people were captured there and deported, 100,000 others were killed and almost as many perished. Since that time, pity and compassion gripped him, and he was overwhelmed by that…’

这种慈悲结束了他的征服战争，使他转而传播佛法（梵文dharmā），不同地翻译为“美德”、“义务”或“法律”。据说他站在道里山上，看到大雅河被鲜血染红。他说，在那个地方的一块岩石铭文上专门写给卡林加人，而不是讲述这场运动：“所有人都是我的孩子。就我自己的孩子而言，我希望他们能在这个世界和来世获得各种福利和幸福，同样，我也希望所有的人。但是你不明白我在这方面的意图有多远。你们当中可能有少数人理解它，但即使是你们中的这些人也只是部分地而不是完全地理解它……”

This compassion put an end to his wars of conquest, and made him turn instead to the propagation of dhamma (Sanskrit dharmā), variously translated as ‘virtue’, ‘duty’ or ‘the Law’. It is said that he stood on the hill at Dhauli, and saw the Daya river flow red with blood. Writing specifically to the Kalinga population on a rock inscription at that spot, he says, instead of recounting the campaign: ‘All men are my children. Just as, in regard to my own children, I desire that they may be provided with all kinds of welfare and happiness in this world and in the next, the same I desire also in regard to all men. But you do not understand how far my intention goes in this respect. A few among you perchance understand it but even such of you understand it partly and not fully…’

事实上，阿育王的征服对 Kalinga 有什么语言影响（如果有的话）仍然不清楚。这是太久以前的事了，从那以后发生的事情太多了。

In fact, it remains obscure what, if any, linguistic effect Aśoka’s conquest had on Kalinga. It is just too long ago, and too much has happened since.

奥里萨邦现在是一个主要讲雅利安语的地区（有大量无关的ādivāsi，即“土著”语言）：其语言中最早的铭文可以追溯到公元十世纪。语言是奥里亚语，与更北方的孟加拉语密切相关；但对其更早的历史知之甚少，有人认为即使在公元七世纪，奥里萨邦仍然是非雅利安人。²⁵玄奘承认该地区至少三个不同的国家：乌拉（奥里萨名字的由来），他说它的“文字和语言与中印度不同”，Kōnyōdha ，“文字与中印度相同”印度中部，但语言和发音方式完全不同”，以及Kalinga，这里的语言轻快而令人绊倒，它们的发音清晰而正确。但在这两个细节上，也就是在文字和声音方面，它们与印度中部有很大不同。²⁶这种证据只是一个例子，说明过去几个世纪印度的语言地图很难详细描绘。

Orissa is now a mainly Aryan-speaking area (with a strong sprinkling of unrelated ādivāsi, i.e. ‘aboriginal’, languages): the earliest inscriptions in its language date from the tenth century AD. The language is Oriya, closely related to the Bengali spoken farther north; but little is known of its earlier history, and it has been suggested that Orissa was still non-Aryan even in the seventh century AD.²⁵ Xuan-Zang recognised at least three distinct countries in this region: Ura (the origin of the name Orissa), which he said had ‘words and language different from Central India’, Kōnyōdha, ‘with the same written characters as those of mid-India, but language and mode of pronunciation quite different’, and Kalinga, where ‘the language is light and tripping, and their pronunciation is distinct and correct. But in both particulars, that is, as to words and sounds, they are very different from mid-India.’²⁶ This kind of evidence is just one example of what makes it so difficult to depict in any detail the language map of India in past centuries.

随着印度教的文化传播，梵文的影响渗透到更远的南方，最终渗透到三种主要的非雅利安语言——泰卢固语、卡纳达语和马拉雅拉姆语——的借词中。位于最东南部的泰米尔语在语言上受到的影响较小，尽管它的社会最终还是印度教。除了文字的逐渐输出之外，在公元前一千年中叶，整个社区及其雅利安语也被大规模移植到了最南端。这就是斯里兰卡存在僧伽罗语的原因。带来这种语言的人的迁徙历史没有记载，但它可能通过史诗《罗摩衍那》中的传说反映出来，该故事在一次对该岛的军事远征中达到高潮。^*大约 200 年后，在公元前三世纪后期，当阿育王派他的儿子马欣达到岛上做佛教传教士时，斯里兰卡和雅利安北部之间的联系得到了加强，因此创立了延续至今的上座部佛教学校。天。

Sanskrit influence permeated farther south, with the cultural spread of Hinduism, eventually saturating with borrowed words three of the major non-Aryan languages, Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam. Tamil, in the extreme south-east, was less affected linguistically, although its society was ultimately no less Hindu. And besides this gradual export of words, there had also been, in the middle of the first millennium BC, a major transplant of a whole community, with its Aryan language, to the extreme south. This accounts for the presence of Sinhala in Śri Lanka. The history of the movement of people that brought this language is not documented, but it may be reflected through legend in the epic Ramayana, which climaxes in a military expedition to this island.^* About two hundred years later, in the late third century BC, the links between Śri Lanka and the Aryan north were reinforced when Aśoka sent his son Mahinda to the island as a Buddhist missionary, so founding the Theravada school of Buddhism which has endured to this day.

东南亚梵文

Sanskrit in South-East Asia

移居斯里兰卡可能被视为梵语传播到印度海岸以外的开始。这种海上扩张使其对全球故事的意义更加重大，因为梵文是历史上第一个通过与另一边人民建立贸易和文化联系而通过海上网络传播的语言的例子。在这方面，它可以看作是近五百年来西欧语言传播的先驱。

The move to Śri Lanka may be seen as the beginning of Sanskrit’s spread beyond the shores of India. This seaborne expansion makes its significance far greater to the global story, for Sanskrit is the first example in history of a language travelling over a maritime network, through the establishment of trade and cultural links with peoples on the other side. In this, it can be seen as a precursor of the spread of the western European languages in the last five hundred years.

到公元第一个千年中叶，梵文被确立为印度文明的标志，遍及东南亚，包括现代马来西亚和印度尼西亚的主要岛屿。没有明确的记录说明这是如何发生的。但梵文传播的一个特点很明显：它不是军事扩张。印度人从来没有进入亚洲的好战行动，即使是典型的短期印度帝国，即使在印度北部，这些帝国似乎也从未持续过几代人。

By the middle of the first millennium AD, Sanskrit was established as the hallmark of Indianised civilisation, all over South-East Asia, including the main islands of modern Malaysia and Indonesia. There is no clear record of how this came about. But one feature of the spread of Sanskrit is clear: it was not a military expansion. There was never a warlike move by Indians into Asia, even of the typical short-term Indian empires, which even in north India never seemed to last more than a very few generations.

但是，如果我们撇开军事野心不谈，印度成功的动机已经耗尽了所有其他可能性：从孔雀王朝和阿育王开始躲避帝国战争、海盗袭击、冒险精神、和平追求贸易，或者渴望传播神圣的知识，当然是佛教，甚至可能更早于印度教。^*

But if we leave aside military ambition, the motives that have been suggested for the Indian successes exhaust every other possibility: refuge from imperial wars from the Mauryas and Aśoka onward, piratical raids, a spirit of adventure, the peaceful pursuit of trade, or a desire to spread sacred learning, of Buddhism certainly, and perhaps earlier even of Hinduism.^*

这些中的每一个都有一些值得推荐的东西，它们并不相互排斥。例如，马来人和柬埔寨人对印度的称呼一定是“克林”，即印度东部沿海地区被阿育王血腥征服的卡林加。在那里，特别是在其北部地区Tāmralipta（“涂铜”，西孟加拉邦的现代 Tamluk ），有生产sārthavahā或sādhava，“商人”的传统，他们很容易与sāhasika，“海盗，海盗”混淆，在梵语中以他们的勇敢和暴力而闻名。在公元六世纪的实践智慧宝库Pañcatantra中，它被评论为：

Each of these has something to recommend it, and they are not mutually exclusive. It must mean something, for example, that the name for India current among Malays and Cambodians was ‘Kling’, that is Kalinga, the coastal realm in eastern India bloodily conquered by Aśoka. There, and especially in its northern region Tāmralipta (’copper-smeared’, modern Tamluk in West Bengal), there was a tradition of producing sārthavāhā or sādhava, ‘merchants’, who were easily confused with sāhasikā, ‘pirates, buccaneers’, proverbial in Sanskrit for their bravery, as well as violence. In the treasury of practical wisdom from the sixth century AD, Pañcatantra, it is remarked:

bhayam atulam gurulokāt t am iva tulayanti sādhu sāhasikā

bhayam atulam gurulokāt tam iva tulayanti sādhu sāhasikā

商人海盗把重量级人物灌输的恐惧当作稻草。²⁷

Merchant-buccaneers reckon light as straw the fear instilled by the weighty.²⁷

流行的关于佛陀前世的本生故事，大约是在这个时候创作的，也充满了在苏瓦阿布米寻求财富的商人。

The popular Jātaka tales of previous lives of the Buddha, composed around this time, are also full of merchants who seek wealth in Suvaabhūmi.

^*在梵文的罗马化文字中，c 在 Church 中发音为ch ，j在Judge 中发音。t, d 或 n 下的一个点表示它必须发舌后转，卷舌音。h 下的点表示它后面跟着前一个元音的回声（例如ka，'who'，如kah ^a）。r 或 I 下的点表示它在美式英语中发音为单独的音节、苦味、小音节。m 下的点表示简单地通过鼻化前面的元音来发音：aha，“I”，就像美国的“uhuh?”。所有停止辅音 (k, g, c, j, t, d, ,, p, b) 可以被吸气，这由后面的 h 表示。咝咝声有 ś和 s 三个：前两个接近英语sh，前者如sheet，后者声音较暗，如push。

^* In the romanised script for Sanskrit, c is pronounced as ch in church, j as in judge. A dot under t, d or n means that it must be sounded with tongue turned back, retroflex. A dot under an h means that it is followed by an echo of the previous vowel (e.g. ka, ‘who’, as kah^a). A dot under an r or an I means that it is pronounced as a separate syllable, as bitter, little in American English. A dot under an m means that is pronounced simply by nasalising the preceding vowel: aha, ‘I’, is like American ‘uhuh?’. All the stop consonants (k, g, c, j, t, d, , , p, b) can be aspirated, and this is shown by a following h. There are three sibilants, ś, and s: the first two are close to English sh, the former as in sheet, the latter with the darker sound as in push.

印度人给这个东方世界部分地区起的梵文名称也暗示了这种贸易的动机。斯里兰卡被称为Tāmradvīpa，“铜岛”，或Tāmrapaī ， “铜叶”；Suva advīpa，Suva abhūmi，“黄金岛或土地”，是东海以外的土地。这些名字幸存下来，被希腊探险家使用或翻译，Taprobanē代表斯里兰卡，Khrysē Khersonēsos, '黄金半岛', 为东南亚。在这些国家已知的地质学中，几乎没有迹象表明这些名字是有根据的。但对贵金属的追求显然是这种古老航海传说的一部分。Somadeva 的Kathāsaritsāgaram （“故事的海洋”）是梵文中最令人回味的故事之一，它讲述了一个婆罗门的追求，他在Kanakapurī，“黄金之城”中寻找他失去的爱，位于“群岛”之外的某个地方。他在途中遇到的一位商人有一位父亲，他从长途航行到遥远的岛屿返回了富有的地方，他的船专门装载了黄金。

The motive for the trade is also hinted at by the Sanskrit names that the Indians gave to parts of this eastern world. Śri Lanka was known as Tāmradvīpa, ‘copper island’, or Tāmrapaī, ‘copper-leafed’; the land beyond the eastern ocean as Suvaadvīpa, Suvaabhūmi, ‘the isle, or the land, of gold’. These names survived to be taken up, or translated, by Greek explorers, Taprobanē for Śri Lanka, and Khrysē Khersonēsos, ‘Golden Peninsula’, for South-East Asia. There is little in these countries’ known geology to suggest that the names were well founded. But the quest for precious metals was clearly part of the legend of such ancient navigation. One of the most evocative tales in the Sanskrit equivalent of the 1001 Nights, Somadeva’s Kathāsaritsāgaram (’Ocean of the Streams of Story’), recounts the quest of a Brahman, setting out for his lost loves in Kanakapurī, ‘The City of Gold’, located somewhere beyond ‘The Islands’. One of the merchants he meets on his way has a father who returns rich from a long voyage to a far island, his ship loaded specifically with gold.

更现实地说，无论是转口贸易，用印度的芳香树脂（包括乳香（kundura）和没药（vola））换取中国的丝绸，或者从苏门答腊获得樟脑（karpūra）、檀香（来自帝汶的candana）或来自摩鹿加群岛的丁香（lavanga）。²⁸

More realistically, there was scope for immense profit either in entrepôt business, exchanging Indian aromatic resins (including frankincense (kundura) and myrrh (vola)) for Chinese silk, or in obtaining local products such as camphor (karpūra) from Sumatra, sandalwood (candana) from Timor or cloves (lavanga) from the Moluccas.²⁸

印度人从次大陆各地出发前往这片黄金之地。显然，最短的旅程是从高阿（现代孟加拉）和卡林加：我们知道法显和易经是从塔姆拉利普提（Tamralipti）乘船的。但从 6 月到 11 月，横穿孟加拉湾的盛行风是西南风，因此最直接的航行是从南部海岸出发，这是希腊语注意到的所有港口的区域。²⁹在苏门答腊和马来半岛出现的一些泰米尔语铭文证实了这条路线。西海岸的港口也有前往东部的港口：古吉拉特语的一句古老谚语提到了从爪哇回来的水手们的财富。³⁰

Indians set out for this Land of Gold from all round the subcontinent. Evidently, the shortest journey was from Gaua (modern Bengal) and Kalinga: we know that Fa-Xian and Yi-Jing took ship from Tamralipti. But the prevailing wind across the Bay of Bengal from June to November is south-westerly, so the most direct sailing was to be had from the southern shores, and this is the area of all the ports noted by the Greeks.²⁹ A handful of inscriptions in Tamil, turning up in Sumatra and the Malay peninsula, confirm this route. The ports of the western coast also had their share of departures for the east: an old Gujarati proverb mentions the wealth of sailors back from Java.³⁰

对我们来说，比印度sādhava的动机更有趣的是，他们会如何出现在接受人群中，印度人将其称为dvīpāntara，即“岛民”。这些人，东部的缅甸人，南部的南亚人（孟、高棉或占族），岛屿的马来人，已经使用青铜、灌溉水稻、驯养牛和水牛，并拥有自己的船只和船只。他们将无法阅读或写作。印第安人会向当地酋长展示自己作为来访的政要，可能声称与大洋彼岸的皇室有联系，并提供礼物，也许还有药物和护身符。有的受到地方精英的青睐，还娶了自己的女儿为妻，播下了新王朝的种子。

More interesting for us than the motivation of the Indian sādhava is how they would have appeared to the receiving populations, known to the Indians as dvīpāntara, ‘islanders’. These people, Burmese in the east, Austro-Asiatic in the south (Mon, Khmer, or Cham), Malay in the islands, already used bronze, irrigated rice, domesticated cattle and buffalo, and had ships and boats of their own. They would not have been able to read or write. The Indians would have presented themselves to the local chiefs as visiting dignitaries, probably claiming royal connections back across the ocean, and offering gifts, and perhaps medicines and charms. Winning favour with local elites, some went on to take their daughters in marriage, and thus sow the seeds of new dynasties.

印度人带来的是识字，以及具有大量规则的古老文化（印度教Dharmaśāstras的佛经，或佛教Tipi aka的佛经) 适用于各种场合。印度教的整个神话，使阿加斯蒂亚、克里希纳、拉玛和潘达瓦兄弟成为家喻户晓的名字，从那时起他们在东南亚就一直如此。国王和祭司的互补角色有一个独特的想法，诚然，在七七八八的情况下，最终是更高的，但显然是相互支持的关系。这种关系可以保证统治者的合法性，并使之永久化。因此，印度人遇到的统治者很高兴成为他们的朋友、商业伙伴和岳父。异族通婚的新一代将是第一批接受完整梵文教育的人。

What the Indians brought with them was literacy, and an ancient culture with a vast array of rules (the sutras of the Hindu Dharmaśāstras, or the suttas of the Buddhist Tipiaka) for every occasion. There was the whole mythology of Hinduism, making Agastya, Krishna, Rama and the Pandava brothers into household names, as they have been ever since in South-East Asia. There was the distinctive idea of the complementary roles of king and priest, admittedly at sixes and sevens over which was ultimately the higher, but clearly in a relationship of mutual support. This relationship could underwrite, and make permanent, the legitimacy of rulers. And so the rulers that the Indians met were happy to become their friends, business partners and fathers-in-law. The new generation that sprang from the mixed marriages would have been the first to receive a full Sanskrit education.

他们带来的印度文明的一个特征是修改和定制字母表的趋势。就像现在至少有十个主要脚本^*源自印度的婆罗米字符（在阿育王时代遍布整个次大陆），还有另外九个在东南亚、印度尼西亚和菲律宾发展起来，†全部源自印度文字，其中许多来自南方的帕拉瓦文字. 这种多样性的根源在于不同地方的书写材料的多样性，但不同的风格显然成为了国家的标志。在承载寺院规则的柬埔寨柱子中，一侧的高棉文梵文与另一侧的北印度文梵文平行：也许这里有北印度的信徒和高棉人居住。³¹

One characteristic of Indian civilisation that they brought with them was a tendency to modify and customise the alphabet. Just as there are now at least ten major scripts^* derived in India from the Brahmi characters (diffused all over the subcontinent in Aśoka’s time), there are another nine that developed in South-East Asia, Indonesia and the Philippines,† all derived from Indian scripts, many through the Pallava script of the south. The origin of this diversity lies in the variety of writing materials available in different places, but the different styles evidently came to be national icons. In the Cambodian pillars that carry rules for monasteries, Sanskrit in Khmer script on one side is paralleled by Sanskrit in a North Indian script on the other: perhaps there were North Indian devotees as well as Khmers resident here.³¹

这只是这一时期印度和印度支那之间双向文化交流的众多迹象之一。另一个例子是 982 年出生于孟加拉的僧人阿提沙 (Atīśa) 的生平，他在 60 多岁时成为西藏佛教的创始人之一。他在苏门答腊的 Sri Vijaya 度过了他的学生时代。

This is just one of many signs that there was heavy cultural traffic in both directions between India and Indo-China during this period. Another example is given by the life of Atīśa, a monk born in Bengal in 982, who went on to become one of the founders of Buddhism in Tibet in his sixties. He had spent his student days in Śri Vijaya, in Sumatra.

在某种程度上，印第安人带来的文化对我们来说永远是个谜。缅甸瑞大衮、爪哇婆罗浮屠、吴哥的辉煌

In a way, the culture as the Indians brought it will always be a mystery to us. The splendours of Shwe Dagon in Burma, Borobodur in Java, Angkor

柬埔寨的Wat，以及Pagan，Champa，老挝，巴厘岛和苏门答腊的不太知名的宏伟建筑，建于公元500年左右，历经一千年，都源于印度人的开创性思想，但至少在建筑方面现在没有什么能像他们回到印度了。我们只能推测，婆罗浮屠和吴哥窟的石头风格可能与印度南部早已消失的木制建筑相呼应。

Wat in Cambodia, as well as less well-known magnificences in Pagan, Champa, Laos, Bali and Sumatra, built over a millennium from about AD 500, all stemmed from the seminal ideas of the Indians, but at least in terms of architecture there is nothing now quite like them back in India. We can only speculate that styles executed in stone at Borobodur and Angkor Wat may echo the architecture of wooden buildings long vanished from southern India.

尽管如此，这种起源于印度的国家和文明的点名提醒我们，这种影响是多么广泛、多么多样、多么持久，更值得注意的是，因为似乎没有任何军事力量在任何地方被用来引入新的，更有组织的印度社会。这与其他发达文明入侵北方的记录形成鲜明对比。自公元一世纪以来，中国就不断对越南北部的安南王国施加压力，定期入侵，坚持承认中国皇帝为霸主。

Nevertheless, this roll-call of states and civilisations that took their beginnings from India reminds us how vast, how varied and how long lasting this influence was, all the more remarkable because no military force seems to have been applied anywhere to bring in the new, more organised, Indian society. This contrasts sharply with the record of incursions from the other developed civilisation to the north. Ever since the first century AD, China had been putting constant pressure on the Annamite kingdom of northern Vietnam, periodically invading it, and insisting on recognition of China’s emperor as its overlord.

最早有文献记载的印度化王国——文献是中文的——位于湄公河下游、现代柬埔寨和越南南部，可能是在公元一世纪。它通常被称为阜南，这是它名字的中文版本。在高棉语中，Bnam真的被称为“山”，^*它的国王被称为kurung bnam，是Parvatabhū-pala或Śailarāja 的翻译：拥有“山中之王”的称号，他会建立一个崇拜湿婆神身居高位，因此将他作为印度国王的合法性与这片土地的本土精神调和起来。³²

The earliest documented Indianised kingdom—the documentation is Chinese—was set on the lower Mekong, in modern Cambodia and southern Vietnam, probably in the first century AD. It is usually known as Funan, which is a Chinese version of its name. It was really called, in Khmer, Bnam, ‘the mountain’,^* and its king as kurung bnam, a translation of Parvatabhū-pala or Śailarāja: bearing this title of ‘King of the Mountain’, he would have established a cult of the god Siva in a high place, so reconciling his legitimacy as an Indian king with the native spirits of the land.³²

^{从 Champa 的梵文铭文33}中读取的 Funan 的基础神话证实了这一点。一位名叫 Kau inya 的婆罗门（源自湿婆的头衔之一Ku in）从另一位婆罗门（一位名叫Aśvattāman的摩诃婆罗多的英雄）手中接过标枪，并将其投掷以寻找适合城市的地点。他娶了当地一位名叫索玛的公主，她是那伽王的女儿，多头水眼镜蛇被奉为高棉财富的保护者。

Funan’s foundation myth, read from a Sanskrit inscription in Champa,³³ confirms this. A Brahman named Kauinya (derived from Kuin, one of Siva’s titles) received a javelin from another Brahman, a hero from the Mahabharata named Aśvattāman, and threw it to find the right site for the city. He married a local princess named Soma, daughter of the king of the Nāgas, the many-headed water cobras worshipped as protectors of Khmer riches.

此后，在东南亚、苏门答腊和爪哇建立了主要的梵语国家。^†他们的名字本身是梵文，显示出与遥远的其他印度圣地的情感联系，或试图将当地名字印度化。现在通常很难准确定位它们。在马来亚的兰卡苏卡，控制着一条从孟加拉湾到暹罗湾的常用陆路路线，毗邻Tāmbralinga (Ligor)、Takkola (Takuapa) 和Kāaha ( Kedah )；在现代越南南部的占婆，Amarāvatī (Dong-duong), Vijaya (Binh-dinh), Kau hara (Nha-trang), Pāuranga（攀朗）；在爪哇、Tārumā（雅加达周围）和东部的Ka arāja；在苏门答腊、马拉尤（占碑）、圣维杰亚（巨港）；在缅甸，Sudhammavatī (Thaton), Śrīk etra (Prome or Thayekhettaya), Ha savatī (Pegu), Śrī Deva (Si Thep); 在现代泰国Dvaravatī地区，曼谷以北。

Thereafter, major Sanskrit-speaking states were set up all over South-East Asia, Sumatra and Java.^† Their names are themselves in Sanskrit, and show either a sentimental link with other Indian holy places far away, or an attempt to Indianise local names. It is often difficult now to locate them exactly. In Malaya, Lankasuka, controlling one much-used overland route from the Bay of Bengal to the Gulf of Siam, beside Tāmbralinga (Ligor), Takkola (Takuapa) and Kāaha (Kedah); in Cham, the south of modern Vietnam, Amarāvatī (Dong-duong), Vijaya (Binh-dinh), Kauhara (Nha-trang), Pāuranga (Phanrang); in Java, Tārumā (round Jakarta) and Kaarāja in the east; in Sumatra, Malāyu (Jambi), Śrī Vijaya (Palembang); in Burma, Sudhammavatī (Thaton), Śrīketra (Prome or Thayekhettaya), Hasavatī (Pegu), Śrī Deva (Si Thep); and in the region of modern Thailand Dvāravatī, north of Bangkok.

统治者的名字也是典型的梵文。很好的例子是三十多位柬埔寨国王的名字以-varman 结尾，“堡垒”，从公元 514 年去世的Jayavarman到1307-27年的 Śrīndrajayavarman，以及 1222-7 年从Rājasa到Suhitā的印度尼西亚满者伯夷国王, 1429—47。^*

Names of rulers too are typically Sanskritic. Good examples are the more than thirty Cambodian kings whose names end in -varman, ‘bastion’, from Jayavarman, who died in AD 514, to Śrīndrajayavarman, 1307-27, and the Majapahit kings of Indonesia from Rājasa in 1222-7 to Suhitā, 1429—47.^*

这些导致了更多的梵文地名，因为习惯上以建立城市的国王命名一座城市。举一个例子，柬埔寨的首都Śre hapura（字面意思是“最好的城市”）以其创始人国王Śre havarman（“最好的堡垒”）命名。苏门答腊南部的主要王国Śri Vijaya也很可能以一位名叫Vijaya的国王命名，“胜利”。

These led to many more Sanskrit place names, since it was customary to name a city after the king that founded it. To give one example among many dozens, Śrehapura (literally ‘best of cities’), capital of Cambodia, was named after its founder, King Śrehavarman (’best bastion’). It is likely also that Śri Vijaya, the dominant kingdom in southern Sumatra, was named after a king named Vijaya, ‘Victorious’.

这只是一些比较知名的示例；正如所料，一千年来所有这些城市和国王的关系史是一个庞大而曲折的主题，这里不展开讨论。

This is just a sample of some of the better known; as could be expected, the history of the relations of all these cities and kings over a thousand years is a vast and labyrinthine subject, and not one to be broached here.

很容易忽略梵文的引入对当地人民来说一定是一个巨大的变化。梵语作为一种语言，与现在被归类为缅甸语、南亚语系和南岛语系的当地语言大相径庭。梵语是多音节的，并且高度屈折，具有复杂的辅音系统，不反对长簇。字序是免费的。这种语言正在被其他语言的使用者所使用，这些语言的单词很短，通常以声调区分，由简单的音节组成，开头和结尾只有一个辅音。变形很简单或不存在，但词序很严格。这至少与将日语作为一种精英语言引入以前每个人只知道英语或荷兰语一样激进。Śrik etra以 Thayekhettaya 的身份出现，Srī Deva以 Si Thep 的身份出现。

It is easy to overlook what a major change the introduction of Sanskrit must have been for the local peoples. Sanskrit, as a type of language, was fearsomely different from the local languages, now classified as Burman, Austro-Asiatic and Austronesian. Sanskrit is polysyllabic, and highly inflected, with a complicated consonant system that is not averse to long clusters. Word order is free. This language was being taken up by speakers of other languages where words were short, often distinguished by tone, and made up of simple syllables with single consonants at beginning and end. Inflections were simple or absent, but word order was rigid. It was at least as radical a change as it would be to bring Japanese in as an elite language where previously everyone had known only English or Dutch. What a wrench it was can be seen in the mangled remains of some of the Sanskrit names: Śriketra came out as Thayekhettaya, Śrī Deva as Si Thep.

然而，当地人在世界这个地区获得的书面梵文质量与印度几乎没有差异。我们在这里写的文字中没有看到强烈的“底物影响”。谈到柬埔寨，RC Majumdar 评论说，从公元 475 年到 1327 年，它的铭文通常“以美丽且几乎完美无瑕的kāvya（即诗意）风格组成，其中一些写得很长……几乎所有的梵文米都被成功地运用在这些诗句中，它们对梵文修辞和韵律最发达的规则和惯例有着透彻的了解。³⁴铭文也充满了博学，甚至诙谐，暗示了吠陀经和印度学习的所有不同分支，尤其是语法。

Nevertheless, the quality of written Sanskrit that the natives acquired in this part of the world deviated hardly at all from that of India. We do not see strong ‘substrate influence’ in the texts written here. Talking of Cambodia, R. C. Majumdar remarks that its inscriptions, known from AD 475 to 1327, are generally ‘composed in beautiful and almost flawless kāvya—i.e. poetic—style, and some of them run to great lengths… Almost all the Sanskrit metres have been successfully used in these verses, and they exhibit a thorough acquaintance with the most developed rules and conventions of Sanskrit rhetoric and prosody.’³⁴ The inscriptions are also full of learned, even witty, allusions to the Vedas and all the different branches of Indian learning, especially grammar.

特别有成就的是阇耶跋摩七世（1181 年至 0.1218 年在柬埔寨统治）的王后因德拉德维：她是一位虔诚的佛教徒，并教导三个修道院的尼姑。她留下了铭文，以赞美她的妹妹，另一位学者，不幸早逝：它长达 102 节，长达几米。³⁵

Particularly accomplished was Queen Indradevi, consort of Jayavarman VII (who ruled in Cambodia 1181—c.1218): she was a pious Buddhist and taught the Buddhist nuns of three convents. She has left an inscription, in praise of her younger sister, another scholar, who had sadly died young: it runs to 102 verses in several different metres.³⁵

在印度支那写的一些文学作品加入了梵文经典的经典。Vararuci 的Sārasamuccaya（“精华的集合”）可能很难打：为了展示观点如何不同，他唤起了一个女人的乳房——她的孩子和她的丈夫看到的；然后是她的尸体，首先是一个苦行僧，然后是她的情人，然后是一条狗。后来，他在对无神论者（ nāstika——字面意思是“非主义者”）的忠告中预示了帕斯卡的赌注：如果死后没有世界，那么任何一种方式都没有什么好害怕的；但如果有的话，受苦的将是无神论者。³⁶

Some of the literature written in Indo-China joined the canon of Sanskrit classics. Vararuci’s Sārasamuccaya (’collection of essences’) could be hard hitting: to show how views can differ, he evokes a woman’s breast—seen by her child, and by her husband; and then her dead body, seen first by an ascetic, then by her lover, and then by a dog. Later on, he prefigures Pascal’s wager in his advice to the atheist (nāstika—literally the ‘isn’t-ist’): if there is no world after death, there is nothing to fear either way; but if there is, it will be the atheists who stand to suffer.³⁶

梵文文本显然在新印度教的建立中发挥了重要作用，可能是为了支持新独立的国家：因此，当阇耶跋摩在 12 世纪将柬埔寨从爪哇人的控制下解放出来时，他邀请了一位名叫Hira yadāma（“金绳”）的婆罗门。 ) 在自己的统治者之下进行密宗仪式以保证这种自由。由此产生的Devarāja（“神王”）崇拜持续了 250 年，明确基于四个命名的śāstra文本。如果没有梵文，以及它所暗示的对古代智慧的访问，就不可能做到这一点。

Sanskrit texts apparently played an important role in the foundation of new Hindu cults, which might be founded to buttress newly independent states: so when Jayavarman freed Cambodia from Javanese control in the twelfth century, he invited a Brahman named Hirayadāma (’Golden Cord’) to perform Tantric rites to guarantee this freedom, under its own ruler. The resulting cult of Devarāja (’god-king’) lasted for 250 years, explicitly based on four named śāstra texts. It could not have been done without Sanskrit, and the access to ancient wisdom that it implied.

注入梵文的超凡力量感有时会导致一种精神上的怀旧。据说占婆的一位国王 Gangaraja 放弃了他的王位，以便有机会放弃恒河岸边的鬼魂。而且，更具有公共精神的是，在老挝 Vat Luong Kau 的铭文中有证据表明，一位名叫Śrī Devanīka的国王计划在家里建立一个新的Kuruk etra ，以替代真正的Kuruk etra北方的纯粹圣洁。德里。作为摩诃婆罗多大战之地，神社中绝无仅有，可惜人迹罕至。他引用了史诗：

The sense of numinous power infusing Sanskrit led on occasions to a sort of spiritual nostalgia. One king of Champa, Gangaraja, is said to have abdicated his throne so as to have the chance to give up the ghost on the banks of the Ganges. And, more public-spiritedly, there is evidence from an inscription put up at Vat Luong Kau in Laos that a king called Śrī Devanīka planned to set up a new Kuruketra at home as a substitute for the sheer holiness of the real Kuruketra north of Delhi. As the site of the Mahabharata’s great battle, it was peerless among shrines, but sadly inaccessible. He quotes the epic:

P thivyā Naimi am pu yam antarīk e tu Pu karam Trāyānām api lokānām Kuruk etram viśi yate。

Pthivyā Naimiam puyam antarīke tu Pukaram Trāyānām api lokānām Kuruketram viśiyate.

在地球上被祝福的Naimisha，在以太Pushkara，但在三个世界中，Kurukshetra拥有王冠。³⁷

On the earth the blessed Naimisha, in the ether Pushkara, But in the three worlds, Kurukshetra holds the crown.³⁷

印度影响的漫长岁月在整整一千年之后才结束。13 世纪，当蒙古人洗劫了北部的异教徒和其他缅甸王国时，已经发生了重大震动。但一位著名学者不无怀旧之情提出，印度文明是其自身日益普及的牺牲品：“这种衰落的根本原因是越来越多的土著人接受了印度文明越来越多地融入了他们原有的风俗习惯，逐渐消失的一个精致的贵族，梵文文化的守护者。³⁸

The long years of Indian influence came to an end only after a full millennium. A major jolt had already come in the thirteenth century, when the Mongols sacked Pagan and other Burmese kingdoms in the north. But it has been suggested by one of the leading scholars, not without nostalgia, that Indian civilisation was the victim of its own increasing popularity: ‘The underlying causes of this decline were the adoption of Indian civilization by an increasingly large number of natives who incorporated into it more and more of their original customs, and the gradual disappearance of a refined aristocracy, the guardian of Sanskrit culture.’³⁸

无论如何，在十五世纪，越南将其影响力扩大到占婆，永久吞并了印度支那南部。大约在同一时间，山地民族，缅甸的掸族和暹罗的泰族，建立了新的王国，摒弃了异教徒和吴哥的旧势力。尽管如此，在建立新首都时，泰国人还是忍不住称其为大城府，以直接向印度教英雄罗摩的住所大城府致敬。

In any event, in the fifteenth century Vietnam expanded its influence into Champa, annexing permanently the south of Indo-China; and about the same time groups of mountain peoples, the Shan in Burma, and the Thai in Siam, established new kingdoms that thrust aside the old powers of Pagan and Angkor. Nonetheless, when founding their new capital, the Thai could not help calling it Ayutthaya, in direct tribute to the Hindu hero Rama’s residence, Ayodhya.

佛教所承载的梵文：中亚和东亚

Sanskrit carried by Buddhism: Central and eastern Asia

到目前为止，我们在很大程度上将梵文称为印度教的载体。似乎这在很大程度上是它最初在东南亚传达的内容。法显于公元五世纪初经东印度群岛叶波提（ Yava-dvīpa ）返回中国，说：“在这个国家，异教徒和婆罗门盛行，而佛法却鲜为人知。” . ³⁹

So far we have largely spoken of Sanskrit as a vehicle of Hinduism. And it seems that for the most part this is what it conveyed at first in South-East Asia. Fa-Xian, returning to China via Ye-po-ti (Yava-dvīpa) in the East Indies in the early fifth century AD, remarked: ‘in this country heretics and Brahmans flourish, but the law of Buddha is not much known’.³⁹

直到今天，印度教在爪哇以东的巴厘岛上仍然存在。然而，东南亚其他地方的情况现在大不相同，印度教很久以前就被佛教取代了。这是两个信仰之间长期而复杂的，虽然不是特别血腥的教义竞争历史的结果。当这些王朝垮台时，印度教邪教与统治王朝的密切联系最终对他们不利。但也有佛教派系之间的竞争，Tantra，最初是“织机”或“框架”，Mahāyāna，“大乘”和Theravāda, '长者的教义'。小乘佛教在与斯里兰卡僧伽罗教的联系的支持下，最终在东南亚取得了胜利。然而，所有这些斗争都发生在印度学习的无懈可击的背景下。

To this day, Hinduism survives on the island of Bali, east of Java. However, elsewhere in South-East Asia the picture is now very different, Hinduism long ago replaced by Buddhism. This is the result of a long and complex, though not especially bloody, history of doctrinal contests between the two faiths. Hindu cults’ close associations with ruling dynasties ultimately worked against them, when those dynasties fell. But there was also competition among strains of Buddhism, Tantra, originally ‘the loom’ or ‘the framework’, Mahāyāna, ‘the great vehicle’ and Theravāda, ‘the docrine of the elders’. Theravada, buttressed by links with the Sinhala in Śri Lanka, ultimately triumphed in South-East Asia. Nevertheless, all these struggles took place against an unchallenged background of Indian learning.

佛教传教士实际上是在第一批印度海盗和商人之后很快就来的，如果不是和他们一起来的话。锡兰编年史讲述了阿育王在公元前 3 世纪⁴⁰年派遣两名僧侣So a和Uttara到苏瓦阿布米尽管东南亚（现代缅甸和泰国地区）佛教活动的第一份考古记录是从公元五世纪开始的。印度教一直是一种可能会吸引国王和统治精英的宗教，但不会自愿吸引在印度教种姓制度中受到特别压迫的下层阶级，即首陀罗和流放者。相比之下，佛教强调个人追求启蒙的平等主义，原则上可以更广泛地吸引人。在印度进入该地区的早期，两种宗教似乎都有代表。他们互补的魅力甚至可能起到相互支持的作用，同时在外人中推广印度文化。

Buddhist missionaries actually came very soon after the first Indian buccaneers and traders, if not along with them. Ceylonese chronicles tell of Aśoka sending two monks, Soa and Uttara, to Suvaabhūmi in the third century BC,⁴⁰ although the first archaeological records of Buddhist activity in South-East Asia (in the areas of modern Burma and Thailand) are from the fifth century AD. Hinduism was always a religion likely to appeal to kings and a ruling elite, but not voluntarily to the lower orders, the Śudras and outcastes, who are singularly downtrodden in the Hindu caste system; by contrast, Buddhism, with its egalitarian emphasis on personal quest for enlightenment, could in principle appeal much more widely. It seems likely that in the early days of Indian advance into the region both religions were represented; their complementary charms may even have served to back each other up, while promoting Indian culture among outsiders.

宗教区别总是有一些语言含义，印度教徒偏爱古典梵语，而佛教徒偏爱密切相关但更简单的巴利语。随着时间的流逝，巴利语也有被重新包装成古老梵文形式的趋势，从而产生了佛教混合梵文的特殊风格。古典梵语的真正学习和创造力往往在印度教地区达到最佳状态，例如占婆、柬埔寨、爪哇和巴厘岛。

The religious distinction always had some linguistic implications, the Hindus favouring classical Sanskrit, while the Buddhists preferred the closely related but somewhat simpler Pali. As time wore on, there was also a tendency for Pali to be reclothed in archaic Sanskrit forms, giving rise to the particular style of Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit. Real learning, and creativity, in classical Sanskrit tended to be at its best in the Hindu areas, such as Champa, Cambodia, Java and Bali.

尽管佛陀最初敦促他的弟子放弃严格的语言规范并使用任何方言（sakayā niruttiyā）来传达信息，但佛经仍留在东南亚的巴利语中，与中国和西藏——没有大力将它们翻译成当地语言。巴利语成为一种深奥的礼仪语言，普通民众不知道，但显然对佛教的传播没有不利影响。

Despite the Buddha’s original urgings to his disciples to leave behind strict linguistic codes and work in any vernacular (sakayā niruttiyā) in order to get the message across, the Buddhist scriptures remained in Pali in South-East Asia, where—in contrast with China and Tibet—there was no major effort to translate them into local languages. Pali became an esoteric liturgical language, unknown to the general population, but apparently without adverse effects on the spread of Buddhism.

也没有任何相反的趋势将巴利语或某种形式的梵语作为佛教礼仪和辩论之外的一般交流语言。巴利语中没有世俗文学，即使名义上讲述佛陀前世的本生故事与伊索寓言等其他故事书或印度的同义词Pañcatantra很相似。而在东南亚，巴利语作为一种礼仪语言幸存下来，当地的白话与之无关：缅甸语、泰语、高棉语、亚齐语、马来语和爪哇语都与巴利语无关，因为它们与来自印度语言。

Nor was there any converse tendency to have Pali, or some form of Sanskrit, taken up as a language of general communication outside Buddhist liturgy and debate. There is no secular literature in Pali, even if the Jātaka tales, which nominally recount the past lives of the Buddha, are rather like such other story books as Aesop’s Fables, or its Indian equivalent, the Pañcatantra. And in South-East Asia, where Pali survives as a liturgical language, the local vernacular has nothing to do with it: Burmese, Thai, Khmer, Acehnese, Malay and Javanese are all unrelated to Pali, heavy as they are with loans from the Indian languages.

佛教已被证明是一种从印度向外到北部和东部具有非凡吸引力的信仰，因此巴利文和梵文在这些广阔的地区非常有名。但它们只不过是礼仪语言。因此，佛教的语言效果远弱于基督教或伊斯兰教。毕竟，西方基督教的语言拉丁语为同一时期（公元 500-1500 年）在修道院和欧洲大学中共同语言的发展奠定了基础。伊斯兰教在北非、阿拉伯、巴勒斯坦和美索不达米亚各地传播阿拉伯语，一直持续到今天，作为受过教育的国际通用语的形式保持不变，并且随着当地的变化，成为许多白话的基础。没有可比的佛教徒语言联盟，

Buddhism has proved a faith of remarkable attractiveness from India outward to the north and east, and so Pali and Sanskrit are extremely well known in these vast areas. But they have remained no more than liturgical languages. As a result, Buddhism’s linguistic effects have been far weaker than those of Christianity or Islam. After all, Latin, the language of Western Christianity, provided the foundation for the growth of a common language in the monasteries and then the universities of Europe in this same period (AD 500-1500). Islam propagated Arabic all round North Africa, Arabia, Palestine and Mesopotamia, persisting up to the present day, both in unchanged form as an international lingua franca for the educated and, with local variations, as the basis of many vernaculars. There is no comparable linguistic union of Buddhists, in their daily languages.

至于梵语故事的这一部分是如何使用这种语言的，几乎没有什么可说的。在印度教中，隐含在吠陀经的声音中的美德早已与理解其含义的任何需要分开。现在再一次对佛教徒来说，这种语言不再被广泛理解，但仍然在诵经和仪式中被广泛听到，它的实质和声音开始被赋予他们自己的神秘价值。对许多人来说，梵文成为咒语、“咒语”和ma ala、“圆、神圣图”的语言。在中世纪的日本，重复namu amida butsu，一个版本的nama 阿弥陀佛，“顶礼金刚觉者”，是死后到达净土的万无一失的方法。直到今天，数以百万计的藏人都在吟唱om ma i padme hum，“向莲花中的宝石致敬”，这是密宗佛教的一个神秘短语，它最初的性意象现在已经完全被遗忘了。

As for how the language was used in this part of Sanskrit’s story, there is little to say. In Hinduism, the virtue implicit in the very sound of the Vedas had long since been separated from any need to understand their meaning. Now once again for the Buddhists, with the language no longer widely understood, but still widely heard in chants and ceremonial, its substance and sound began to be given a mystic value of their own. Sanskrit became for many a language of mantra, ‘incantation’ and maala, ‘circle, sacred diagram’. In medieval Japan, repeating namu amida butsu, a version of nama Amitabha Buddha, ‘Bowing to you, O Resplendent Enlightened One’, was the infallible means of reaching the Pure Land after death. And to this day millions of Tibetans chant om mai padme hum, ‘Hail the jewel in the lotus’, a mystical phrase from Tantric Buddhism, its original sexual imagery now quite forgotten.

更务实的是，与书写和分析梵文相关的技术和系统为其他语言的识字奠定了基础。通过这种方式，人们无法直接交流的神圣语言仍然可以在当地白话中继续鼓舞人心的发展。

More pragmatically, the technology and systems associated with writing and analysing Sanskrit provided the basis for literacy in other languages. In this way, sacred languages, unavailable for direct communication among people, could still go on inspiring developments in the local vernaculars.

梵语的出现，在中国被称为fànwén，“婆罗门文字”，在日本被称为bongo，“婆罗门谈话”，对东亚使用的基于字符的书写系统只有很小的影响，因为这已经已经在中国建立了超过一千年：相反，在这些国家的佛教实践中，汉字经常被使用（尽管只是语音）来代表梵文本身。

The advent of Sanskrit, known as fànwén, ‘Brahman writing’, in China, bongo, ‘Brahman talk’, in Japan, had only a small effect on the character-based system of writing in use in East Asia, since this had already been well established in China for over a millennium: rather, Chinese characters are often used (though only phonetically) to represent Sanskrit itself in the Buddhist practice of these countries.

它确实产生的一种影响是对汉语语音的影响。唐代（七至八世纪）的中国学者，知道梵文字母传统可以识别字符的声母，称它们为zìmŭ，“词母亲”，显然是在梵文术语māt kā，“母性”之后，这也是一个字母。这些是用来系统化字典中指示发音的传统做法：中文字典一直都是通过所谓的fànqiě来做到这一点的。，将一个字符与其他两个字符连接起来，一个具有相同的声母，另一个具有相同的声调和押韵。将其放入系统图表中是语言理解的一个非常温和的步骤，因为没有对押韵部分（例如，元音和辅音）进行进一步分析。⁴¹

One effect it did have was on Chinese phonetics. Chinese scholars of the Tang period (seventh to eighth centuries), knowing the Sanskrit alphabetic tradition could identify the initial consonants of characters, called them zìmŭ, ‘word mothers’, apparently after the Sanskrit term mātkā, ‘maternal’, which is also a letter of the alphabet. These were used to systematise the traditional practice for indicating pronunciation in dictionaries: Chinese dictionaries have always done this by what is called fànqiě, linking a character with two others, one with the same initial consonant, and the other with the same tone and rhyme. Putting this into a systematic chart was a very modest step in linguistic understanding, since no further analysis of the rhyme part (for example, into vowels and consonants) was undertaken.⁴¹

在这个广阔的亚洲地区使用的其他一种书写系统也有一种有趣的好奇心。^*日本在其音节中的符号顺序，即所谓的假名或go-jū-on，“五十个声音”，取决于印度字母表中的字母顺序。梵文字母的顺序通常是

There is also an interesting curiosity in one of the other writing systems used in this vast area of Asia.^* Japan owes the order of symbols in its syllabary, the so-called kana, or go-jū-on, ‘fifty sounds’, to the order of letters in Indian alphabets. The order of Sanskrit letters is conventionally

这不像我们的ABCD ^...因此，例如，所有辅音都按照舌头接触从口腔后部到前部逐渐推进的顺序排列。并且鼻辅音（m、n等）总是紧跟在同一发音位置形成的其他辅音之后。元音的奇怪顺序部分取决于这样一个事实，即梵语中的大多数e和o实例实际上源自双元音ai和au，因此被很好地分类在它们的长等值āi和āu 旁边。

This is not an arbitrary order like our ABCD… ^† Rather it appeals to various purely phonetic properties of the sounds represented. So, for example, all the consonants are placed in an order where tongue contact gradually advances from the back to the front of the mouth cavity. And the nasal consonants (m, n, etc.) always come immediately after the other consonants formed at the same place of articulation. The strange order of the vowels is partly conditioned by the fact that most instances of e and o in Sanskrit actually derive from the diphthongs ai and au, and so are well classified next to their long equivalents āi and āu.

现在日文假名代表音节，而不是单个辅音。他们的发音在过去的千年中肯定发生了变化，但使用可重构的最古老的发音，我们可以将常规顺序表述为：

Now the Japanese kana represent syllables, rather than individual consonants. Their pronunciation has definitely changed over the last millennium, but using the most ancient pronunciation reconstructible, we can state the conventional order as:

我们立即注意到元音（aiueo）的任意顺序与梵语中的完全一样，尽管这在日语语法中没有动机。此外，虽然日语中的辅音比梵语少得多，但它们的出现顺序几乎与梵语字母表中的相同。事实上，只有一个明显的例外 s，它出现在 c 或应该出现的地方，而不是像梵文的咝咝声那样出现在结尾。事实上有理由相信这个音素的发音实际上是[š]（英语'sh'）或[t ^s ]，当设置常规顺序时，这意味着它最接近梵语c（英语' ch'，[tš]）。

Immediately we note that the arbitrary order of the vowels (a i u e o) is precisely as in Sanskrit, although this has no motivation in Japanese grammar. Furthermore, although there are many fewer consonants in Japanese than in Sanskrit, they occur in almost exactly the same order as in the Sanskrit alphabet. In fact, there is only one apparent exception, s, which occurs where c or should be, not at the end like the Sanskrit sibilants. In fact there is reason to believe that the pronunciation of this phoneme was actually [š] (English ‘sh’) or [t^s], when the conventional order was set up, which means it would be closest to Sanskrit c (English ‘ch’, [tš]).

这种在书写系统的根源上彻底的知识借用表明，不仅佛教圣歌的声音，而且对语言的传统分析元素也随着梵文传播到了日本。

This thoroughgoing intellectual borrowing at the root of the writing system demonstrates that not just the sound of the Buddhist chants but also elements of the traditional analysis of the language had spread to Japan with Sanskrit.

梵文知识分子对书写技术的影响的另一个例子是西藏文字，我们在公元八世纪首次使用它，直接源自悉达文字。已知最早的使用它是在拉萨附近 Žol 的石柱上，可追溯到 764 年。⁴²

Another example of Sanskrit intellectual influence on the technology of writing is the Tibetan script, which we first see in use in the eighth century AD, derived directly from the Siddha script. The earliest-known use of it is on a stone pillar at Žol near Lhasa, dated to 764.⁴²

目前尚不清楚西藏的文化是否归功于佛教，或者是行政现代化的尝试。现存第一批铭文的时代，正是佛教与僧巳陀罗伊达第一次传入西藏的时期。但左尔柱铭文中并没有提到佛教，这是一个皇家大臣的功绩记录。⁴³

It is not quite clear if Tibet owes its literacy to Buddhism, or to attempts to modernise administration. The era of the first surviving inscriptions is precisely the time when Buddhism first came to Tibet, with the monk Śāntarakita. But there is no mention of Buddhism on the Žol pillar inscription, which is a record of a royal minister’s achievements.⁴³

无论动机如何，很明显，藏文字母是受印度模式的启发，用于书写梵文或

Whatever the motivation, it is clear that the Tibetan alphabet was inspired by an Indian model, and one that was used for the writing of Sanskrit or

普拉克里特。藏文文字一经确立，就在很大程度上被梵文或巴利文的佛教经典翻译所占据。这变成了这样一个行业，以至于 9 世纪初西藏皇家委员会成立了一个精确的对等规则（类似于今天某些工业翻译中使用的“受控语言”）。其结果是降低了翻译中的文学技巧，但工作如此严谨，以至于经常可以仅根据藏文版本来重建丢失的梵文原件。

Prakrit. And Tibetan writing, once established, was very largely taken up with the translation of Buddhist classics from Sanskrit or Pali. This became such an industry that there was a Tibetan royal commission in the early ninth century to establish precise rules for equivalences (comparable to the ‘controlled language’ used in some industrial translation today). The result was a lowering of the literary skill displayed in translation, but such punctilious work was done that it is often possible to reconstruct lost Sanskrit originals simply on the basis of their Tibetan versions.

西藏梵文文化的这些宗教基础在 13 世纪被范围更广的古典文学的上层建筑所超越，因为当时穆斯林入侵者摧毁了印度北部的所有高等学府，许多学者带着他们的书籍向北逃往西藏。1206 年，九位梵文专家陪同Khatšhe pantšhen Śākyašrībhadra前往西藏，五十年后，印度专家Lak mīkara和西藏学者šo -ston Rdo-rdže rgyal msthan在梵文戏剧、诗歌和诗学方面进行了合作。⁴⁴

These religious foundations of Tibet’s Sanskrit culture were surmounted by a superstructure of wider-ranging classical literature in the thirteenth century, for then Muslim invaders devastated all the centres of higher learning in northern India, and many scholars fled northward into Tibet with their books. Nine Sanskrit pundits accompanied the Khatšhe pantšhen Śākyašrībhadra to Tibet in 1206, and fifty years later there was collaboration on Sanskrit drama, poetry and poetics between the Indian pundit Lakmīkara and the Tibetan scholar šo-ston Rdo-rdže rgyal msthan.⁴⁴

想想八百年前西藏是逃离印度北部劫掠异教徒的佛教徒的避难所，这在某种程度上令人欣慰——这与我们在 20 世纪下半叶所知道的完全相反。

It is somehow reassuring to think that eight hundred years ago Tibet was a refuge for Buddhists fleeing from marauding infidels in northern India—the precise opposite of what we have known in the latter part of the twentieth century.

梵文被取代

Sanskrit supplanted

十世纪末，穆斯林的入侵始于阿富汗的加兹尼。穆斯林的“德里苏丹国”用了 300 年时间控制了从印度河到恒河的整个平原，又用了一个世纪的时间来控制次大陆的其余大部分地区。他们的团结并没有持续下去，但他们在印度的存在仍然很重要，尤其是在 1505 年之后，巴布尔率领另一支军队从阿富汗下来，建立了莫卧儿帝国。

Muslim invasions had started from Ghazni in Afghanistan in the late tenth century. It took three hundred years for the Muslims’ ‘Delhi Sultanate’ to take control of the whole plain from Indus to Ganges, and another century to grasp most of the rest of the subcontinent. Their unity was not sustained, but their presence in India continued to count, especially after 1505, when Babur, leading yet another army down from Afghanistan, founded the Mughal empire.

印度人将这些入境者称为Turu ka（“土耳其人”）。他们带来了一种新的自信文明，这种文明以东突厥语（恰合台语）的形式进行交谈，用阿拉伯语祈祷，但最重要的是用波斯语识字。

The incomers were known to the Indians as Turuka (’Turks’). They brought in a new self-confident civilisation that conversed in a form of eastern Turkic (Chagatay), prayed in Arabic, but was literate above all in Persian.

他们的文化自信，他们对端庄行为和生活意义的完全陌生的概念，尤其是他们在波斯语中进行的发达的行政系统，意味着他们比以前的非教义入侵具有远非常多的语言效果从 Saka、Kushāna 和 Hū a 的同一方向。现在梵文第一次被取代为印度的精英语言。

Their cultural self-confidence, their totally alien concepts of decorous behaviour and the point of life, and above all their developed systems of administration conducted in Persian, meant that they had far, far more linguistic effect than the previous, non-doctrinal, incursions from the same direction of the Śaka, Kushāna and Hūa. Now for the first time Sanskrit was supplanted as the elite language of India.

具有讽刺意味的是，穆斯林入侵非洲大陆的成功很大程度上归功于他们的骑兵技巧，以及他们带来的阿富汗优良马匹。公元前二千年的雅利安骑马入侵者的遥远后裔终于在他们自己的游戏中被打败了。

Ironically, the Muslims’ success in invading the continent was largely a result of their skill with cavalry, and the fine Afghan-bred horses that they brought with them. The distant descendants of the Aryan horse-borne invaders of the second millennium BC had at last been beaten at what had once been their own game.

大约在同一时间，东南亚一些曾经讲梵语的文明开始接受同样的新宗教，但显然出于完全不同的动机。

At about the same time, some of the civilisations of South-East Asia that had been Sanskrit-speaking were taking up the same new religion, but apparently for quite different motives.

这里没有军事征服，也没有有利于低种姓的社会革命。尽管如此，苏门答腊北部的一些港口在 13 世纪末和 14 世纪初成为穆斯林，而位于马来半岛的最重要的贸易中心马六甲（马六甲）在 15 世纪初的某个时候接受了伊斯兰教。^*该宗教在其贸易伙伴中广泛传播，尤其是爪哇、南苏拉威西、摩鹿加群岛和棉兰老岛。据推测，这种影响来自印度以外的穆斯林商人，也许是一种商业多米诺骨牌效应，一个又一个王国认为，只有当他们接受信仰时，他们才能保持与印度的联系——或者可能是对绝望的回应在葡萄牙人到来之前，伊斯兰教急于传教。⁴⁵不管是什么联系，新的宗教创造了一种新的社会氛围，结束了梵语作为这里文化代表语言的统治。

There was no military conquest here, nor social revolution in favour of lower castes. Nevertheless, some ports in northern Sumatra became Muslim in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, and Melaka (Malacca), the most important trading centre, situated on the Malay peninsula, embraced Islam some time in the early fifteenth.^* The religion spread widely among its trading partners, notably to Java, south Sulawesi, the Moluccas and Mindanao. It is presumed that the influence came from Muslim traders out of India, perhaps in a kind of commercial domino effect, with kingdom after kingdom reckoning that they stood to maintain their Indian links only if they took up the faith—or perhaps responding to a desperate Islamic rush to proselytise before the arrival of the Portuguese.⁴⁵ Whatever the linkage, the new religion created a new social climate, and put an end to Sanskrit’s reign as the representative language of culture here.

梵文的魅力

The charm of Sanskrit

梵文魅力的根源

The roots of Sanskrit’s charm

keyūrā na vibhū ayanti puru ām harā na candrojjvalā na snāna na vilepana na kusuma nāla k tā mūrdhana bhā āikā samala karoti puru am yā sa sk tā dhāryate kīyante khalu bhū a ani satata vāgbhū a a bhū ā am

keyūrā na vibhūayanti puruām hārā na candrojjvalā na snāna na vilepana na kusuma nālaktā mūrdhana bhāāikā samalakaroti puruam yā sasktā dhāryate kīyante khalu bhūaāni satata vāgbhūaa bhūāam

手镯不点缀人，项链不亮如月；沐浴、化妆品、花环、头饰，无一能加分。人类真正的点缀是语言的完美化：华服必将消亡，但美语的精致却永恒。

Bracelets do not embellish man, nor necklaces bright as the moon; bathing, cosmetics, garland, head-dress, none can add a whit. Man’s one true embellishment is language kept perfected: finery must perish, but eternal the refinement of fine language.

巴特哈里，二。17-20

Bharthari, ii. 17-20

一种语言最初是印欧语系的分支，定居在世界上一个绝对安静的角落，兴都库什山脉的山脚下，作为一种方言传播到整个印度恒河平原，作为一种精英语言，由印度教承载，到印度次大陆的其他地区。从那里开始，它通过贸易向东传播，并成为一千年来对一个全新的次大陆和群岛的文化灵感。这就是梵语的自主成长。

A language that began as an Indo-European offshoot settled in a decidedly quiet corner of the world, the foothills of the Hindu Kush, spread as a vernacular all over the Indo-Gangetic plain, and as an elite language, borne by Hindu religion, to the rest of the Indian subcontinent. From there it spread eastward across the sea through trade, and became for a thousand years the cultural inspiration to a whole new subcontinent and archipelago. This was the autonomous growth of Sanskrit.

但是在梵语的第一个千年开始的宗教之一在其第二个和第三个千年继续发展：佛教首先通过梵语和Prakrits传播到印度和印度支那。然后宗教表明它可以超越它的本土国家，它在印度文化中的家园。向北移动，最后向东移动，它在中国、朝鲜、日本、西藏和蒙古社会赢得了皈依和繁荣。尽管随着宗教在世界范围内的发展而发生了变化，但梵文和巴利文并没有发生重大变化，作为佛教高等学府的附属品，无论他们走到哪里，都伴随着它。这是梵文的搭便车，它的交通工具佛教有着各种形式。

But one of the religions that had started in Sanskrit’s first millennium continued to grow through its second and third: Buddhism spread first with Sanskrit and the Prakrits across India and Indo-China. Then the religion showed that it could transcend its native state, its home in Indian culture. Moving northward and finally eastward, it won converts and flourished in Chinese, Korean, Japanese, Tibetan and Mongolian societies. Although the religion metamorphosed as it progressed across the world, Sanskrit and Pali travelled with it without significant change, as adjuncts to Buddhist higher learning wherever it took them. This was Sanskrit’s free ride, its vehicle Buddhism in all its many forms.

现在是时候考虑是什么让梵文成长了，以及佛教本身是否可能对这种极其迷人的人类表达方式有所贡献。

It is now time to consider what it was about Sanskrit which made it grow, and whether Buddhism itself may have owed something to this consummately charming form of human expression.

梵文有很多优点。这是一种自觉的精英，婆罗门和刹帝利的语言，他们认为自己有权支配与他们接触的其他民族，并且拥有这样做的技术手段。此外，他们的语言是他们自己文化图景的中心，因为语法是他们科学的女王。梵文中的设施被视为文明存在的标志，是一个人在世界上作为ārya的地位的标志，但它也是可教的，被教的东西。

Sanskrit had many advantages. It was the language of a self-conscious elite, the Brahmans and Kshatriyas, who considered themselves entitled to dominate other peoples with whom they came into contact, and had the technical means to do so. Furthermore, their language was at the very centre of their own picture of their culture, since grammar was the queen of their sciences. Facility in Sanskrit was seen as the hallmark of civilised existence, of one’s place in the world as an ārya, but it was also something that was teachable, and was taught.

几个世纪以来，人们对这种知识的真正价值的信念逐渐发生变化，从需要保证对神的崇拜，到维护社会秩序，再到提高文化欣赏的光泽。

Beliefs about the true value of this knowledge gradually changed over the centuries, from the need to guarantee the cult of the gods, to maintenance of the social order, and then to enhancement of the patina of cultural appreciation.

尽管一些社会力量在世俗层面（例如，在阿育王等国王的修行中）和精神世界（例如，在佛陀的态度中）提倡不那么精英的语言形式，但它们逐渐失去了发挥自封的完美语言sa sk tā bhā ā的有教养的、自觉的魅力：由于它对自身的详尽描述和分析，它总能证明什么是最好的以及为什么它是最好的。因此，它对向上流动的机构具有不可抗拒的吸引力：在印度寻求更广泛认可的印度教王国（如 Rudradaman）、印度支那王朝（如ŚailendraBnam）寻求证明他们的合法性，佛教学校想要赋予他们的灵修文本以声望。

Although some social forces promoted less elite forms of the language, both at a secular level (for example, in the practice of kings such as Aśoka) and in the spiritual world (for example, in the attitudes of the Buddha), they gradually lost out to the cultivated, self-conscious charm of the self-styled Perfected Language, sasktā bhāā: because of its elaborated descriptions and analyses of itself, it could always demonstrate what was best and why it was best. It thereby made itself irresistibly attractive to upwardly mobile institutions: Hindu kingdoms (such as that of Rudradaman) seeking wider recognition in India, Indo-Chinese dynasties (such as the Śailendra of Bnam) seeking to demonstrate their legitimacy, Buddhist schools wanting to endow their devotional texts with prestige.

制度的自然保守主义意味着它们的符号会趋于僵化——见证巴利语在佛教徒中的命运，开始是对不闷人的通用语的尝试，但最终只是另一种古典语言。印度有着种姓制度，如果不是保守机构的所在地，那也算不了什么。这种保守主义总是在梵语的手中发挥作用：它通过自己的经文被捍卫为不变的语言标准，任何改变都意味着衰落和退化。

The natural conservatism of institutions meant that their symbols would tend to ossify—witness the fate of the Pali language among the Buddhists, starting as an attempt at an unstuffy people’s lingua franca but ending up as just another classical language. India, with its caste system, was nothing if not a home of conservative institutions. Such conservatism always played into the hands of Sanskrit: it was defended through its own sutras as the unchanging linguistic standard, from which any change would mean decline and degradation.

在语法书中具体定义，梵语非常容易学习：事实上，可以认为，由于标准是如此明确，如果复杂和深奥，它鼓励明确展示律师般的智慧，尽管总是在一个奇怪的不切实际的领域离婚从惩罚，财产和军事力量的通常要求。没有基于其辩论结果的战争，尽管它们经常（并且现在）激烈争论。Vyākāra a，语法分析，为智力锻炼和争论提供了一个自然的论坛，只关心语言世界中什么是正确的，或者它应该如何最好地形式化。俗话说：

Being concretely defined in the grammar books, Sanskrit was eminently learnable: indeed, it could be held that since the standard was so explicit, if complex and abstruse, it encouraged explicit displays of lawyer-like intelligence, though always in a strangely impractical realm divorced from the usual imperatives of penalties, property and military force. There were no wars based on the results of its debates, hotly disputed though they often were (and are). Vyākāraa, grammatical analysis, provided a natural forum for intellectual exercise and argument, simply concerned with the establishment of what was right in the world of language, or how it should best be formalised. As the saying had it:

ardhamātrālāghavena putrotsavam iva manyante vāiyākāraā

语法学家们为节省一半的措施而高兴，就像生了一个儿子一样。

The grammarians rejoice at the saving of half a measure as at the birth of a son.

一个结果是，婆罗门技能永远不会沦为单纯的死记硬背和规定，因为它们是建立在一个严密的知识结构之上的。

One result was that Brahmanical skills could never decline into mere rote learning and stipulation, since they were based in a rigorously articulated intellectual structure.

与语言学一样，印度科学领域也是如此。梵文文明持续诉诸抽象原则，而非其自身特定的文化传统，与西方的希腊和罗马文明不同。印度文化并不围绕其史诗和文学经典展开，尽管它们是珍贵的。它的哲学也不强调对社会有用的理论，如政治、伦理或说服艺术。相反，它是关于存在状态和感知模式的理论。梵文理论在某种意义上无法与现实世界联系起来。正如巴沙姆指出的那样：

As in linguistics, so in the gamut of Indian sciences. In its continual appeal to abstract principle, rather than its own specific cultural tradition, Sanskrit-based civilisation is different from those of Greece and Rome to its west. Indian culture does not revolve around its epics and its literary classics, treasured though these are. Nor does its philosophy emphasise socially useful theories, such as politics, ethics or the art of persuasion. Rather it theorises about states of being and modes of perception. There is a certain sense in which Sanskrit theory fails to connect with the practical world. As Basham points out:

……学者的地理知识描述最模糊。即使在印度，文本中给出的距离和方向通常也非常模糊和不准确。率领军队千里征战的征服者，将货物从印度一端运到另一端的商人，以及从喜马拉雅山脉到科摩林角参观圣地的朝圣者，都必须对印度有扎实的实践知识。地理，而从索科特拉岛航行到坎顿的海员的地理范围肯定更大；但在当时的文献中很少有这种知识的回声。⁴⁶

… the geographical knowledge of the learned was of the vaguest description. Even within India distances and directions, as given in texts, are usually very vague and inaccurate. The conquerors who led their armies thousands of miles on their campaigns, the merchants who carried their wares from one end of India to the other, and the pilgrims who visited sacred places from the Himalayas to Cape Comorin must have had a sound practical knowledge of Indian geography, while that of the seamen who sailed the ocean from Socotra to Canton must have been even wider; but there are few echoes of this knowledge in the literature of the time.⁴⁶

梵文在其利益上空灵，超越了当地的忠诚和个人细节，在印度文明中取得并仍然享有作为一种准通用语言的地位，即使现在印度部分地区存在持久的声音，他们会否认它，并强调它起源于北方的地方语言。它的妹妹巴利语也享有同样的地位，尽管只在佛教徒中，而且大多在印度以外。这两种语言的泛印度，几乎是泛亚洲的地位的一个标志是，与印度和印度支那的所有其他语言不同，它们用源自婆罗米语的所有不同文字写成冷漠：它们因此，在印度语环境中是“全球本地化的”，无论是什么方言，在家里都是一种神圣的语言。

Ethereal in its interests, above local loyalties and personal detail, Sanskrit achieved, and still enjoys, a status within Indian civilisation as a quasi-universal language, even if there are now persistent voices in parts of India who would disown it, and emphasise its origins as a local language of the north. Pali, its younger sister, has enjoyed something of the same status, though only among Buddhists, and mostly outside India itself. One sign of these two languages’ pan-Indian, almost pan-Asian, status is the fact that, unlike all the other languages of India and Indo-China, they are written indifferently in all the different scripts that have descended from Brahmi: they are thus ‘globally local’ in the Indic context, at home as a holy language whatever the vernacular.

但对于古典语言来说，它们总是对书面存在漠不关心，无论是何种文字。我们已经注意到印度文化中对写作的典型不信任。事实上，这不仅适用于这些雅利安语言，而且更普遍地适用于：事实上，印度任何地方的第一个神圣书面文本是17 世纪产生的锡克教徒的Guru Granth Sahib 。（而锡克教明确地将伊斯兰教及其对古兰经书面文本的崇拜作为主要灵感。）

But for classical languages, they have always been strangely indifferent to a written existence, in whatever script. We have noted the characteristic distrust of writing in Indian culture. This in fact applies not just to these Aryan languages, but more generally: in fact, the first sacred written text anywhere in India is the Sikhs’ Guru Granth Sahib, produced in the seventeenth century. (And Sikhism explicitly takes Islam, with its adoration of the written text of the Koran, as a major inspiration.)

这种对保存和口头传播的文本的更大尊重可能使梵文能够为广大公众所接受，成为一种祈祷和奉献的语言，以及一种古代文学作品的语言。举一个例子，一首当地流行的赞美诗vande utkalā jananī，“我向奥里萨妈妈致敬”，实际上是用梵语表达的，尽管唱这首歌的人几乎没有注意到。

This greater esteem for texts preserved and transmitted orally has probably kept Sanskrit accessible to a wide public, a language of prayers and devotion, as well as a language of ancient works of literature. To pick one example, a popular local hymn, vande utkalā jananī, ‘I salute, O mother Orissa’, is in fact expressed in Sanskrit, although those who sing it hardly notice.

同时，它被两种媒体保存下来，直接记录在手稿传统中，以及独特地通过梵文语法家的口述传统，这一事实可能阻止了梵文的发音在三千多年的时间里发生了显着变化。它的礼仪生活。^*

Meanwhile the fact that it was preserved by two media, straightforwardly written down in a manuscript tradition, as well as distinctively through the oral tradition of the Sanskrit grammarians, may have prevented the pronunciation of Sanskrit from changing markedly over the three thousand and more years of its liturgical life.^*

这个故事的一方面就像希伯来语的幸存：一个神圣的传统，建立在用一种不再有人说的语言背诵文本的基础上，或多或少地完整地保存了这种语言。但另一面与地球上的其他任何事物都不一样：就好像希伯来传统的数字，它为字母分配数值，然后通过添加它们给短语赋予神秘的重要数字，^†在一组方程式中定义了一个代表整个希伯来语的替代方法，因此保留其语法和发音完全独立于托拉和塔木德中所写的内容。

One side of this story is like the survival of Hebrew: a holy tradition, built on recitation of texts in a language that no one spoke any longer, has preserved the language more or less intact. But the other side is like nothing else on earth: it is as if the Hebrew tradition of gematria, which assigned numerical values to letters and by so adding them gave mystically significant numbers to phrases, ^† had defined, in a set of equations, an alternative means of representing the whole Hebrew language, so preserving its grammar and pronunciation quite independently of what was written in the Torah and Talmud.

尽管如此，梵文及其所表达的印度文化对局外人的吸引力仍然难以捉摸。我曾就此向印度朋友提问，指出孟、蒙达或蒙古人在没有强迫的情况下接受雅利安文化、语言和宗教显然是不合理的。他们指出，对皈依者的要求是多么少，要么接受新的仪式，要么抛弃他们的旧方式。供奉神灵，但作为印度教或佛教信徒的明确职责很少。印度教显然可以在其中为所有其他信仰找到一席之地：古老的忠诚可以简单地结合起来，就像在福南的基础神话中一样。大乘佛教与印度教一样包容，在其范围内拥有永恒的宇宙和神灵。

For all this, the attractiveness to outsiders of Sanskrit and the Indian culture it expressed remains elusive. I have questioned Indian friends about it, pointing out the apparently unreasonable readiness of Mon, Munda or Mongolian to accept Aryan culture, language and religion when presented to them without coercion. They point out how little was asked of converts, either to take up as new observance or to cast aside from their old ways. Offerings are made to deities, but explicit duties as an adherent of Hinduism or Buddhism are few. Hinduism can apparently find a place within it for all other faiths: old allegiances can simply be incorporated, as in the foundation myth of Funan. Mahayana Buddhism was as accommodating as Hinduism, with an eternity of universes and gods in its purview. Other forms of Buddhism were oriented in a completely different direction, giving guidance on ethics and personal enlightenment, but leaving old beliefs and allegiances undisturbed.

但这纯粹是没有障碍：它不能解释为什么在如此多的不同背景下人们选择效仿印度的榜样，而不是坚持他们的老路。毫无疑问，采用梵文传播的新文化的决定通常是由精英成员做出的，然后在更广泛的人群中强制或诱导。接受佛教的决定可能更多地是由个人做出的。但无论在什么层面做出决定，决策者一定都感到他们正在朝着更广阔、更开放的世界迈出一步——打开与印度和西方世界推测的财富以及古老而精巧的智慧的联系。

But this is purely the absence of an obstacle: it does not explain why in so many different contexts people have chosen to follow the Indian example rather than stick with their old ways. The decision to adopt the new culture transmitted in Sanskrit was no doubt often made by members of an elite, then enforced or induced in a wider population. The decision to adopt Buddhism may more often have been for individuals to make. But at whatever level the decision was made, the decision-makers must have felt they were taking a step towards a wider, more open world—opening links to the surmised wealth of India and the Western world, and to its ancient and elaborate wisdom.

该决定不会一劳永逸地做出，也不会预见到它将带来的印度支那、中国和东方的根本变化。但总的来说，无论采取什么方式，这个决定都被卡住了。而且，无论是在开始时，还是在后来的几年或几个世纪里，当印度人和皈依者都非常了解对方时，都没有任何军事诱因，这表明文化同化在某种程度上被认为是有价值的，值得追求和发展。

The decision will not have been taken once and for all, nor with any prescience of the fundamental changes in Indo-China, China and the East that it would bring about. But by and large the decision, wherever taken, stuck. And the absence of any military inducement, either at the outset, or in the later years or centuries when both Indians and the converts were well aware each of the other, argues that the cultural assimilation was recognised somehow as good value, and well worth pursuing and developing.

限制弱点

Limiting weaknesses

然而，梵文的人类世界并非没有，也不是没有缺点。

And yet the human world of Sanskrit was not, and is not, without its disadvantages.

在军事上，它从来没有建立一个强大的防御中心，而是倾向于依赖天然屏障，这些屏障会定期被来自西北部的入侵者破坏。在社会上，它仍然是保守的和分层的，更喜欢理论化为什么社会封闭和僵化是最好的，而不是利用其才能在军事、政治或经济上进行创新。在宗教方面，印度教和佛教倾向于创造一种超凡脱俗的价值体系，因此削弱了对忠诚和社会凝聚力的实际关注，并加剧了防御和灵活性方面的根本弱点。

Militarily, it never created a strong defensible centre, tending to rely rather on natural barriers, which were periodically breached by invaders from the north-west. Socially, it remained conservative and stratified, preferring to theorise about why it was best for society to be closed and rigid, rather than to use its talents to innovate, militarily, politically or economically. In religion, Hinduism and Buddhism tended to create an other-worldly system of values, so undercutting practical concerns for loyalty and social cohesion, and compounding the fundamental weaknesses in defence and flexibility.

所有这些问题都隐含在梵文社区中。爬行者迷人地蔓延开来，但随着时间的推移，它往往会硬化成极其错综复杂且相当不屈不挠的缠结树枝。迟早会被无情之手修剪。

All these problems were implicit in the Sanskrit community. The creeper spread charmingly, but in time it tended to harden into an extremely intricate, and fairly unyielding, tangle of branches. In time, it would be pruned by unsympathetic hands.

我们从战争、外交和政府领域开始。

We begin with the domains of war, diplomacy and government.

我们已经看到（从铭文记录）梵语，最初是一种神圣的语言，直到公元二世纪中叶才确立了自己作为政治声明的外在语言，即文法家帕尼尼确立其经典的 650 年后。以前，政府的语言似乎是统治城市的通用语言，尤其是帕塔利普特拉的《摩揭地语》：在帕尼尼之后 250 年，当阿育王在印度北部和中部设置纪念碑时，它们是用这种《摩揭地语》写成的。然而，有一些证据表明梵文已经渗透到该州的最高层：印度治国之道的伟大手册，ArthaśāstraKautilya的，是用梵文写的，而不是Magadhi。这在传统上被认为是阿育王的祖父 Candragupta (“Moonsecret”) Maurya 的首席部长，他在亚历山大沿印度河短暂进军后不久建立了他的北印度帝国，但它本可以在五个世纪的任何时候写成公元 150 年。当然，梵文在政治记录中的首要地位得到了保证。⁴⁷

We have seen (from the record of inscriptions) that Sanskrit, at first a sacred language, established itself as the outward language for political statements only in the middle of the second century AD, 650 years after the grammarian Panini had established its canon. Previously, it appears that the language of government was the common speech of the ruling city, notably the Magadhi Prakrit of Pataliputra: 250 years after Panini, when Aśoka had set monuments all over north and central India, they were written in this Magadhi Prakrit. Nevertheless, there is some evidence that Sanskrit had already penetrated to the highest levels in the state: the great handbook of Indian statecraft, the Arthaśāstra of Kautilya, is written in Sanskrit, not Magadhi. This is traditionally attributed to the chief minister of Candragupta (’Moonsecret’) Maurya, Aśoka’s grandfather, who had established his northern Indian empire shortly after Alexander’s brief foray along the Indus, but it could have been written at any time in the five centuries to AD 150. By then, certainly, the primacy of Sanskrit in political records was assured.⁴⁷

不管梵文所暗示的文化统一，印度在建立一个可以保卫其边界并确保超过半年的有序继承的大规模政治单位方面，远不如西边的罗马和波斯，或东边的中国那样成功。最多十几代。从公元前 5 世纪到公元 5 世纪，难陀、孔雀王朝、顺噶斯、萨塔瓦哈纳斯和笈多王朝等土着王朝以持续的节奏起起落落，他们的首都通常在 Pataliputra，但没有直接继承感：通常这些较大的王朝在下一个潜在的cakravārtin之前，帝国崩溃成几代分散的封建混战，“轮转者”，即万国君主，应运而生。有时来自西北部的重大入侵会到达帕塔利普特拉，例如，当雅瓦那国王（如米南德——佛教的米林达）从斯瓦特俯冲下来时，或者当说双峰语的伊朗人卡尼什卡在公元一至二世纪。但他们再也没有持续下去。^*

Regardless of the cultural unity signalled by Sanskrit, India was not nearly as successful as Rome and Persia to the west, or China to the east, in establishing a large-scale political unit that could defend its borders and secure orderly succession beyond a half-dozen generations at most. From the fifth century BC to the fifth century AD, indigenous dynasties such as the Nandas, Mauryas, Shungas, Satavahanas and Guptas rose and fell with a persistent rhythm, their capital often at Pataliputra, but with no sense of direct succession: usually these larger empires collapsed into a couple of generations of decentralised feudal melee, before the next would-be cakravārtin, ‘wheel-turner’, i.e. universal monarch, emerged. Sometimes major incursions from the north-west would get as far as Pataliputra, for example when the Yavana kings (such as Menander—Buddhism’s Milinda) swooped down from Swat, or when Kanishka, a Bactrian-speaking Iranian, founded the Kushāna empire, in the first to second centuries AD. But they never lasted any longer.^*

这一时期的所有入侵者——他们还包括说伊朗语的斯基泰人（Śaka）和说突厥语的匈奴人（Hū a）——都符合中国的蒙古人或西欧的日耳曼部落的模式。他们没有建立自己的文化，而是在第一次掠夺之后简单地采用了现有的文化，并以新贵族的身份安顿下来，没有持久的语言影响。梵语和自然语因此被传播给了新的世代和新的民族。这一传统在政治上并不统一，尽管《阿尔塔萨斯特拉》表明它在法律和经济上都是高度组织化和自觉的。

All the invaders in this period—they also included Scythians (Śaka) speaking Iranian, and Xiongnu (Hūa) speaking Turkic—conformed to the pattern of Mongols in China or Germanic tribes in western Europe. They did not establish their own cultures, but after a first period of rapine simply adopted the existing culture and settled down as the new aristocracy, with no lasting linguistic effects. Sanskrit, and the Prakrits, were thus transmitted to new generations and new peoples. The tradition was not politically unified, though the Arthaśāstra shows that it was highly organised and self-conscious, legally and economically.

在此期间没有明显的技术或军事创新，通信肯定仍然困难，这两个原因解释了为什么各个城市和地区保持如此多的独立性，而中央集权的权力在很大程度上是一个未实现的梦想。

There was no apparent technical or military innovation in this period, and communications must have remained difficult, two reasons which explain why the various cities and regions retained so much independence, with the centralised power of the cakravārtin largely an unrealised dream.

Arthaśāstra有一个详尽的外交政策理论，暗示了大量的小国。大多数州都是君主制，但实际上也有共和国，由有钱人组成的委员会统治。生活在恒河以北的瓦沙利的利查维人据说有 7,707 名rājā或“国王”，他们都在部落集会中。佛陀本人就是在这样一个社区长大的，就在喜马拉雅山麓的释迦牟尼之间。据说这一传统激发了僧伽的明显民主实践，僧伽是佛教僧侣的完整社区。

The Arthaśāstra has an elaborate theory of foreign policy, implying a large number of smallish states. Most of the states were monarchies, but there were in fact also republics, ruled by councils of men of substance. The Licchavi, living in Vaiśalī north of the Ganges, are said to have had 7,707 rājās or ‘kings’, all in the tribal assembly. The Buddha himself had grown up in one such community, not far away among the Śākya of the Himalayan foothills. This tradition is said to have inspired the noticeably democratic practice of the sangha, the full community of Buddhist monks.

至于印度社会的社会局限，它必须被视为具有压倒性的分层，一个人的种姓，因此地位，由出生决定。讲梵语的理论家，通常引用吠陀经，毫不费力地为公然的不平等辩护和合理化——即使有时，碰巧是低种姓的自然领袖在没有太多顾忌印度教禁忌的情况下成为国王. 女人的地位也不是讨论的话题，梵文satī原本只是形容词“真、正、善”的阴性，后来被理解为最适用于在丈夫的葬礼上自愿被烧死的妻子柴堆。

As for the social limitations of Indian society, it must be seen as overwhelmingly stratified, with one’s caste, and hence status, determined by birth. Sanskrit-speaking theorists, usually referring back to the Vedas, had no difficulty in justifying and rationalising flagrant inequalities—even if, from time to time, natural leaders who happened to be low-caste made themselves into kings without too much scruple over Hinduism’s taboos. The status of women was also not a matter for discussion, with the Sanskrit word satī, originally just the feminine of the adjective meaning ‘true, correct, good’, coming to be understood as best applied to a wife willingly burnt on her husband’s funeral pyre.

本土思想对颠覆僵化种姓制度的真正贡献是佛教。在这一时期发展的两种变体都是如此。早期的小乘传统鼓励任何人寻求自己的启蒙，尽管他们必须放弃世俗的出家身份才能做到这一点。早期，它还赋予女性平等或至少相当的地位，以追求沉思的生活。后来的大乘不那么朴素，更像是一种日常生活的宗教。它允许信徒与菩萨圣像发展个人关系，其更强烈的社会伦理，普遍的同情和利他主义，也很有吸引力。

The real contribution of indigenous thought to subverting the rigidities of the caste system was Buddhism. This was true in both the variants that developed in this period. The earlier Hīnayāna tradition encouraged anyone to seek their own enlightenment, though they would have to give up the world as monks or nuns in order to do it. Early on, it also gave women equal, or at least comparable, status in pursuing a contemplative life. The later Mahāyāna was less austere, more a religion for everyday life. It allowed believers to develop a personal relationship with the holy figures of bodhisattvas, and its much stronger social ethic, of general compassion and altruism, was also attractive.

不同信仰之间似乎没有太多的宗教不容忍或暴力。在人们感到厌恶的地方，它似乎比基于虔诚更挑剔或迷信。在当时正在写的梵文戏剧和浪漫史中，与僧侣的偶然相遇可能被视为厄运来临的征兆。在同一时期，佛教徒以严谨的思想和高尚的思想建立了令人敬畏的声誉。

There does not seem to have been much religious intolerance or violence as between the different faiths. Where people felt aversion, it seems to have been more fastidious or superstitious than based on piety. In the Sanskrit dramas and romances being written at the time, a chance meeting with a monk may be viewed as a sign of bad luck to come. In this same period, the Buddhists were building up a formidable reputation for intellectual rigour as well as high-mindedness.

那烂陀寺 ( Nālandā Mahāvihāra ) 位于 Pataliputra 以南几天的步行路程，是佛教学习的最高纪念碑。阿育王于公元前三世纪在佛陀最喜爱的出没地点建立了核心寺院，在其一生中繁荣的所有主要朝代都将其重新赋予并重建为学习场所：五世纪的笈多，第七世是哈沙王，第九世是帕拉斯。除了大乘经典和小乘十八宗，教授的科目包括śabdavidyā（梵文语法）、hetuvidyā（逻辑和形而上学）、cikitsavidyā（医学）、śilpasthānavidyā（字面意思是“技术”，包括力学、阴阳和历法），显然也是吠陀经和“杂项研究”，通常被理解为世俗文学。玄奘在七世纪被录取为学生，后来成为教师，他用非常让人联想到现代精英大学的术语来描述这个机构：

The Great Monastery of Nalanda (Nālandā Mahāvihāra), a couple of days’ walk south of Pataliputra, was the supreme monument to Buddhist learning. Aśoka founded the core monastery on the site of a favourite haunt of the Buddha in the third century BC, and all the major dynasties that flourished during its lifespan re-endowed and rebuilt it as a seat of learning: the Guptas in the fifth century, King Harsha in the seventh, the Pālas in the ninth. Besides the scriptures of the Mahayana, and the eighteen sects of the Hinayana, subjects taught included śabdavidyā (Sanskrit grammar), hetuvidyā (logic and metaphysics), cikitsavidyā (medicine), śilpasthānavidyā (literally ‘technology’, including mechanics, yin and yang, and the calendar), apparently also the Vedas, and ‘miscellaneous studies’, generally understood as secular literature. Xuan-Zang, who was enrolled as a student and later a teacher there in the seventh century, describes the institution in terms very reminiscent of a modern elite university:

数以千计的祭司是具有最高能力和才能的人。他们现在的名声很大，名声在远方迅速传扬的有数百人……

The priests to the number of several thousands are men of the highest ability and talent. Their distinction is very great at the present time, and there are many hundreds whose fame has rapidly spread through distant regions…

他们从早到晚都在讨论；老人和年轻人互相帮助。那些无法在Tripi aka中讨论问题的人很少受到尊重，不得不因羞耻而隐藏自己。各城有学问，欲速成名，纷至此解其疑，智之洪流。故有人盗用那烂陀弟子之名，往来受尊荣。如果其他方面的人想进入和参与讨论，守门人会提出一些棘手的问题；许多人无法回答并退休。在被录取之前，必须深入研究新旧书籍。因此，那些陌生人来这里的学生，必须通过艰苦的讨论来展示自己的能力；失败者与成功者的差距为 7 或 8 到^10。48

From morning till night they engage in discussion; the old and the young mutually help one another. Those who cannot discuss questions out of the Tripiaka are little esteemed, and are obliged to hide themselves for shame. Learned men from different cities, on this account, who desire to acquire quickly a renown in discussion, come here in multitudes to settle their doubts, and then the streams of their wisdom spread far and wide. For this reason some persons usurp the name of Nalanda students, and in going to and fro receive honour in consequence. If men of other quarters desire to enter and take part in the discussions, the keeper of the gate proposes some hard questions; many are unable to answer and retire. One must have studied deeply both old and new books before getting admission. Those students, therefore, who come here as strangers, have to show their ability by hard discussion; those who fail compared with those who succeed are as 7 or 8 to 10.⁴⁸

尽管新作品不断产生，或者至少是对旧作品的评论，但如此大规模的智力火力集中（就像他们在欧洲和伊斯兰世界的同时代人一样）是非常保守的：它们旨在维持宗教和哲学现状，尽管他们可能会用新的论点来捍卫它。^*

Although there was continuous production of new works, or at least commentaries on old ones, such large-scale concentrations of intellectual fire-power (like their contemporaries in Europe and the Islamic world) were profoundly conservative: they aimed at sustaining the religious and philosophical status quo, although they might defend it with new arguments.^*

mahāviharas最终没有在印度维持佛教。到了玄奘时代，佛教已经失去了信徒。从十世纪开始，它逐渐被印度教吸收，仿佛它只是另一个教派，佛陀被想象成毗湿奴的现世表现，与印度教英雄罗摩和克里希纳相提并论。这堵住了种姓制度的漏洞，让低种姓和贱民再次被谴责为自卑。当穆斯林开始入侵时，他们中的许多人会提供热切的听众，带来一个在上帝面前人人平等的世界的消息。

The mahāvihāras did not in the end sustain Buddhism in India. Buddhism was already losing adherents in the time of Xuan-Zang. From the tenth century it was gradually absorbed by Hinduism, as if it were just another sect, the Buddha having been imaginatively recast as an earthly manifestation of Vishnu, on a par with Hindu heroes Rama and Krishna. This closed the loophole in the caste system, and left the lower castes and untouchables con demned again to inferiority. Many of them would have provided eager listeners when Muslims began to invade, bringing news of a world where all were equal before God.

当这些入侵者最终在 12 世纪末占领印度北部并洗劫了印度的宝藏时，摩诃毗罗人也未能幸免。梵文保留了它的魅力，但像许多拥有这种美德的人一样，它无法以身体对抗那些无法欣赏它们的人。

The mahāvihāras were not spared when these invaders finally overran northern India and sacked its treasures at the end of the twelfth century. Sanskrit retained its charms, but like many with this virtue it was unable to defend itself bodily against those unable to appreciate them.

agrāhyā mūrdhaje v etā striyo gu asamanvitā na latāh pallavacchedam arhanty upavanodbhuvā

agrāhyā mūrdhajev etā striyo guasamanvitā na latāh pallavacchedam arhanty upavanodbhuvā

像这样有成就的女士，不应该被头发抓住；

Ladies like these, who are accomplished, should not be seized by the hair;

因为生长在果园里的爬山虎不应该被砍掉叶子。

for creepers growing in orchards deserve not to have their foliage lopped off.

Śūdraka , 小泥车, 8.21

Śūdraka, The Little Clay Cart, 8.21

梵文不再孤单

Sanskrit no longer alone

在穆斯林入侵之后，印度变成了一个非常不同的地方。

After the Muslim invasions, India became a very different place.

现在很难想象，为了创造我们现在熟悉的印度，必须调和日常生活和根深蒂固的价值观之间的对立和激烈冲突的极端。

It is hard now to conceive what opposite and harshly conflicting extremes, both of daily life and of values deeply held, had to be reconciled to create the India now familiar to us.

印度人认为自己牢牢地处于他们世界的中心，他们的神掌管着这个世界，他们的社会秩序复杂但不可改变，因为他们是在最高层次上受命的。甚至像佛陀这样严肃的分析家也将最高的道路称为艾莉亚之道。理智上，他们知道他们在世界上并不孤单，但他们看到外国人的唯一角色是局外人，他们最大的希望是分享印度可以提供的祝福，无论是通过贸易还是通过收养。他们衣着暴露，因为在他们的气候下很舒服，但在他们的收入和种姓允许的情况下，他们把自己装扮得艳丽。除了节日期间，他们与神灵的关系主要是个人虔诚的问题。他们以对错综复杂的细节、奢华的插图和装饰的热爱来建造他们的纪念碑。

Indians had perceived themselves as being firmly at the centre of their world, their gods running it, their social order complex but immutable, because ordained at the highest level. Even as austere an analyst as the Buddha had called the highest path the Arya way. Intellectually, they knew that they were not alone in the world, but the only role in which they had seen foreigners was as outsiders whose best hope was to partake in the blessings that India could provide, whether by trade or by adoption. They dressed scantily, as was comfortable in their climate, but adorned themselves as gaudily as their incomes and caste allowed. Their relations with their gods were largely a matter of personal devotion, except at festival time. They built their monuments with loving attention to intricate detail, and lavish illustration and decoration. Their religions were frank in acceptance of all aspects of life and nature, with destruction on a par with creation, and sexuality openly acknowledged as central to all.

他们的统治者现在是外国人，有着异样的、不妥协的眼光。他们坚信只有一位神，具有普遍的统治权，偶像崇拜者只适合皈依或死亡。他们相信所有人在上帝面前在精神上都是平等的，他们应该公开地、集体地敬拜他。他们的着装风格是完全覆盖身体，他们认为谦虚需要这样。他们的建筑简朴，他们认为任何图形或雕塑插图都等于亵渎神明。他们对世界运作的看法是严肃而抽象的：性与创造无关，女性（以及与之相关的快乐）应该在深闺中体面地远离视线。

Their rulers were now foreigners with an alien, and uncompromising, vision. They were firm believers that there was but one god, of universal dominion, and that idol-worshippers were fit only for conversion or death. They believed that all men were spiritually equal before God, and that they should worship him, publicly and en masse. Their style of dress was to cover the body fully, and they believed that modesty required this. Their buildings were austere, and they believed that any graphic or sculptural illustration was tantamount to blasphemy. Their idea of the workings of the world was austere and abstract: sex had no part in creation, and females (and the delights associated with them) should be kept decently out of sight in purdah.

不知何故，大约在第二个千年中期，在这些对立面之间达成了妥协，或者至少是一种临时的方式。

Somehow, around the middle of the second millennium, a compromise, or at least a modus vivendi, was reached between these polar opposites.

在语言上，这种影响在印度，特别是在其北部地区，现在使用的最大和最广泛的单一语言中是显而易见的。它有两个名字，印地语和乌尔都语，因为它被认为是两种不同的语言。印地语是用梵文写成的，梵文是源自婆罗米传统的特色“在线洗涤”文字，喜欢借用梵文。乌尔都语是用波斯语（起源于阿拉伯语）书写的，并借鉴了波斯语和阿拉伯语。乌尔都语是巴基斯坦的官方语言，而印地语和乌尔都语在印度宪法中都被列为官方语言。

Linguistically, the effects of this are visible in the largest and most widespread single language now spoken in India, especially in its northern regions. It goes under two names, Hindi and Urdu, because it is felt to be two different languages. Hindi is written in Devanagari, the characteristic ‘washing on the line’ script derived from the Brahmi tradition, and likes to borrow words from Sanskrit. Urdu is written in Persian (by origin Arabic) script, and draws on Persian and Arabic. Urdu is the official language of the state of Pakistan, while both Hindi and Urdu are dignified as official languages in the Indian constitution.

但两者都无法真正实现其在词汇来源方面的文化理想，而且当他们说印地语和乌尔都语时，它们实际上是一种语言。^*在穆斯林入侵之后，这种没有区别的区别的保持雄辩地说明了印度文明，每一方都认为它保持着自己的标准，但实际上符合一个共同的、更广泛的规范，将他们团结在一个共同的社会中。

But neither can really run true to its cultural ideal in sourcing its vocabulary, and when they are spoken Hindi and Urdu are in practice one language.^*This maintenance of a distinction without a difference speaks eloquently for Indian civilisation after the Muslim invasions, each side believing it maintains its own standard, but in fact conforming to a common, wider, norm, which unites them in a common society.

尽管他们坚定地维护伊斯兰理想——以及受过教育的波斯语使用，一直持续到英帝国主义者从莫卧儿人手中完全接管，直到 19 世纪——入侵的图鲁卡最终陷入了入侵征服者采用的旧模式被征服者的演讲。因为如果印地语和乌尔都语的名字来自该语言遗产的波斯语方面，那么它的实质就是非常纯粹的雅利安语，具有基本词汇，动词、形容词和名词的结尾，都可以追溯到梵语之类的东西，虽然从根本上简化。从历史上看，这显然是德里周围说的 Prakrit 的延续，先后被称为Śauraseni（“Śura-sena 的语言”，城市南部的地区）、Apabhramśa（“脱落”）和Kha i Bol i（“站立演讲”）。

Despite their determined maintenance of Islamic ideals—along with educated use of Persian, which lasted until the British imperialists had fully taken over from the Mughals, well into the nineteenth century—the invading Turuka have ultimately fallen into the old pattern of invading conquerors adopting the speech of the conquered. For if the names Hindi and Urdu come from the Persian side of the language’s heritage, its substance turns out to be pretty much pure Aryan, with the basic vocabulary, and the endings on verbs, adjectives and nouns, all traceable to something like Sanskrit, though radically simplified. Historically, it is evidently the continuation of the Prakrit spoken round Delhi, known successively as Śauraseni (’language of Śura-sena’, the region to the south of the city), Apabhramśa (’falling off) and Khai Bol i (’standing speech’).

以一种完全不同且出人意料的方式，梵语落入一个不再被视为语言卓越的唯一标准的世界，丰富了整个世界对语言的理解。新的穆斯林大师，尽管他们独立地掌握了阿拉伯语、波斯语和土耳其语，但并没有因为他们的语言学而出类拔萃。但是当英国人在 18 世纪取得成功时，一个同样自信的新外星文明开始熟悉印度文化，并通过它了解梵文。他们从了解欧洲古典语言、希腊语和拉丁语的新角度来研究它，很快就被它与这两种语言的惊人相似性所震撼。印度首席大法官威廉·琼斯爵士在 1786 年大胆猜测他们三人都来自某个共同的来源，其中，

In a quite different and unexpected way, the fall of Sanskrit into a world where it was no longer seen as the sole standard of linguistic excellence came to enrich the whole world’s understanding of language. The new Muslim masters, despite their independent knowledge of Arabic, Persian and Turkish, did not distinguish themselves for their linguistic scholarship. But when the British succeeded in the eighteenth century, a new and equally confident alien civilisation became acquainted with Indian culture, and through it with Sanskrit. They approached it from the new perspective of knowledge of the classical languages of Europe, Greek and Latin, and were soon struck by its remarkable similarity to both of them. Sir William Jones, Chief Justice in India, ventured in 1786 the wild surmise that they were all three ‘sprung from some common source, which, perhaps, no longer exists’.

这就是历史比较语言学的起源。将其应用于世界各地的语言是 19 世纪和 20 世纪最伟大的智力冒险之一。其直接结果是，我们现在知道很多人类语言的流动，以及人类历史，早在书面文件开始之前。仅举三个例子，这就是我们如何知道匈牙利人来自西伯利亚北部，马达加斯加是从婆罗洲殖民，以及欧洲吉普赛人起源于印度。

This was the origin of historical comparative linguistics. Applying it to languages all over the world was one of the great intellectual adventures of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries; and as a direct result we now know much of the flow of human languages, and so of human history, well before the start of the written documents. To give just three examples, this is how we know that the Hungarians came from northern Siberia, that Madagascar was colonised from Borneo, and that the European Gypsies originated as far away as India.

尽管梵语自身传统在语言学方面的所有自我创造的卓越，它永远不可能独自朝着这个新方向前进：需要的是与其他语言的对抗，远远超出印度的理解，但也有能力查看这些语言在某种程度上与梵语相提并论，这是传统认为简直不可思议的其他东西。

For all the self-generated excellence of Sanskrit’s own tradition in linguistics, it could never have gone off in this new direction on its own: what was needed was confrontation with other languages, far beyond the Indian ken, but also the ability to view these languages as somehow on a par with Sanskrit, something else that the tradition would have found simply inconceivable.

梵文随后的历史是一种生存，而不是新的胜利。在印度，它仍然是传统精英的语言，但现在它被否定了它作为印度知识话语主要载体的古代和中世纪角色。这是以主要的白话语言进行的，或者更多地以英语进行。梵文的文化始终基于对其自身重要性的解除武装的看法，这使印度成为世界上唯一重要的部分。它还没有适应这样一个世界，即使在印度本身，这种观点也被摒弃了。印度人所触及的世界，整个东亚和南亚，曾经以自己的价值评价印度，但现在不再如此。

Sanskrit’s subsequent history is one of survival, rather than new triumphs. In India it is still the language of a traditional elite, but now it is denied its ancient and medieval role as the principal vehicle of intellectual discourse in India. That is conducted either in the principal vernacular languages, or much more in English. Sanskrit’s culture was always based on a disarming view of its own importance, which held India to be the only significant part of the world; it has not adapted to a world where even in India itself this view is dismissed. The world touched by Indians, the whole of East and South Asia, once took India at its own valuation, but not any more.

也许它仍然可以实现融合西学所需的观点革命。直到 19 世纪初，英国东印度公司，就像他们之前的莫卧儿王朝一样，一直光顾他们发现的印度学习，包括阿拉伯语/波斯语和梵语。1823 年成立了公共教育委员会，每年花费 100,000 卢比用于“复兴和改进文学，鼓励印度原住民，以及在印度居民中引入和推广科学知识”。在印度的英属领土上，他们在是否应该转向传统学习或以英语进行的现代研究方面分歧了十年。最终决定支持英语，这是一种文化上的彻底决裂：此后也没有认真尝试弥合印度传统与在维多利亚时代创造现代世界的迅速发展的科学、意识形态和技术之间的鸿沟。梵文越来越多地成为某些宗教、某些文化、某些哲学的象征——人文主义者对此很感兴趣，但不知何故在科学家的世界中没有提供任何竞争。^*

Perhaps it could still have achieved the revolution in viewpoint needed to incorporate Western learning. Until the early nineteenth century the English East India Company, like the Mughals before them, had patronised Indian learning as they found it, both Arabic/Persian and Sanskrit. When a Committee of Public Instruction was formed in 1823 to spend an annual sum of 100,000 rupees on ‘the revival and improvement of literature and the encouragement of the Natives of India and for the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British Territories in India’ they were split for a decade on whether this should go towards the traditional learning or on modern studies conducted in English. The decision ultimately came down in favour of English, a cultural clean break: and no serious attempt was made afterwards to bridge the gap between India’s tradition and the swiftly developing sciences, ideologies and technologies that created the modern world in the Victorian age. Sanskrit became more and more a symbol of certain religions, certain cultures, certain philosophies—of interest to humanists, but somehow offering no contest in the world of the scientists.^*

对于 2500 年前被编纂的语言，它继续享有令人羡慕的地位，并且自那以后除了新词外没有任何重大变化。1947 年，它被采纳为印度的官方语言之一，在 1971 年的印度人口普查中，仍有 200,000 人声称说它——尽管当时的人口为 4 亿。

It continues to enjoy an enviable status for a language that was codified 2500 years ago, and has admitted no significant change except new words since. In 1947, it was adopted as one of India’s official languages, and 200,000 people still claimed to speak it in the Indian census of 1971—though out of a then population of 400 million.

最后具有讽刺意味的是，它在 20 世纪的最后十年呈现出一种新的象征价值，被印度人民党采用，“印度社区”党（BJP），经常在政府中，作为印度教身份的图腾。因此，例如，1999 年在印度被宣布为梵文年，并在新德里举行了由政府资助的“世界梵文会议”。这其中有一些非常奇怪的东西。正如我们所见，除了用于寺庙中的祈祷和咒语之外，梵文的研究一直是精英的追求。印度教严格的等级制度，否认低种姓的地位，长期以来一直鼓励他们放弃它，转向完全平等的伊斯兰教。现在，这枚婆罗门知识分子的徽章被当作一场群众运动的旗帜游行，该运动将拆除清真寺作为对印度教权力的粗鲁而简单的主张。

In a final irony, it assumed a new symbolic value in the last decade of the twentieth century, adopted by the Bhāratiyā Janata, ‘Indian Community’ Party (BJP), which was often in government, as a totem of Hindu identity. So, for example, 1999 was declared a Sanskrit Year in India, and a government-funded ‘World Sanskrit Conference’ held in New Delhi. There is something decidedly bizarre in this. Outside its use for prayers and mantras in the temple, as we have seen, the study of Sanskrit has always been an elite pursuit; and Hinduism’s strict hierarchies, denying status to lower castes, have long encouraged them to desert it for the totally egalitarian Islam. Now this badge of Brahman intellectuals is paraded as the banner for a popular mass movement that demolishes mosques as a crass and simple assertion of Hindu power.

梵语的职业生涯还没有结束，尽管在过去 3500 年里形成其独特特征的完全印度的世界观可能已经结束。尽管如此，它在印度与一大群现代子语言共存，并作为印度教和佛教这两种世界宗教的神圣语言继续存在。

Sanskrit’s career is not over, although the exclusively Indian world-view that has underlain its distinctive character over the past 3500 years probably is. Nonetheless, it coexists in India with a large family of modern daughter languages, and carries on in its own right as the sacred language of two world religions, Hinduism and Buddhism.

这是一种悖论的语言。也许它在技术上已经灭绝了，因为几乎没有婴儿将它作为他们的第一语言。然而，它继续通过死记硬背和语法分析的人工系统传递给下一代，以某种方式被证明与自然方式一样强大，而且不太容易引入变化。

It is a language of paradox. Perhaps it is technically extinct, since there can be few if any infants who pick it up as their first language. Yet it continues to be transmitted to the next generation by an artificial system of rote learning and grammatical analysis that has somehow proved as robust as the natural way—and far less liable to introduce change.

梵文一直是一种非常多变的语言，但在它繁盛的热带气候下，园丁们总是选择鼓励它繁茂的一面。

Sanskrit has always been very much a garden variety of language, but in the tropical climate where it has flourished the gardeners have always chosen to encourage its luxuriant side.

adhara kisalayarāga komalavi apānukāri āu bāhu kusumam iva lobhanīya yauvanam ange u sa naddham

adhara kisalayarāga komalaviapānukāriāu bāhu kusumam iva lobhanīya yauvanam angeu sanaddham

果然，下唇如嫩叶一般，手臂如柔韧的茎。

Truly her lower lip glows like a tender leaf, her arms resemble flexible stalks.

青春，如花朵般迷人，闪耀在她的所有线条中。

And youth, bewitching like a blossom, shines in all her lineaments.

Kālidāsa, Śākuntalā 认可, i.21

Kālidāsa, Śākuntalā Recognized, i.21

^*这不是一个隐喻，也不是对梵文语法的不合时宜的解释，而是对帕尼尼系统中佛经运作的直截了当的描述。考虑单一经文的应用：iko ya aci

^* This is not a metaphor, or anachronistic interpetation of Sanskrit grammar, but a straightforward description of the working of the sutras in Panini’s system. Consider the application of a single sutra: iko ya aci

构成经文的三个词不是梵文本身的词，而是一种人工的元语言，它简洁地引用了语法中的其他经文。尽管如此，它们仍被视为辅音词干名词，具有常规的属格（-as）、主格（裸词尾）和方位格（-i）结尾。（有一个轻微的复杂性，因为浊音段，最后-as，在语音上都被实现为-o。这是梵语中的常规联系原则，它本身就是语法中非常复杂的部分。）因此，经文可以从功能上分析为

The three words that constitute the sutra are not words of Sanskrit itself, but of an artificial metalanguage that refers tersely to other sutras of the grammar. Nevertheless, they are treated as if they are consonant-stem nouns, with the regular ending for genitive (-as), nominative (a bare ending) and locative (-i). (There is a slight complication, in that both a voiced segment, a final -as, is realised phonetically as -o. This is a regular principle of liaison in Sanskrit, itself a highly complicated part of the grammar.) The sutra could therefore be analysed functionally as

在经文的上下文中，这些情况有特殊的解释，分别指的是语音规则的输入、输出和右手上下文。因此，该经应理解为：

In the context of a sutra, these cases have special interpretation, referring respectively to the input, the output and the right-hand context of a phonological rule. The sutra is therefore to be understood as:

但是奇怪的词本身的参考是什么？它们应被理解为对另一组经文（称为 Śiva-sutras）的应用，它在梵语中扮演着定义自然声音类别的系统的角色。这开始：

But what is the reference of the strange words themselves? They are to be understood as applications of another set of sutras (known as the Śiva-sutras), which plays the role of a system for defining natural classes of sounds in Sanskrit. This begins:

梵文中没有大小写之分，也没有分号。但是使用这种罗马印刷的便利性只是为了明确地显示帕尼尼亚语法的学生通过例子学到了什么，即这里用大写字母写的字母起控制字符的作用。任何由一个小写字母 a 和一个控制字符 b 组成的术语都表示以 a 开头并在 b 之前结束的音素序列。因此，例如，“aC”表示元音集，“haT”表示不包括 1 的半元音集。由此可见，所分析的经文无异于对规则的简明陈述：

There is no distinction between upper or lower case in Sanskrit, nor any semicolons. But the use of this Roman typographical convenience is simply to show explicitly what a student of Paninian grammar learns by example, namely that the letters here written in upper case are functioning as control characters. Any term consisting of one of the lower-case letters a followed by one of the control characters b denotes the sequence of phones starling with a and ending just before b. So, for example, ‘aC’ denotes the set of vowels, ‘haT’ the set of semi-vowels excluding 1. It can be seen then that the sutra being analysed is nothing less than a concise statement of the rule:

确实很简洁，但应该记住，这种简洁程度是可能的，只是因为一些控制原则可以被认为是理所当然的——例如括号中隐含的解释：前四个音素分别映射到后四个音素，但这发生在环境中的九部手机中的任何一部之前。从帕尼尼继承而来的注释传统的部分任务是明确阐明正确解释经典所依赖的paribhāā（辅助原则）的确切性质。

Terse, indeed, but it should be remembered that this level of concision is possible only because a number of controlling principles can be taken for granted—e.g. the interpretation implicit in the brackets: the first four phones map respectively on to the second four phones, but this occurs before any of the nine phones in the environment. Part of the task of the tradition of commentary which followed on from Panini was to make explicit the precise nature of the paribhāā (auxiliary principles) on which the correct interpretation of the sutras rests.

^*比较最新版《钱伯斯英语词典》中的 215,000 条左右，以及最新版《牛津英语词典》中的 500,000条以上。

^* Compare the 215,000 or so entries in the latest Chambers English Dictionary, and over 500,000 in the latest Oxford English Dictionary.

^*这是希腊语barbaros的精确梵语等价物，定义为不会说梵语的人。

^* This is the precise Sanskrit equivalent of the Greek barbaros, defined as someone who did not speak Sanskrit.

^*奇怪的是，这只是在穆斯林入侵之后才发生的，这导致完全陌生的波斯语成为新的精英语言。

^* Bizarrely this only happened after Muslim incursions, which had brought in the completely alien Persian as the new elite language.

^*事实上，有一个著名的故事，当一位名叫 Satavahana 的国王比一位女士懂得更少的梵语时造成尴尬：在一场水战中，他的一位王后求他停止向她泼水（modakai，来自mā udakai , 'not with-waters'），但他的回应是给她洒了糖果（modakai , 'with sweets'）。当她指出他的错误时，他感到非常羞愧，以至于他爬到床上，然后开始了语法速成课程（Somadeva，Kathā-sarit-sāgaram，l.vi.108-22）。

^* Indeed, there is a famous story of the embarrassment caused when a king called Satavahana turned out to know less Sanskrit than a lady: in a water fight, one of his queens begged him to stop pelting her with water (modakai, from mā udakai, ‘not with-waters’), but he responded by showering her with sweets (modakai, ‘with sweets’). He was so mortified when she pointed out his mistake that he took to his bed, and then embarked on a crash course in grammar (Somadeva, Kathā-sarit-sāgaram, l.vi.108-22).

^{*通过比较这个短语的对应梵语：}sarvasatā mūlabhā ā，人们可以了解巴利语与梵语有多少不同。

^* One gets some idea of how much, and how little, Pali differs from Sanskrit by comparing the Sanskrit equivalent for this phrase: sarvasatā mūlabhāā.

^*他称它为Fan，可能是Brahmana 的中文简写。

^* He called it Fan, probably a Chinese reduction of the word Brahmana.

^*印度这一地区使用最广泛的字母仍被称为deva-nāgarī，即“众神的城市 [script]”。

^* The most widely used alphabet in this area of India is still known as deva-nāgarī, ‘the gods’ urban [script]’.

^*这两个词分别表示“奴隶”和“恶魔、强盗、强盗”。比较英语单词slave从Slav的发展，以及 Serb 从拉丁语servus采取的明显相反的路线。dāsa的阴性词 dāsī意为“妓女”（devadāsī，“神的女奴”，是寺庙妓女），最常见的梵语侮辱之一是dāsya putra，相当于“妓女”或“儿子”一个婊子的'。

^* These two terms came to mean ‘slave’ and ‘demon, robber, bandit’ respectively. Compare the development of the English word slave from Slav, and the apparently opposite route taken by Serb from Latin servus. The feminine of dāsa, dāsī, came to mean ‘whore’ (devadāsī, ‘a god’s slave-girl’, was a temple prostitute), and one of the most routine Sanskrit insults is dāsya putra, equivalent to ‘whoreson’ or ‘son of a bitch’.

^*目的是营救拉玛被绑架的妻子西塔——这与荷马发动特洛伊战争的动机相似，希腊舰队出发营救墨涅拉俄斯的妻子海伦。

^* The purpose was to rescue Rama’s kidnapped wife Sita—rather similar to Homer’s motivation for the Trojan War, where a Greek fleet set out to rescue Menelaus’s wife Helen.

^*在完全逆转的情况下，印度教后来甚至放弃了外国航行的可能性。它被认为会给更高的种姓带来难以忍受的不洁，例如在 13 世纪晚期 Hemādri 的法律文摘中（ iii.2 : 667）。

^* In a total reversal, Hinduism was later to renounce even the possibility of foreign voyages. It was held to bring unassuageable impurity upon higher castes, e.g. in the late-thirteenth-century law digest by Hemādri (iii.2: 667).

^*梵文、古吉拉特文、旁遮普文、孟加拉文、奥里亚文；南部有泰卢固语、卡纳达语、泰米尔语、马拉雅拉姆语和僧伽罗语。还有另一个相关的字母表，在更北的地方用于藏语。

^* Devanagari, Gujarati, Panjabi, Bengali, Oriya in the north; Telugu, Kannada, Tamil, Malayalam and Sinhalese in the south. There is another related alphabet, used farther north for Tibetan.

† 大陆上的缅甸语、老挝语、泰语、高棉语（柬埔寨）；在岛上，爪哇语，巴厘岛语，他加禄语（菲律宾），巴塔克（苏门答腊）和武吉士（苏拉威西）

† Burmese, Lao, Thai, Khmer (Cambodian) on the mainland; in the islands, Javanese, Balinese, Tagalog (in the Philippines), Batak (in Sumatra) and Bugis (in Sulawesi)

^*同一个词现在发音为 Phnom，就像在金边一样。

^* The same word is now pronounced Phnom, as in Phnom Penh.

^†爪哇、苏门答腊和马来亚源自Yava-dvīpa，“大麦岛”；samudra，“海”，和马来亚，实际上来自德拉威语单词malai，“山丘”，位于印度南部马拉巴尔附近。柬埔寨（Kamboja）让人想起开伯尔山口地区的一个王国Kambuja；但有一个与Kambu-ja竞争的词源，即出生于Kambu Svāyambhūva，一个与天上的若虫 Mera 联合创建高棉种族的隐士 (Coedès 1968: 66)。Champa 与恒河下游王国同名，但可能是梵文形式的当地民族名称 Cham。缅甸伊洛瓦底江以伊拉瓦底河命名，“有饮用水”，旁遮普邦拉维河的旧称。

^† Java, Sumatra and Malaya are derived from Yava-dvīpa, ‘barley island’; samudra, ‘sea’, and Malaya, actually from a Dravidian word, malai, ‘a hill’, in south India near Malabar. Cambodia (Kamboja) evokes Kambuja, a kingdom in the Khyber pass area; but had a competing etymology as Kambu-ja, i.e. born of Kambu Svāyambhūva, a hermit who united with the celestial nymph Mera to found the race of Khmers (Coedès 1968: 66). Champa shares its name with the kingdom of the lower Ganges, but is probably the local ethnonym Cham in Sanskrit form. The River Irrawaddy in Burma is named for the Irāvatī, ‘having drinking water’, the old name of the Ravi river in Panjab.

^*在某种程度上，这种情况仍在继续：因此，在撰写本文时印度尼西亚总统的 Megawati Sukarnoputri 有一个翻译为“多云，慈善家的女儿”的名字。

^* To an extent, this still continues: so Megawati Sukarnoputri, at the time of writing president of Indonesia, has a name that translates as ‘Cloudy, Beneficent’s Daughter’.

^*称为Siddha-māt ka的变体，“固定字母表”，或简称 Siddha，是东亚（即大乘）佛教传统中最常用的脚本版本。

^* A variant called Siddha-mātka, ‘settled alphabet’, or simply Siddha, is the version of the script most generally used in the East Asian (i.e. Mahayana) Buddhist traditions.

^†这样做的动机纯粹是历史性的。它最终可以追溯到腓尼基人指定的同样任意的“aleph beth gimel daleth……”。

^† The motivation for this is purely historic. It ultimately goes back to an equally arbitrary ‘aleph beth gimel daleth…’ specified by the Phoenicians.

^*由于语音原因，括号中的项目在拼写或语言中不单独存在。

^* The items in parentheses do not exist separately, in the spelling or the language, for phonetic reasons.

^*然而，脚本已被巧妙地修改，以更有效地表现藏语的特征，这些特征与婆罗米语及其所有继承者设计的雅利安语言不同。值得注意的是，它可以区分前面有声门塞音的声门元音和没有声门塞音的声门元音。（在梵文中，就像在英文中一样，当元音开始发音时，会自动插入一个声门混音。）后来（在 13 世纪）汉语在忽必烈的宫廷中借用了这个脚本，以创建“八思巴文”蒙古文，这在1269年甚至被宣布为帝国的官方文字。它也被用来书写中文。（参见第 4 章，“坚持写作系统”，第 156 页。）

^* Nevertheless, the script had been modified deftly to represent more effectively features of Tibetan which are alien to the Aryan languages for which Brahmi and all its successors had been designed. Notably, it can distinguish initial vowels that have glottal stops in front of them and those that do not. (In Sanskrit, as in English, a glottal jerk is inserted automatically when a vowel begins an utterance.) The script was later (in the thirteenth century) borrowed by the Chinese at the court of Kublai Khan, to create the ‘Phagspa script for Mongolian, this even being declared the official script of the empire in 1269. It was also used to write Chinese. (See Chapter 4, ‘Holding fast to a system of writing’, p. 156.)

^*马六甲作为转口港的角色稳固地确立了马来语（Bahasa Mělayu）作为该地区的通用语，并一直持续到今天。（见第 11 章，“荷兰闯入者”，第 400 页。）马六甲本身就是苏门答腊岛 šrī Vijaya（巨港）的殖民地，也是主要的贸易中心，也是最早（七世纪）马来文铭文的地方发现，其中一个来自占碑市的上游，以前称为马来语（Hall 1981：47-8）。具有讽刺意味的是，“Bahasa”正是梵语bhā ā，“语言”。

^* Malacca’s role as an entrepôt firmly established Malay, Bahasa Mělayu, as the lingua franca of the region, and this has lasted up to the present day. (See Chapter 11, ‘Dutch interlopers’, p. 400.) Malacca was itself a colony of šrī Vijaya (Palembang) on Sumatra, also a major trade centre, and that is where the earliest (seventh century) inscriptions in Malay have been found, one of them upriver from the city of Jambi, previously known as Malayu (Hall 1981: 47-8). Ironically enough, ’Bahasa’ is none other than the Sanskrit word bhāā, ‘language’.

^*虽然我们知道一些特征，例如音调重音和超长 ( pluti ) 元音的发音，在此过程中已经丢失。

^* Although we know that some features, e.g. the tonal accent, and the pronunciation of over-long (pluti) vowels, have been lost along the way.

^†最著名的 NRWN KSR（“尼禄皇帝”）加起来是 666，即《启示录》中野兽的数量。

^† Most famously NRWN KSR (’Nero Emperor’) added up to 666, the number of the Beast in the Book of Revelation.

^*具有讽刺意味的是，卡尼什卡统治最持久的贡献是“沙卡”时代，这是一种仍在印度使用的约会系统。它始于公元 78 年，甚至被用于东南亚的许多梵文铭文中。

^* Ironically, the most lasting contribution of Kanishka’s rule was ‘Shaka’ era, a dating system still in use in India. It runs from AD 78, and is even used in many of the Sanskrit inscriptions of South-East Asia.

^*那烂陀传说中的三座图书馆，即 Ratnodadhi（“珠宝之海”）、Ratnasāgara（“珠宝之海”）和Ratnara jaka（“珠宝装饰”），都将被烧毁。或许重要的是，根据藏传佛教对他们结局的描述，大火是由游客施法造成的，他们被那烂陀学者的粗鲁侮辱了。

^* The three fabled libraries of Nalanda, Ratnodadhi (’sea of jewels’), Ratnasāgara (’ocean of jewels’) and Ratnarajaka (’jewel-adorned’), were all to be burnt down. Perhaps it is significant that, according to Tibetan Buddhist accounts of their end, the fires resulted from spells cast by visitors affronted by the rudeness they received from the scholars of Nalanda.

^*乌尔都语这个名字是zabān eurdū e muallā的缩写，波斯语意为“崇高的营地语言”，其中第一个和最后一个词最初是阿拉伯语，中间是突厥语，而连接的 e 是纯波斯语。印地语是 Hindui 或 Hindvi 的缩写，最初是穆斯林使用的“印度谈话”一词，因为 Hind 一词本身是波斯语版本的 Sindhu 河名称，希腊语（和欧洲人）将其称为印度河。

^* The name Urdu is short for zabān eurdū e muallā, Persian for ‘language of the camp exalted’, where the first and last words are originally Arabic, the middle one Turkic, and the linking e’s pure Persian. Hindi is a shortening of Hindui or Hindvi, the word for ‘Indian talk’ originally used by Muslims, since the word Hind itself is a Persian version of the name of the Sindhu river, known to the Greeks (and Europeans) as the Indus.

^*关于英语方面的观点，见第 12 章，“改变视角——印度的英语”，第 12 页。501。

^* For the view from the English side, see Chapter 12, ‘Changing perspective—English in India’, p. 501.

6

三千年的唯我论：希腊历险记

6

Three Thousand Years of Solipsism: The Adventures of Greek

斯巴达人对雅典人（敦促联盟抵抗波斯人，公元前 480 年）：

Spartans to Athenians (urging an alliance to resist the Persians, 480 BC):

野蛮人没有任何值得信赖或真实的东西。

Barbarians have nothing trustworthy or true.

雅典人致斯巴达人（回复）：

Athenians to Spartans (in reply):

没有任何地方有如此多的黄金或一个在美丽和功德方面如此杰出的国家，我们应该愿意将其作为前往米底亚并奴役希腊的奖励。事实上，即使我们想这样做，也有许多重要的事情阻止我们这样做……然后又是希腊语，有相同的血统和语言，有共同的神殿和仪式，以及类似的习俗，它会雅典人背叛是不对的。

There is nowhere so much gold or a country so outstanding in beauty and merit that we should be willing to take it as a reward for going over to the Medes and so enslaving Greece. In fact there are many important things stopping us from doing that even if we wanted to…and then again there is Greekness, being of the same blood and language, and having shared shrines and rituals of the gods, and similar customs, which it would not be right for the Athenians to betray.

希罗多德^*八。142-4

Herodotus^* viii. 142-4

ke tóra ti tha yénume xorís varvárus？i ánthropi aftí ísan 我的 kápya lísis。

ke tóra ti tha yénume xorís varvárus? i ánthropi aftí ísan my a kápya lísis.

现在没有野蛮人我们会变成什么样子？这些人是某种解决方案。

And now what will become of us without barbarians? These people were some sort of a solution.

康斯坦丁·卡瓦菲斯，等待野蛮人，1949,111.35-6

Constantine Kavafis, Waiting for the Barbarians, 1949,111.35-6

在汉语和埃及语的庄严自持，梵语的感性冗长，以及近东语言的创新绝对主义之后，希腊语给人一种更加熟悉，更不用说现代的印象。这是将葡萄酒、橄榄油和识字带到地中海世界的人们的语言，他们发明了逻辑、悲剧戏剧和选举政府，以竞技游戏和引人注目的现实主义形象艺术而闻名。整个欧洲直接或间接地成为他们的学生。欧洲语言的字典里到处都是借用希腊语的词来表达希腊的概念和人工制品，而且它们的语法，当它们被写下来时，也是根据希腊原则组织起来的。

After the stately self-possession of Chinese and Egyptian, the sensuous prolixity of Sanskrit, and the innovative absolutisms of the Near Eastern languages, Greek makes a much more familiar, not to say modern, impression. This is the language of the people who brought wine, olive oil and literacy to the Mediterranean world, who invented logic, tragic drama and elective government, famed as much for competitive games as for figurative arts of striking realism. All of Europe became directly or indirectly their students. The dictionaries of European languages are all full of words borrowed from Greek to express Greek concepts and artefacts, and their grammars too, when they came to be written down, were organised on Greek principles.

然而，希腊语本身的历史远比其实际影响所暗示的要复杂和迷人得多。它在近东和地中海上演得一样多，在今天几乎完全没有希腊痕迹的地区。像英语一样，它通过多种方式传播——投机商业、赤裸裸的帝国主义、文化诱惑；并且手段在他们所取得的成就的长期持久性方面非常不同。

Yet the history of the Greek language itself is far more complex and beguiling than its net influence would suggest. It was played out as much in the Near East as in the Mediterranean, in areas that are today all but purged of any trace of Greek. Like English, it was spread through a variety of means—speculative commerce, naked imperialism, cultural allure; and the means were very different in the long-term durability of what they achieved.

最重要的是，希腊语是古典语言的典范，它以自负的傲慢自大，一千多年来，它的邻国乐于支持它，并在他们接受其更多好处时给予军事支持。先进的文化和技术。这些强大但令人印象深刻的邻居包括罗马帝国和基督教会。希腊的影响力只有在没有新的联盟时才黯然失色，被迫独自面对一个在其他地方获得文化支持的冷酷敌人。这是一个很有启发性的例子，说明当它的社区停止创新而世界其他地方赶上时，一种声望很高的语言会发生什么。

Above all, Greek stands as an example of a classical language that ran its course, fostered with a self-regarding arrogance that for over a thousand years its neighbours were happy to endorse, giving it their military support as they accepted the benefits of its more advanced culture and technology. These powerful, but impressed, neighbours included the Roman empire and the Christian Church. Greek’s influence was eclipsed only when it ran out of new alliances, and was forced to face alone an unsympathetic enemy which drew its cultural support elsewhere. It is an instructive example of what can happen to a prestige language when its community ceases to innovate, and the rest of the world catches up.

希腊的极致

Greek at its acme

希腊扩张的高峰出现了一个世纪左右，接近公元前第一个千年。然后，从现代西班牙东北角的贸易站 Emporiai（现代 Ampurias）到距离 40,000 的印度 Palibothras （Pātaliputra，现代巴特那）的商人、外交官和士兵口中都可以听到这种语言体育场，或 8,000 公里，接近地球周长的四分之一。在这个范围内，以及其范围的 80% 以上，在希腊语管理下有一个连续的土地带，全部位于南巴尔干半岛的希腊家园以东，一直延伸到现在的巴基斯坦。这片广阔的大希腊，即希腊化的世界，已经建立了大约七百年，除了船、鞋、轮子、道路、马和文字之外，没有任何技术的好处。

The high point of Greek expansion came for a century or so approaching the close of the first millennium BC. Then the language could be heard on the lips of merchants, diplomats and soldiers from Emporiai (modern Ampurias), a trading post in the north-east corner of modern Spain, to Palibothras (Pātaliputra, modern Patna) in India, a distance of 40,000 stadia, or 8,000 kilometres, approaching a quarter of the circumference of the globe. Within this range, and over 80 per cent of its extent, there was a continuous band of lands under Greek-speaking administration, all to the east of the Greek homeland in the south Balkans, and extending as far as what is now Pakistan. This total expanse of Greater Greece, the Hellenised world, had been built up over about seven hundred years, without the benefit of any technology but the ship, the shoe, the wheel, the road, the horse, and writing.

这种事实上的世界语言有一种货币，覆盖了当时六个不同的帝国和王国。被称为he koiné diálektos—— “普通话”——或简称为koinē, 雅典城特有的方言阁楼希腊语已遍及东地中海。在希腊，它也逐渐取代了直到公元前四世纪蓬勃发展的所有二十种方言。这种平衡可能是从雅典本身的商业声望开始的，它的港口比雷埃夫斯为希腊内部贸易的中心赋予了阁楼语言色彩。伯里克利在公元前 5 世纪中叶主持了雅典的辉煌岁月，他已经向他的雅典同胞吹嘘说他们的繁荣使他们能够从整个地球的产物中受益。随着越来越多的局外人觉得有必要学习希腊语，而希腊语自己的视野开始比他们自己的城市更广阔，阁楼希腊语传播开来。

This de facto world language had a currency that ranged over half a dozen distinct empires and kingdoms of the time. Known as he koiné diálektos—’the common talk’—or simply the koinē, Attic Greek, the particular dialect of the city of Athens, had become current all over the eastern Mediterranean. In Greece too it was gradually replacing all the twenty dialects that had flourished up until the fourth century BC. Probably this levelling began through the commercial prestige of Athens itself, with Piraeus, its port, giving an Attic linguistic tinge to the hub of intra-Greek trade. Pericles, who had presided over Athens’ glory days in the mid-fifth century BC, had already boasted to his fellow-Athenians of a prosperity that allowed them to benefit from the produce of the whole earth. As more outsiders felt the need to learn Greek, and Greeks themselves began to have an outlook wider than their own city, Attic Greek spread.

尽管实现其传播的方式不同，但它已经引起了今天英语所唤起的一些相同态度。五世纪的一本政治小册子声称，虽然希腊语一般都使用自己的方言，但雅典人说的是所有方言的混合体，以及所有野蛮人的语言。¹在马其顿人波西迪普斯（Posidippus）所写的一部二世纪的喜剧中，一位塞萨利人（来自希腊北部）谴责雅典人将所有希腊语都视为阁楼。雅典人在认真对待希腊其他地区时遇到了一些与一般希腊语对世界其他地区一样的问题。如果他们不会说正经的希腊语，他们毕竟不比野蛮人好。^*

And despite the different means of achieving its spread, it was already eliciting some of the same attitudes that English evokes today. A political pamphlet of the fifth century had claimed that while Greeks in general used each their own dialect, Athenians spoke a mixture of all of them, and all barbarian languages too.¹ In a comedy of the second century, written by the Macedonian Posidippus, a Thessalian (from the north of Greece) reproaches the Athenians for seeing all Greek as Attic. Athenians had some of the same problems in taking the rest of Greece seriously that Greeks in general had with the rest of the world. If they failed to speak proper Greek, they were, after all, no better than barbarians.^*

谁是希腊语？

Who is a Greek?

蒂德蒂斯？你是吗？Skiás ónar ánthrōpos。

Tí dè tis? Tí d’ ou tis? Skiás ónar ánthrōpos.

什么是某人？什么是无人？影子的梦想是人。

What is someone? What is no one? A shadow’s dream is man.

Pindar，Pythian Odes，viii.95-6

Pindar, Pythian Odes, viii.95—6

在他们于公元 1821 年独立之前，希腊语只是在一些局外人联合征服之后才在政治上团结起来。这在公元前四世纪第一次发生，当时的局外人是他们北部边境的马其顿国王菲利普。然而，在过去的一千年中，遇到希腊语的其他文明似乎总是将他们视为单一种族的成员。

Until their independence in AD 1821, the Greeks had only ever been united politically in the aftermath of joint conquest by some outsider. This happened for the first time in the fourth century BC, when the outsider was Philip, the king of Macedon on their northern border. Nevertheless, over the previous thousand years other civilisations encountering the Greeks appear always to have seen them as members of a single ethnic group.

在某种程度上，这很奇怪，因为外人总是通过他们碰巧遇到的部落的部落名称来认识他们。希腊语的共同名字Héllēnes从未在希腊以外流行过。^*波斯人称他们为Yauna，因为他们遇到的是爱奥尼亚希腊语，他们在荷马中被称为láwones，这是传统中最早的希腊语。^†在希腊世界的另一端，罗马人将希腊语称为Graii。他们会见了来自 Euboea 和 Boeotia 的希腊殖民者，他们正在意大利建立一个新的 Cyme 城市（后来被罗马人称为 Cumae）。事实上，格莱伊似乎是为了纪念维奥蒂亚南部的一个小镇，名叫格雷亚。§希腊语这个词来自拉丁语Graecus，这是一个由这个名字（来自Grai-icus）形成的直截了当的形容词，并接替了原始的Graii。

In a way, this was strange, since outsiders always knew them simply by the tribal name of the group they happened to encounter. The Greeks’ shared name for themselves, Héllēnes, never caught on outside Greece.^* The Persians knew them as Yauna, for their encounter was with the Ionian Greeks, who are called láwones in Homer, the earliest Greek in the tradition. ^† At the opposite end of the Greek world, the Romans got to know the Greeks as Graii. They were meeting Greek colonists from Euboea and Boeotia, who were setting up a new city of Cyme in Italy (later known by the Romans as Cumae). In fact, Graii seems to memorialise a small town in southern Boeotia called Graia. § The word Greek comes through the Latin Graecus, a straightforward adjective formed from this name (from Grai-icus), and came to take over from the original Graii.

那么，在这些称谓中，什么是希腊语呢？尽管主要标准是语言，但人们普遍认为希腊语的共同点远不止于此。在希罗多德的著名段落中，雅典人被要求解释为什么他们永远不会背叛希腊。²他们向 Hellēnikón 做广告，“希腊”，定义为具有相同的血统和相同的语言，共同的神殿，共同的仪式和相似的习俗。当然，普通血统不是可以客观证明或确定的东西，尽管对面部特征和毫无疑问的肤色会有所感觉。通过所有希腊方言的相互理解，共同语言是显而易见的。至于对共同神灵的共同服务，奥林匹亚万神殿在荷马史诗和其他赞美诗的叙述中得到了验证，即使不同地方的邪教实际做法可能非常独特。尊重可以寻求预言洞察力的常见神谕，最值得注意的是阿波罗在德尔福的神谕，^*

What, then, was a Greek, by any of these appellations? Although the main criterion was language, there was a general feeling that Greeks had much more in common than that. In a famous passage of Herodotus, the Athenians are made to explain why they will never betray Greece.² They advert to to Hellēnikón, ‘Greekness’, which is defined as having the same blood and the same language, common shrines of deities, common rituals and similar customs. Common blood, of course, was not something that could be proved or ascertained objectively, though there would have been a feeling for facial features and no doubt skin colour. Common language was evident through mutual intelligibility of all the Greek dialects. As for common service to common gods, the Olympian pantheon was validated in the narrative of the Homeric epics and other hymns, even if the actual practice of cults in different places could be quite unique. Respect for common oracles where prophetic insight could be sought, the most notable being Apollo’s oracle at Delphi, and attendance at the quadrennial Olympic games (whose records of victors extend back to 776 BC) were two other major institutions that bound the Greeks together.^*

事实上，希腊语一直认为有一个理性的基础将他们与其他人类巴巴罗伊区分开来，他们的不同语言可以被认为是对“酒吧酒吧”的阐述，几乎不值得与噪音区分开来由动物制造，^†任何外来的东西都被认为是荒谬的。

In fact, the Greeks always felt that there was a rational basis that set them apart from the bárbaroi, the rest of humanity, whose varying speech could just be thought of as an elaboration of ‘bar-bar’, hardly worth distinguishing from the noises made by animals, ^† Anything foreign was felt somehow to be ridiculous.

因此，历史学家希罗多德将埃塞俄比亚穴居人 (原文如此) 的语言描述为听起来像尖叫的蝙蝠，³并且在一场严重的悲剧中⁴克吕泰涅斯特拉女王——诚然是一幅居高临下的傲慢画面——推测特洛伊公主卡桑德拉可能会说话像燕子一样的未知语言。甚至斯特拉博本人，在朱利叶斯·凯撒（Julius Caesar）时代的地中海世界的世界性地理学家，在他的西班牙人民地名录（3.3.7）中写道：“我不愿继续谈论这些名字，意识到不愉快除非有人真正喜欢听到 Pleutauroi、Bardyetai 或 Allotriges 或其他更肮脏和更无意义的名字。

So the historian Herodotus describes the language of the Ethiopian Trogodytes (sic) as sounding like screeching bats,³ and in the midst of a serious tragedy⁴ Queen Clytaemnestra—admittedly a picture of condescending arrogance—conjectures that Cassandra, the Trojan princess, may speak an unknown language like that of swallows. Even Strabo himself, cosmopolitan geographer of the Mediterranean world in the time of Julius Caesar, writes in the midst of his gazetteer of the peoples of Spain (3.3.7): ‘I am loath to go on about the names, conscious of the unpleasantness of them written down, unless someone could actually enjoy hearing of the Pleutauroi, the Bardyetai or the Allotriges, or other names even fouler and more meaningless.’

希腊语在许多经典文本中阐述了他们的理想。其中最突出的是修昔底德对伯里克利在公元前 431 年为战死者发表的演讲的记述。⁵伯里克利是雅典的领袖，他建造了帕台农神庙并带领这座城市进入了与斯巴达的大战。这篇演讲试图总结雅典对文明的贡献，而不是声称这座城市与其他城市一样，而是为他们树立了榜样（parádeigma）。他谈到了一种对所有人开放的自由政治态度，无论多么贫穷，私人生活的宽容，公共娱乐的享受。他为这座城市的军事成就而自豪，但同样重要的是，他们并没有（不像他们的主要敌人斯巴达）对军事准备情有独钟。一切都在于取得适当的平衡；用一句非常希腊语的话，他说：

There are many classic texts where Greeks have set out their ideals. Outstanding among them is Thucydides’ account of Pericles’ Speech for the War Dead made in 431 BC.⁵ Pericles was the leader of Athens who built the Parthenon and led the city into its great war against Sparta. This speech is an attempt to summarise Athens’ contribution to civilisation, not claiming that the city was like others, but rather setting them an example (parádeigma). He talks of a free approach to politics which is open to all, however poor, of tolerance in private life, of the enjoyment of public entertainments. He glories in the city’s military accomplishments, but no less in the fact that they do not (unlike their main enemy, Sparta) make a fetish of military preparedness. All lies in striking the right balance; in a very Greek phrase, he says:

philokalo$uTmen met' euteleías kaì philosopho$uTmen áneu malakías

philokalo$uTmen met’ euteleías kaì philosopho$uTmen áneu malakías

我们是有节制的爱美者，是没有柔情的爱智慧者。

we are beauty-lovers with a sense of economy, and wisdom-lovers without softness.

他说，总体而言，整个雅典城都是对希腊的教育。⁶艺术、物有所值、智慧和体力：这就是雅典喜欢认为它代表的东西。（至于对智慧的热爱，希腊语不容易区分哲学和对聪明的欣赏。）

Overall, he said, the whole city of Athens was an education to Greece.⁶ Art, value for money, wisdom and physical prowess: that is what Athens liked to think it stood for. (And as for love of wisdom, Greek does not easily distinguish between philosophy and appreciation of cleverness.)

显然，这些反映了对雅典理想的乐观陈述。在随后的战争中，美丽而明智的行为并不引人注目，而雅典确实继续失败。尽管如此，伯里克利将雅典视为对希腊的教育是正确的：尽管它在演讲之后的一个世纪逐渐失去了政治重要性，但它从未失去其作为希腊文化焦点的地位。在接下来的一千年里，它仍然是一个认真的学生会来这里学习的城市，他们总是用希腊语学习，即使他们可能来自罗马帝国的任何地方，或者更远的地方。

Evidently, these reflected an optimistic statement of Athenian ideals. Beautiful and wise deeds were not conspicuous in the conduct of the war that followed, and which indeed Athens went on to lose. Nevertheless, Pericles had been right to see Athens as an education to Greece: although it gradually lost political importance in the century that followed his speech, it never lost its status as the focus of Greek culture. It remained a city where serious students would come to study for the next thousand years, always in Greek, even though they might come from anywhere in the Roman empire, or beyond.

事实上，雅典的思想领导地位一直持续到基督教开始憎恨其持续的自信和对前基督教开放思想的忠诚。罗马皇帝查士丁尼于公元 529 年关闭了雅典的学校。但其语言的卓越地位在整个地中海东部仍然保持了一千年。

In fact Athens’ intellectual leadership lasted until Christianity came to resent its continuing self-confidence and fidelity to its pre-Christian open-mindedness. The Roman emperor Justinian closed the school at Athens in AD 529. But the pre-eminence of its language remained, throughout the eastern Mediterranean, for another thousand years.

什么样的语言？

What kind of a language?

Andròs kharaktēGr ek lógou gnōrízetai

一个男人的类型是从他的话语中识别出来的。

A man’s type is recognised from his words.

米南德⁷

Menander⁷

$ēTthos anthr$ōApoi daímōn

$ēTthos anthr$ōApōi daímōn

人的性格就是命运。

Character for man is fate.

赫拉克利特⁸

Heraclitus⁸

那些世纪以来，将已知的（西方）世界，尤其是其受过教育的成员如此团结起来的语言是一个复杂的有机体，它对外国学习者几乎没有让步，如果有的话。它的词是多音节的，带有复杂的辅音簇（p ^h t ^h árthai , 'to be destroy', tlēmonéstatos , 'most wretched', stlengís , 'scraper' （在洗澡时与油一起使用）, sp ^h rāgídion , '印章戒指'，glisk ^h rós，'粘性'）。

The language that so united the known (Western) world, especially its educated members, over all those centuries was a complex organism that made few concessions, if any, to foreign learners. Its words were polysyllabic, with complex clusters of consonants (p^ht^hárthai, ‘to be destroyed’, tlēmonéstatos, ‘most wretched’, stlengís, ‘scraper’ (used with oil at bath-time), sp^hrāgídion, ‘signet ring’, glisk^hrós, ‘sticky’).

说话者需要区分长元音和短、普通的辅音和带气的辅音，并且能够管理复杂的前缀和后缀系统，其中一个普通名词有九种不同的形式，一个形容词有 19 种，而一个动词则超过 200 种。系统中当然有规律，但他们打了一场败仗：名词有十种主要模式，形容词有十种以上，除了动词有十种不同的模式外，还有超过 350 个个别动词在某处不规则. 这些复杂的变形，再加上复合词的倾向（如引用伯里克利的评论所示），意味着词可能会变得很长，这个特征有时会让希腊语自己感到好笑：有记录以来最长的词，一个美食杰作的词，出现在公元前五世纪的喜剧中：⁹

Speakers needed to tell long vowels from short, plain consonants from breathy ones, and be able to manage elaborate systems of prefixes and suffixes, where an ordinary noun would have nine different forms, and an adjective nineteen, and a verb well over two hundred. There were, of course, regularities in the system, but they fought a losing battle: there were ten major patterns for nouns, ten more for adjectives, and besides ten different patterns for verbs, there were well over 350 individual verbs that were irregular somewhere. These complex inflexions, taken together with the tendency to compound terms (as seen in Pericles’ remarks quoted), meant that words could become very long, a characteristic that sometimes amused the Greeks themselves: the longest on record, a term for a gastronomical masterpiece, comes in a fifth-century BC comedy:⁹

lopadotemakhoselakhogaleokranioleipsanodrimhypotrimmatosilphiok

arabomelitokatakekhumenokikhlepikossuphophatoperisteralektruono

ptokephalliokinklopeleiolagōiosiraiobaphētraganopterúgōn。

lopadotemakhoselakhogaleokranioleipsanodrimhypotrimmatosilphiok

arabomelitokatakekhumenokikhlepikossuphophattoperisteralektruono

ptokephalliokinklopeleiolagōiosiraiobaphētraganopterúgōn.

但是几乎每个文本的每个句子中都会出现十个字母甚至更多的单词。专有名称本身通常可以清楚地作为复合名词进行分析，特别是重量级。

But words ten letters long and more occur in almost every sentence of every text. And proper names, which are themselves very often clearly analysable as compound nouns, are particularly heavyweight.

与单个词的复杂性一起，希腊风格的灵活性：在一个从句中，词序几乎是完全自由的，所以主要是名词、形容词和动词的词尾，标记性别、格、数和人称。明确词义之间的关系：谁对谁做了什么，实际上在说什么。在这里，艺术开始取代自然：sophistaí（专业权威人士所称的“聪明人”）对希腊散文风格的阐述意味着句子，尤其是在优美的话语中，往往变得越来越长，越来越多，巧妙平衡的从句，在所谓的léxis katestramménē中，“受约束的风格”，深受希腊观众的喜爱。

Together with complexity of individual words went the flexibility of Greek style: within a clause, word order was almost totally free, and so it was largely the endings of the nouns, adjectives and verbs, marking gender, case, number and person, which made clear the relationships between the meanings of words: who did what to whom, what in effect was being said. Here art began to take over from nature: the elaboration of Greek prose style by the sophistaí (’wise-guys’, as professional pundits were known) meant that sentences, especially in fine speaking, tended to become ever longer and more ramified, with artfully balanced clauses, in the so-called léxis katestramménē, ‘constrained style’, so widely admired by Greek audiences.

公元前几个世纪的语言听起来与今天所说的希腊语非常不同。造成这种情况的主要原因是它是有声调的，每个单词都有一个独特的高低音旋律，这种方式与今天的日语口音最为相似。该系统在公元最初的几个世纪逐渐崩溃，但并没有消失，而是转变了：现在的希腊语强调过去高调的相同音节。

The language in those centuries BC would have sounded very different from Greek as spoken today. The main reason for this was the fact that it was tonal, each word given a distinctive melody of high and low tones, in a way that is most closely paralleled today by accent in Japanese. The system gradually broke down in the first few centuries AD, but was transmuted rather than disappeared: nowadays Greeks stress the same syllable that used to have high tone.

总体而言，对语言学习者来说压力最大的似乎是声音结构的复杂性，而不是语法。我们在千年之交的信件中发现的大多数错误（通常在埃及保存的纸莎草纸上）都与拼写有关：最重要的是，他们已经发现很难将许多不同的高元音和双元音区分开来（i , ei, ē, oi, u )。果然，所有这些不同的声音在现代语言中都合并为i 。名词和动词系统表现得非常好：它们在一定程度上被简化了，但直到今天，典型的希腊名词仍然有五六种形式，动词二十。^*

Overall, it seems to have been the complexities in sound structure, rather than grammar, which pressed hardest on language-learners. Most of the mistakes we find in correspondence from around the turn of the millennium (usually on sheets of papyrus preserved in Egypt) concern spelling: above all, they were already finding it difficult to keep many of the various high vowels and diphthongs apart (i, ei, ē, oi, u). Sure enough, all these distinct sounds have merged as i in the modern language. The noun and verb systems held up remarkably well: they have been simplified to an extent, but to this day the typical Greek noun still has five or six forms, and the verb twenty.^*

直到公元前二世纪，语言社区的一个特征是它的不统一。在公元前二千年和一千年初期，希腊语在巴尔干半岛南部和爱琴海群岛和海岸线的小社区中发展起来。其中许多社区被海和山所隔离，在他们开始发展专业经济之前，他们的规模一定很小。结果是个别方言趋向于发展并朝着自己的方向发展，当大规模迁移将多立克人希腊语从北部带到伯罗奔尼撒半岛的中心时，这种模式变得更加复杂。希腊语自始至终都能够相互交流，但直到公元前五世纪的事件，个别社区，波列斯，正如他们所说，保持独立；当地人的自豪感开花了，随之而来的是自觉地使用当地方言。在出现共同的外部威胁或任何拥有足以破坏其独立性的军事优势的力量之前，希腊语之间的关系仍停留在共同祖先和宗教意识的层面上。共同的节日和共同的文学作品让他们想起了共同的遗产：但主动权仍然存在于各个城市，每个城市都有自己的农场、牧场和渔业腹地。

One feature of the language community up until the second century BC was its disunity. In the second and early first millennia BC, Greek had developed in small communities all over the south of the Balkans and the Aegean islands and coastline; many of these communities were isolated by sea and mountain, and until they began to develop specialised economies, their size must have remained small. The result was a tendency for individual dialects to develop and go off in their own directions, a pattern that was further complicated when a large-scale migration brought the Doric Greeks out of the north and into the centre of the Peloponnese. Greeks remained able to intercommunicate throughout, but until the events of the fifth century BC, individual communities, póleis, as they were called, remained independent; local pride flowered, and with it a self-conscious use of local dialects. Before there was a common external threat, or any power with a military superiority sufficient to submerge their independence, ties among Greeks remained on the level of a sense of shared ancestry and religion. Shared festivals, and a shared literature, reminded them of a common heritage: but the initiative remained with the individual cities, each with their own hinterland of farms, pastures and fisheries.

通常，当古代世界的希腊语寻找关于他们自己历史的知识时，他们转向诗歌，尤其是荷马，他的《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》，连同许多献给特定神灵的赞美诗，在很大程度上定义了他们对过去的概念. 更多此类文献归功于赫西奥德，他是公元前 700 年左右的一个不那么神秘的人物。但在古代世界中，关于哪个更早存在很大的争议。Hellēn 是希腊语的同名祖先，据说有三个儿子：Aeolus、Xuthus 和 Dorus。赫西奥德写道：¹⁰

Typically, when the Greeks of the ancient world looked for knowledge about their own history, they turned to poetry, and particularly to Homer, whose Iliad and Odyssey, together with a host of hymns addressed to particular gods, largely defined their conception of the past. More such literature is attributed to Hesiod, who is a less shadowy figure from around 700 BC; but there was great dispute in the ancient world about which was the earlier. Hellēn, the eponymous forefather of the Greeks, was said to have had three sons, Aeolus, Xuthus and Dorus. Hesiod wrote:¹⁰

Héllenos d' egénonto philoptolemou basilēos | D&$oTbar;rós te Xo$uTthós te kai Aíolos hippiokhármēs

Héllenos d’ egénonto philoptolemou basilēos | D&$oTbar;rós te Xo$uTthós te kai Aíolos hippiokhármēs

热爱战争的国王 Hellēn 诞生了 | Dōrus 和 Xuthus 以及战车战士 Aeolus。

And of war-loving king Hellēn were born | Dōrus and Xuthus and Aeolus the chariot-fighter.

许萨斯随后有两个儿子，亚恩和阿该厄斯。这巧妙地解释了古代公认的四大方言群的起源，即 Aeolic、Doric、Ionic 和 Achaean。这些主要群体被认为定义了整个希腊语中最高级别的亲属关系，并且它们与现代开始对希腊铭文进行客观研究时所承认的方言关系有一些共同点：至少 Ionic、Aeolic 和 Doric 是主要群体。需要的主要补充是识别一个 Arcado-Cyprian 组，因为伯罗奔尼撒半岛和塞浦路斯中部的 Arcadia 方言几乎相同，并且与邻近的斯巴达和克里特岛的 Dorian 方言非常不同。关于不同群体如何占领希腊各个地区的理论仍然纯粹是推测性的。

Xuthus then had two sons of his own, Ion and Achaeus. This neatly accounted for the origin of the four major dialect groups recognised in antiquity, namely Aeolic, Doric, Ionic and Achaean. These major groupings were felt to define the highest level of kinship among the Greeks as a whole, and they have something in common with the dialect relationships recognised when Greek inscriptions began to be studied objectively in modern times: at least Ionic, Aeolic and Doric are major groups. The main supplement needed is to recognise an Arcado-Cyprian group, since the dialects of Arcadia in the central Peloponnese and Cyprus are almost identical, and very different from the neighbouring Dorian dialects in Sparta and Crete. Theories about how the different groups came to occupy their various parts of Greece remain purely speculative.

希腊文化的一个重要特征是倾向于将其语言作品形式化，从而创造出作家可以继续有意识地创作的风格和体裁。因此，英雄主义风格被拉到一起并整合在一起，产生了荷马完善的史诗风格。旅行者的故事被组织起来，然后作为地理和历史的第一部作品呈现。在体育比赛等公共聚会上为激发灵感而唱的合唱歌曲被保存为抒情诗。定期举行的宗教仪式以阐释和制定特定神灵的神话，变成了戏剧；庆祝者现在将被视为演员，他们的话语不是仪式，而是对古代故事中设定的情境的考察。这引发了第一个悲剧。最重要的是，关于城市政策的公开讨论，对犯罪嫌疑人的考试和考试，成为公开演讲的常规做法：由对演讲特别感兴趣的人进行培训，并诞生了修辞学领域，这可能是古代西方历史上最有影响力的知识学科。其他关于更笼统主题的对话一经写就成为哲学的基础。^*

One of the important features of Greek culture was a tendency to formalise its linguistic productions, thereby creating styles and genres in which writers could go on to compose consciously. So heroic lays were pulled together and integrated, producing the epic style consummated by Homer. Travellers’ tales were organised and then presented as the first works of geography and history. Choral songs sung for inspiration at public gatherings, such as athletic games, were preserved as lyric poetry. Religious liturgy, which had been performed regularly to expound and enact the myths of particular gods, was transformed into drama; the celebrants would now be seen as actors, their words not rituals but examinations of the situations set up in the ancient stories. This gave rise to the first tragedy. Above all, the public discussions of city policy, and examinations of those suspected of crimes, became regularised into the practice of public speaking: training was given by those who were particularly interested in it, and the field of rhetoric was born, probably the most influential intellectual discipline in ancient Western history. Other conversations, on more general themes, when written up became the foundation of philosophy.^*

大多数这些早期希腊文学作品（都在公元前四世纪末得到充分确立）的一个显着特征是它们的“公共”特征：它们源于公共环境中使用的语言，它们主要与公共事务有关关心。^*这是一段与早期希腊历史的政治背景有关的文章：尽管不同城邦的宪法非常多样化，很少有平等主义民主国家，社会的共同特点是开放。公开集会很频繁，人们期望所有公民（不包括妇女、儿童、奴隶和外国人）都会积极参与——如果只是作为暴民的一员——参与社区的政治生活。因此，希腊语开始作为一种公共语言传播开来。就像人们在现代民主国家的政治媒体中看到的一样，追求公共事务成为大众娱乐的东西：在一个著名的场合，雅典议会的一位演说家指责他的公众是戏剧性的;n lógōn, akroataì dè t&$oTbar;n érg&$oTbar;n，“演讲的观众，事件的听众”，即更多地关注他们被告知的内容，以及他们是如何说的，而不是他们自己的常识。¹¹

A striking characteristic of most of these early products of Greek literature (all well established by the end of the fourth century BC) is their ‘public’ character: they arise from language used in a public context, and they are largely about matters of public concern.^* This is of a piece with the political context of early Greek history: although the constitutions of the different poleis were very varied, and very few were egalitarian democracies, a common property of the societies was openness. Open assemblies were frequent, and the expectation was that all citizens (excluding women, children, slaves and foreigners) would take an active part—if only as a member of a mob—in the political life of the community. Greek, therefore, began its spread as a language for the public-spirited. And in much the same way as one sees in the political media in modern democracies, the pursuit of public affairs becomes the stuff of mass entertainment: on one famous occasion, an orator in the Athenian assembly accused his public of being theataì mèn t&$oTbar;n lógōn, akroataì dè t&$oTbar;n érg&$oTbar;n, ‘spectators of speeches, listeners to events’, i.e. paying more attention to what they were told, and how it was said, than to their own common sense.¹¹

讲希腊语的社区的外向性值得与另一种声望很高的语言——梵语——形成对比，后者几乎同时传播开来。两种语言都发展了重要的语言使用理论。但正如我们所见，梵文的理论旨在保存宗教文本的细节。因此，它专注于语言的语法和发音的细节，几乎没有提供改善与他人交流的方法。希腊语言理论（直到罗马帝国的学校要求接管^†) 最重要的是有效地使用语言来说服他人：倾向于假定对语法细节的母语掌握（尽管它们很复杂），而理论家则更多地谈论法律案例的构建，或者（如果有哲学倾向) 关于有效论证的形式。可以说，尽管印度语言学理论是一种无私分析的练习，但希腊语理论总是接近于实际应用。

The outward-looking nature of the Greek-speeking community is worth contrasting with that of another prestige language, which was spreading at much the same time—Sanskrit. Both languages developed significant theories of language use. But Sanskrit’s theory, as we have seen, was aimed at preservation of the details of religious texts; as such, it was focused on the minutiae of the language’s grammar and pronunciation, with little to offer to improve communication with other people. Greek linguistic theory (until the school requirements of the Roman empire take over^†) is focused above all on the effective use of language to persuade others: native command of the grammatical details tends to be assumed (despite their complexity), and the theorists talk rather about the construction of a case at law, or (if philosophically inclined) about the form of a valid argument. One could say that whereas Indian linguistic theory is an exercise in disinterested analysis, the Greek theories are always close to practical application.

家中之家：希腊语通过定居点传播

Homes from home: Greek spread through settlement

希腊语从它的历史故乡——巴尔干半岛南部和爱琴海群岛通过两个过程传播开来，一个是零碎的、持久的和向其方向扩散的，另一个是有组织的、突然的、惊人的连贯性。一种通常被称为希腊殖民运动；另一个是亚历山大对波斯帝国的征服。

The Greek language was spread from its historic home, the southern Balkan peninsula and Aegean islands, through two processes, one piecemeal, long lasting and diffuse in its direction, the other organised, sudden and breathtakingly coherent. One is usually known as the Greek colonisation movement; the other is Alexander’s conquest of the Persian empire.

第一个过程是希腊城市对地中海和黑海沿岸的殖民化，从公元前 8 世纪中叶持续到 5 世纪初。为什么在这些海岸的所有居民中，只有希腊语和腓尼基人以这种方式建立独立中心的问题从未得到解答。这些基金会显然有多种用途，作为政治安全阀，作为原材料贸易站，以及将希腊农业应用于更丰富和人口稀少的土壤的机会，但值得注意的是，它们完全位于沿海地区，从未向内陆移动除了西西里岛。希腊的扩张发生在腓尼基人定居时期（十一至八世纪）之后，因此最重要的因素可能是谁有效控制了海洋。Megálē Héllas，“大希腊”，通常用拉丁文Magna Graecia 命名。

The first process, the colonisation of the Mediterranean and Black Sea coasts by Greek cities, lasted from the middle of the eighth to the early fifth century BC. The question why, of all the inhabitants of these shores, only the Greeks and the Phoenicians set up independent centres in this way has never been answered. The foundations clearly served a variety of purposes, as political safety valves, as trading posts for raw materials, and as opportunities to apply Greek agriculture to more abundant and less heavily populated soil, but it is noteworthy that they are exclusively coastal, never moving inland except on the island of Sicily. The Greek expansion came after the period of Phoenician settlements (eleventh to eighth centuries), so it may be that the most important factor was who had effective control of the sea. Although by the end of the period almost all available Mediterranean coasts had been populated, it was the western end which loomed largest in the Greek conception of what had been achieved: southern Italy and Sicily, par excellence, made up Megálē Héllas, ‘Great Greece’, usually named in Latin Magna Graecia.

不同的城市倾向于专注于不同的海岸线。在爱奥尼亚人中，Chalcis 和 Eretria 前往意大利西南部和西西里岛东北部；Phocaea（本身就是吕底亚边缘的一座城市）占领了现代西班牙、科西嘉岛和法国的海岸，包括马萨利亚（现在的马赛）。^*爱琴海南部城市米利都覆盖了黑海的整个周边，拥有十九个殖民地。

Different cities tended to specialise in different strips of coastline. Among the Ionians, Chalcis and Eretria went for south-western Italy and northeastern Sicily; Phocaea (itself a city on the edge of Lydia) took the coasts of modern Spain, Corsica and France, including Massalia (now Marseilles).^* The south Aegean city of Miletus covered the whole perimeter of the Black Sea, with nineteen colonies.

亚该亚人主要占领了意大利的东南海岸。人们普遍认为这个国家的名字是由希腊语命名的：意大利将是(w)italoí的土地，“一岁的牛”是etaloí的方言变体，后来实际上借入拉丁语为vituli，并且仍然与我们同在在小牛肉这个词中。

Achaeans largely took over the south-eastern coast of Italy. This country is popularly supposed to have been given its name by the Greeks: Italia would be the land of (w)italoí, ‘yearling cattle’, a dialectal variant of etaloí, later borrowed in fact into Latin as vituli, and still with us in the word veal.

在多利安人中，科林斯、麦加拉和罗德都再次瞄准了西西里岛，但这次是东南部和南部。斯巴达只在意大利的脚背上建立了一个殖民地（Táras，即现代的塔兰托）。† 除了在西西里岛的作用外，Megara 还专注于黑海东南部，包括最重要的基础Búzas，一个千年后被选为罗马帝国、拜占庭§或君士坦丁堡的新首都。独一无二的是，Thera 南下，在非洲海岸的 Cyrene 建立了一个殖民地。¶

Among the Dorians, Corinth, Megara and Rhodes all targeted Sicily again, but this time the south-east and south. Sparta placed one colony only, on the instep of Italy (Táras, the modern Taranto).† Besides its role in Sicily, Megara also specialised in the south-east of the Black Sea, including the most fateful foundation of all, Búzas, a thousand years later chosen as a new capital for the Roman empire, Byzantium§ or Constantinople. Uniquely, Thera headed south to found a colony on the African coast at Cyrene.¶

虽然殖民地（apoikíai ——字面意思是“家外之家”）通常由来自“母城”或大都会的“房屋建造者” oikistébar;s领导——与他们一起会有历史性和情感性，尽管不是政治或军事，债券——他们的创始人口可能是从许多城市招募的，因此新基金会的人口可能相当混杂，尽管在方言方面不太一样。铭文表明，所讲的语言几乎总是接近大都市的语言。¹²可以比较英语在北美的持续主导地位，尽管在 19 世纪，英语殖民者的人数超过了其他语言的使用者（见第 492 页）。

Although colonies (apoikíai—literally ‘homes-from-home’) were generally led by a ‘home-builder’, oikistébar;s, from the ‘mother city’ or mētrópolis—with whom there would be a historic and emotional, though not political or military, bond—their founding populations might be recruited from a number of cities, so the new foundations could be quite mixed in population, although less so in dialect. The inscriptions suggest that the language spoken was almost always close to that of the metropolis.¹² One could compare the continued dominance of English in North America, even though English colonists were outnumbered by speakers of other languages in the nineteenth century (see p. 492).

这场运动的直接影响可以说是文化而非语言。在新移民到来之前，这些地区并非无人居住，当地居民（其中包括高卢人、伊特鲁里亚人、罗马人、斯基特人和亚美尼亚人）并没有随着时间的推移而消失。^*尽管希腊语在他们的沿海地区占主导地位，许多殖民地在同一地区推出了分支以建立新的殖民地，但它们从未成为更大规模的国家关注的焦点。（这与迦太基在这个时期和后来的强大自我扩张形成对比，迦太基曾经是腓尼基人的殖民地。）这些殖民地，尤其是在西西里岛和意大利南部，以其财富和科学文化而闻名：巴门尼德、芝诺、毕达哥拉斯、色诺芬、恩培多克勒和阿基米德都是西方的希腊语。政治创新并不是一个特别强项。†

The immediate effects of this movement were arguably more cultural than linguistic. The areas were not uninhabited before the newcomers arrived, and the local populations (among them Gauls, Etruscans, Romans, Scyths and Armenians) did not fade away over time.^* Although the Greeks dominated their coastal regions, and many colonies put out offshoots to create new colonies in the same region, they never became the focus for states on a larger scale. (Contrast this with the powerful self-aggrandisement, over this period and later, of Carthage, once a Phoenician colony.) The colonies, especially in Sicily and southern Italy, were famed for their wealth, and their scientific culture: Parmenides, Zeno, Pythagoras, Xenophanes, Empedocles and Archimedes were all Greeks of the west. Political innovation was not a particular forte.†

事实上，这些殖民地成为希腊文化进入西地中海和黑海的桥头堡。这种分散的希腊存在持续了将近一千年。公元前一世纪末，斯特拉博写道：“但现在除了塔拉斯、雷吉翁和尼阿波利斯[塔兰托、雷焦和那不勒斯]，[大希腊]所有地区都被“野蛮化”了，§并且一些部分被占领卢卡尼亚人和布鲁特人，以及坎帕尼亚人的其他人。但这只是名义上的；实际上是罗马人——因为他们已经变成了这样。¹³上面提到的三个城市应该又保留了几个世纪的希腊特色。直到今天，在意大利最极端的脚趾和脚跟的两个小飞地中都使用希腊语：卡拉布里亚（雷焦东南部）的 Bovesia，以及普利亚莱切以南的 Calimera 和 Martano 村庄。

The colonies in fact became bridgeheads for Greek culture into the western Mediterranean and Black Sea; and this separate scattered Greek presence continued for close on a thousand years. Strabo, at the end of the first century BC, wrote: ‘But now except for Taras and Rhegion and Neapolis [Taranto, Reggio and Naples], all [of Magna Graecia] has been “barbarised out”,§ and some parts are taken by Lucanians and Bruttians, and others by Campanians. But that is just in name; in fact by Romans—for that is what they have become.’¹³ The three cities mentioned are supposed to have retained their Greekness for another couple of centuries. And Greek is spoken to this day in the extreme toe and heel of Italy in two tiny enclaves: Bovesia in Calabria (south-east of Reggio), and the villages Calimera and Martano south of Lecce in Puglia.

殖民地在将高卢和意大利的邻国引入书写方面发挥了重要作用：从法国里维埃拉的马萨利亚，高卢人学会了用希腊字符书写自己的语言；位于西南海岸的 Pithecusae（伊斯基亚）和 Cumae 首先在坎帕尼亚（Campania）教导伊特鲁里亚人（Etruscans），进而在整个意大利中部和北部传授；再往南一点，帕埃斯图姆（波塞多尼亚）可以将识字传给卢卡尼亚的奥斯坎人，然后再将塔拉斯传给卡拉布里亚的弥赛亚人。最重要的是这种教育的一种间接途径：与意大利北部的许多其他人一样（例如，阿尔卑斯山脚下的 Insubrian Gauls），伊特鲁里亚人继续教他们的伟大对手罗马人阅读和写作.

The colonies played a cardinal role in introducing neighbouring peoples of Gaul and Italy to writing: from Massalia on the French Riviera, Gauls learnt to write their own language in Greek characters; Pithecusae (Ischia) and Cumae on the south-western coast taught the Etruscans first of Campania, and hence of the whole centre and north of Italy; a little farther south, Paestum (Poseidonia) could pass literacy on to the Oscans in Lucania, and over in the heel, Taras to the Messapians in Calabria. Most significant of all was one indirect path of such education: as well as many others in north Italy (for example, the Insubrian Gauls in the foothills of the Alps), the Etruscans went on to teach their great adversaries the Romans to read and write. Through an elaborate cascade of successful conquests and commercial infiltrations over the next twenty-seven centuries, the Roman alphabet has become the most widely used in the world at large.

以这种方式传承下来的字母不是今天的希腊字母，后者在公元前 403-402 年在雅典被有效地标准化，^*然后在下一代整个希腊被采用。†在希腊历史的这个较早时期（从公元前八世纪开始），仍然存在不同方言所青睐的竞争变体，并且大多数在意大利拥有殖民地的城市都偏爱所谓的西方字母表，其中 H 用于表示送气辅音“aitch”，X 而不是 $XI 用于表示 [ks]，字母 θ $XI Φ PΩ 被删除，但 F 和 Q 被保留。§ 这是意大利人使用的字母表，就像在大量生产文字之前的时代一样，有各种当地版本。（Lepontic、Etruscan、Os-can、Umbrian、Faliscan 和 Messapian 都有与拉丁语不同的字母表。）

The alphabets that were passed on in this way were not today’s Greek alphabet, which was to be effectively standardised in Athens in 403-402 BC,^* and then adopted throughout Greece in the next generation.† At this earlier time in Greek history (from the eighth century BC), there were still competing variants favoured by different dialects, and most of the cities with colonies in Italy favoured the so-called Western alphabet, in which H was used to represent the aspirate consonant ‘aitch’, X not $XI was used to represent [ks], the letters θ $XI Φ PΩ were dropped, but F and Q were retained.§ This was the alphabet taken up by the Italians, though, as usual in an age before mass-produced writing, in various local versions. (Lepontic, Etruscan, Os-can, Umbrian, Faliscan and Messapian all had alphabets distinct from Latin’s.)

希腊扩张的另一个文化和经济恩惠是葡萄酒，现在传递到非常受欢迎的西地中海——可能与另一种奢侈液体橄榄油一起传播。贾斯汀 (43.4) 代表了创立马萨利亚的福凯亚人，他们不仅教导周围的高卢人市民和城市生活，而且教导如何照料葡萄藤。¶ 在这里，可能间接影响比直接影响更强大，因为众所周知罗马人从希腊语那里得知了葡萄树，当他们进入高卢时，他们非常积极地推广它，取代了希腊语，把它带到了地中海沿岸以外的地方。

Another cultural, and economic, boon of the Greek expansion was wine, now passed on to a very welcoming western Mediterranean—probably along with another luxury liquid, olive oil. Justin (43.4) represents the Phocaeans who founded Massalia as teaching the surrounding Gauls not just civic and urban life, but also how to tend vines.¶ Here again, it may be that indirect influence was more powerful than direct, for it is known that the Romans, who had learnt of the vine from the Greeks, were extremely active in promoting it when they moved into Gaul, superseding the Greeks by taking it far beyond the Mediterranean coast.

在当时的希腊世界的另一端，黑海周围的殖民地似乎在希腊大陆的生活中发挥了更加一体化的作用，因为他们来为它提供小麦（生长在斯基泰/乌克兰的广阔土地上）和消耗所有的opsa，由干鱼制成的调味品，是希腊语最抢手的香料。

At the other end of the then Greek world, the colonies round the Black Sea appear to have played a more integrated role in mainland Greek life, since they came to supply it both with wheat (grown on the vast fields of Scythia/Ukraine) and the all-consuming opsa, relishes made of dried fish, the most sought-after spices for the Hellenes.

希腊语开始对游牧的斯基泰人产生一种隐秘的敬意：像他们一样，他们会看到波斯人入侵的企图。总的来说，他们对希腊的方式完全不感兴趣：但希罗多德回忆起两个对希腊事物有兴趣的人，阿纳卡西斯（后来成为传奇的圣人）和赛尔斯。在这两种情况下，最终都是他们屈服于希腊宗教仪式的禁忌魅力：当时希腊语没有被视为古代世界的主要理性主义者。

The Greeks came to have a sneaking respect for the nomadic Scythians: like them they would see off an attempted Persian invasion. In general, they were quite impervious to Greek ways: but Herodotus recalls two who had a taste for things Greek, Anacharsis (who became a legendary sage) and Scyles. In both cases, ultimately it was the forbidden charms of Greek religious ceremonies to which they yielded: the Greeks were not then seen in their modern light, as the arch-rationalists of the ancient world.

亚洲之王：希腊通过战争传播

Kings of Asia: Greek spread through war

Hoi huméteroi prógonoi elthóntes eis Makedonían kaì eis tèbaren állbaren Helláda kak$oTbar;s epoíēsan hēmás oudèn proēdikēménoi;s epoíēsan hēmás oudèn proēdikēménoi; egòbar;o dè tòbar;n Hellébar;nōn hēgemòbar;n katastatheìs kaì timōrébar;sasthai boulómenos Pérsas diébēn es tèbar;n Asian, huparksántōn hum$oTbar;n...Kaì to$uT loipo$uT hótan pémpēis par' éme, hōs pròs tŋbar;s Asías pémpe, mēdè ex ísou epístelle, all' h$oTbar;s kuríōi ónti pántōn t$oTbar;ns$oTbar;n phráze eí tou déēi...

Hoi huméteroi prógonoi elthóntes eis Makedonían kaì eis tèbaren állbaren Helláda kak$oTbar;s epoíēsan hēmás oudèn proēdikēménoi; egòbar;o dè tòbar;n Hellébar;nōn hēgemòbar;n katastatheìs kaì timōrébar;sasthai boulómenos Pérsas diébēn es tèbar;n Asían, huparksántōn hum$oTbar;n…Kaì to$uT loipo$uT hótan pémpēis par’ éme, hōs pròs basiléa tŋbar;s Asías pémpe, mēdè ex ísou epístelle, all’ h$oTbar;s kuríōi ónti pántōn t$oTbar;n s$oTbar;n phráze eí tou déēi…

你们的祖先进入马其顿和希腊其他地方，无怨无悔地冤枉了我们；但是我，作为希腊语的领袖，希望向波斯人报仇，已经越过亚洲，这是你们开始的事情……将来当你派给我时，作为亚洲之王派给我，不要通信在平等的条件下，但至于你所有的主，告诉我你是否需要任何东西......

Your ancestors entering Macedonia and the rest of Greece wronged us without previous grievance; but I, constituted as leader of the Greeks and wishing to take vengeance on the Persians, have crossed into Asia, something that you people started… And in future when you send to me, send to me as King of Asia, and do not correspond on equal terms, but as to the lord of all that is yours, tell me if you need anything…

亚历山大对大流士，波斯国王，公元前 332 年：阿里安，ii.14

Alexander to Darius, king of Persia, 332 BC: Arrian, ii.14

在希腊有记载的三千年历史中，大约四分之一的时间发生在改变一切的十年。

About a quarter of the way through the three thousand years of Greek’s recorded history came the single decade that changed everything.

在公元前 334-325 年期间，马其顿的亚历山大三世领导的希腊军队消灭了波斯帝国，几乎遍及土耳其、叙利亚、以色列、埃及、约旦、伊拉克、科威特、亚美尼亚、伊朗、阿富汗和巴基斯坦。亚历山大宣称的动机是在波斯战争中为波斯的侵略报仇，这在希腊语的头脑中仍然非常存在，尽管他们在一个半世纪前曾是他们的曾曾祖父母的经历，而希腊至少现在处于非常不同的管理。在同一时间尺度上，英国现在应该为俄罗斯对克里米亚战争的严重报复做准备。

Over the period 334-325 BC a Greek army under Alexander III of Macedon eliminated the Persian empire, over almost the whole area of the modern states of Turkey, Syria, Israel, Egypt, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Armenia, Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Alexander’s declared motive was to take revenge for Persian aggression in the Persian Wars, still very present in Greek minds, although they had been an experience of their great-great-grandparents, a century and a half before, and Greece at least was now under very different management. On the same timescale Britain should now be preparing for Russia’s serious retaliation for the Crimean War.

这一闪电般的进步的结果是，希腊军事管理人员全面接管了一个存在了 200 多年的多民族帝国，使可以听到希腊语的地区迅速扩大了两倍，希腊文化传统也广为人知。赞赏。与围绕地中海和黑海的殖民推进不同，这次推进并没有紧贴海岸线，而是对所有主要已建立的城市中心进行了最高控制。尽管单一统治者的统一控制并没有持续多久（亚历山大在他的重大战役两年后去世，他的帝国分崩离析，成为他不同元帅的领地），但希腊的霸主地位确实存在。它在波斯中部持续了一个世纪，直到另一个讲伊朗语的大国，这次是来自里海东南部的帕提亚人，重新获得了控制权。但在它放松对埃及、叙利亚或巴比伦的控制之前，还需要三百年。尽管亚历山大对印度河西岸的主张几乎立即被同样伟大的印度皇帝旃陀罗笈多（Chandragupta）从巴特那（Patna）的统治取消，但以大夏（阿富汗）为基地的希腊国王继续拥有与叙利亚国王一样长的独立统治时间。他们向南移动到犍陀罗（斯瓦特）和旁遮普（现在的巴基斯坦）；尽管他们失去了对大夏本身的控制，有一段时间他们甚至向东到达了恒河上的巴特那。以大夏（阿富汗）为基地的希腊国王继续独立统治的时间与在叙利亚的国王一样长。他们向南移动到犍陀罗（斯瓦特）和旁遮普（现在的巴基斯坦）；尽管他们失去了对大夏本身的控制，有一段时间他们甚至向东到达了恒河上的巴特那。以大夏（阿富汗）为基地的希腊国王继续独立统治的时间与在叙利亚的国王一样长。他们向南移动到犍陀罗（斯瓦特）和旁遮普（现在的巴基斯坦）；尽管他们失去了对大夏本身的控制，有一段时间他们甚至向东到达了恒河上的巴特那。^*事实上，希腊王国在这里的持续时间比在希腊本身更长，马其顿国王在公元前 146 年两个世纪后将主权让给了罗马。

The result of this lightning advance, the wholesale takeover by Greek military administrators of a multi-ethnic empire that had existed for over two hundred years, was an instant trebling of the area where the Greek language might be heard, and Greek cultural traditions known and appreciated. Unlike the colonial advance around the Mediterranean and Black Sea, this advance did not hug the coastline, but assumed supreme control over all the major established urban centres. Although the unitary control by a single ruler did not last (Alexander died two years after his momentous campaign, and his empire fell apart into the domains of his different marshals), Greek overlordship did survive. It lasted for a century in central Persia, until another Iranian-speaking power, this time the Parthians from south-east of the Caspian, reasserted control. But it was to be three hundred years before it relaxed its grasp on Egypt, Syria or Babylonia. And although Alexander’s claim on the west bank of the Indus was almost immediately annulled by the advance of the equally magnificent Indian emperor Chandragupta ruling from Patna, Greek kings based in Bactria (Afghanistan) continued an independent dominion for about as long as those in Syria. They moved south into Gandhara (Swat) and the Panjab (in what is now Pakistan); though they lost hold of Bactria itself, for a time they even reached as far to the east as Patna on the Ganges.^* In fact, Greek kingdoms lasted longer here than in Greece itself, where Macedonian kings yielded sovereignty to Rome after two centuries in 146 BC.

亚历山大征服的领土上的希腊化进程创造了一个庞大的希腊语社区的中心地带，该社区将统治地中海东部一千多年。当它在公元 286 年罗马帝国正式划分为东西方时被正式承认时，它已经存在了一半。东罗马帝国随后逐渐转变为一个有意识的希腊帝国：恰当地，它用来形容自己的词rōmaĩos，“罗马”，已经成为一个流行的词，现在的意思是“希腊”。^*

The process of Hellenisation in the realms conquered by Alexander created the heartland of a vast Greek-speaking community that would dominate the eastern Mediterranean for over a thousand years. It had already existed for half this time when it was recognised officially, in AD 286, on the formal division of the Roman empire into east and west. The eastern Roman empire then transmuted gradually into a consciously Greek empire: appropriately, the word it used to describe itself, rōmaĩos, ‘Roman’, has become a popular word that now means ‘Greek’.^*

尽管很长一段时间以来，希腊语在这片广阔的领土上都是政治上的杰出人士——从来没有民主人士——但他们语言的实际传播可能更加零散。两百年来，亚拉姆语，最初是巴比伦和迦南的通用语，一直是整个波斯帝国的方便标准。正如我们所看到的，它的使用率并不统一。但亚历山大的新臣民们一定期待一种单独的、共同的语言用于帝国管理。从一种这样的语言到另一种语言的有效转换，如果真的发生的话，不可能是一蹴而就的。

Although Greeks were, for a long time, politically pre-eminent—never as democrats—all over this vast dominion, the actual spread of their language was probably much more patchy. For two hundred years, Aramaic, originally the lingua franca of Babylon and Canaan, had been the convenient standard for the whole Persian empire. As we have seen, its take-up had not been uniform. But Alexander’s new subjects must have expected a separate, common, language, for imperial administration. Effective conversion from one such language to another, if it happened at all, cannot have been instant.

从东到西回顾证据，我们可以从印度说的希腊语开始。公元前 3 世纪中叶，当阿育王皇帝在印度北部和中部地区以当地的方言制定法令，敦促正法和美德的重要性时，他选择在坎大哈用亚拉姆语和希腊语书写铭文。坎大哈被希腊语称为阿拉霍斯人的亚历山大城，由亚历山大于 329 年创立，而阿育王的岩石法令并不是在那里发现的唯一希腊铭文。¹⁴这将在他的领域边缘之上或之外。印度的希腊君主制有大量的硬币证据，这表明存在某种形式的双语，因为硬币的一侧是希腊语，另一侧是印度的 Prakrit，用 Kharo⋅⃛hi 脚本（阿拉姆语脚本的另一种派生词）书写. 事实上，在最后一位希腊国王和王后 Hermaios 和 Calliope 去世后，关于硬币的希腊传说持续了一个世纪，他们只统治了白沙瓦和开伯尔山口，并于公元前 30 年左右去世。由于当时政府掌握在 Śaka/Scythians、Pallava/Parthians 和 Kushāna 手中，他们自己的（伊朗语）语言起源于兴都库什山脉以北，这可能会支持说希腊语的公众持续存在；但是硬币上的Kharo⋅⃛hi印第安铭文也在继续，

Reviewing the evidence from east to west, we can begin with Greek spoken in India. In the mid-third century BC, when the emperor Aśoka was setting up edicts urging the importance of dhamma, virtue, all over north and central India in the local vernacular, he chose at Kandahar to write the inscription in Aramaic and Greek. Kandahar was better known to Greeks as Alexandria of the Arachosians, founded by Alexander in 329, and Aśoka’s rock edict is not the only Greek inscription to have been found there.¹⁴ This would have been on, or beyond, the edge of his domain. Coin evidence is copious for the Greek monarchies of India, and this alleges some form of bilingualism, since the coins have Greek on one side, and an Indian Prakrit, written in Kharo⋅⃛hi script (another derivate of Aramaic script), on the other. In fact, Greek legends on coins continued for a century after the death of the last Greek king and queen, Hermaios and Calliope, who had ruled little more than Peshawar and the Khyber pass, and died about 30 BC. Since the government was by then in the hands of Śaka/Scythians, Pallava/Parthians and Kushāna, whose own (Iranian) languages stemmed from north of the Hindu Kush, this might argue for a persisting public of Greek speakers; but the Kharo⋅⃛hi Indian inscriptions on the coins continue too, so it might simply be an attempt to put the weight of tradition and continuity behind the currency, even as the real power moved into the hands of illiterate rulers.

总体而言，总体情况是说希腊语的政府对持续使用印度语言的民众的影响相对较小。虽然双方都识字，但没有双语语法或双语词典的记录；并且没有说明当最著名的希腊国王米南德（印度人的密林达）与圣人纳格萨纳（Nagasena）就佛教进行辩论时使用的是什么语言，记录在密林达帕尼亚（Milindapañha）中。或许到那时，说 Prakrit 的希腊语也不例外。不久之后，安提阿基达斯国王在塔克西拉的大使赫利奥多罗斯（在现代中央邦的贝斯纳加尔）竖起了一根柱子。这一切都在Prakrit。¹⁵一百五十年前，梅加斯泰尼从公元前 302 年起在巴特那的旃陀罗笈多宫担任希腊大使（由塞琉古国王派遣），紧随其后的是下一任国王（安提阿古斯一世）的狄马科斯和狄奥尼修斯，来自竞争的希腊领土埃及；所有人都写了关于他们经历的书，这些书在尼罗河上的亚历山大港流行，现在是希腊学习的迅速崛起的中心。

Overall, the general picture is of a Greek-speaking government having relatively little impact on a populace persistently speaking Indian languages. Although both sides were literate, there is no record of bilingual grammars or dictionaries; and no account is given of what language was used when the most famous Greek king, Menander (Milinda to the Indians), engaged the sage Nagasena in a debate about Buddhism, recorded in the Milindapañha. Perhaps Prakrit-speaking Greeks were no great exception by then. Not long afterwards a pillar was erected (at Besnagar in modern Madhya Pradesh) by Heliodorus, an ambassador from King Antialkidas in Taxila. It is all in Prakrit.¹⁵ One hundred and fifty years earlier, Megasthenes had served as a Greek ambassador (sent by King Seleucus) at the court of Chandragupta in Patna from 302 BC, and he had been followed by Deimakhos from the next king (Antiochus I), and Dionysius, from the competing Greek domain of Egypt; all had written books about their experiences which became current in Alexandria on the Nile, now the fast-emerging centre of Greek learning.

回到亚历山大的塞琉古继承者王国（波斯、新月沃地和安纳托利亚），有证据表明希腊语比印度更广泛、更深入地根深蒂固，尽管情况并不统一。例如，尽管在伊朗东部地区，希腊力量在一个世纪内（约公元前230 年）就屈服于崛起的帕提亚人，但新的统治者继续用希腊语发行他们的硬币（偶尔也用阿拉姆语），只是转而使用帕提亚语（巴列维）公元一世纪和二世纪的传说，当时剩下的希腊传说变得越来越乱码。直到四世纪，才有用希腊文写成的官方文件。¹⁶但在更远的南方，在波斯湾，波斯小王国（从公元前 280 年到公元 224 年存在）总是用亚拉姆语发行硬币。

Back in the kingdom of the Seleucid successors to Alexander (Persia, the Fertile Crescent and Anatolia), there is evidence that Greek became ingrained more widely and deeply than in India, though the picture is not uniform. For instance, although in the eastern area of Iran Greek power yielded within a century (c.230 BC) to the rising Parthians, the new rulers continued to issue their coins in Greek (occasionally too in Aramaic), only going over to Parthian (Pahlavi) legends in the first and second centuries AD, when the remaining Greek legends were becoming increasingly garbled. There are official documents written in Greek up until the fourth century.¹⁶ But farther south, on the Persian Gulf, the small kingdom of Persis (in existence from 280 BC to AD 224) always issued its coins in Aramaic.

在新月沃地、巴比伦尼亚、美索不达米亚、叙利亚和巴勒斯坦，这块讲亚兰语的旧亚述帝国的核心地带，成为塞琉古新政府的实际重心，希腊语的渗透同样显着，但似乎导致双语或多或少稳定的情况，人们在不同的社区和出于不同的目的使用不同的语言。尽管巴比伦对塞琉古人具有重要的战略意义，但它可能从来没有超过一个小的希腊社区，而且在公元 126 年这座城市被帕提亚所征服之后，他们和他们的语言不太可能蓬勃发展。埃德萨，现代的乌尔法，后来成为在与帕提亚接壤的地方，在整个希腊和罗马时期都保持着强大的亚拉姆语（叙利亚）文学传统。

In the Fertile Crescent, Babylonia, Mesopotamia, Syria and Palestine, the Aramaic-speaking lands at the core of the old Assyrian empire, which became the actual centre of gravity of the new Seleucid government, the penetration of Greek was likewise significant, but seems to have led to a situation of more or less stable diglossia, people using different languages in different communities and for different purposes. Babylon, despite its strategic importance to the Seleucids, probably never had more than a small Greek community, and they and their language are unlikely to have flourished after the city was yielded to Parthia in AD 126. Edessa, modern Urfa, which came to be on the border with Parthia, maintained a strong Aramaic (Syriac) literary tradition throughout the Greek and Roman periods.

然而，在叙利亚北部，塞琉古一世认真尝试建立希腊殖民地，这些殖民地大体上幸存至今：安提阿（安塔基亚）、阿帕米亚（哈马）、塞琉西亚（西利夫克）和老底嘉（拉塔基亚）。地中海沿岸的安提阿作为罗马叙利亚的首都继续辉煌的职业生涯，始于从附近的希腊殖民地移植过来的 5300 名雅典人和马其顿人的核心。尽管如此，他们总是有一个庞大的说亚拉姆语和犹太人的社区。附近的巴尔米拉似乎要归功于罗马人控制的到来（公元 17-19 年）。并且在那里发现了著名的希腊-亚拉姆语关税铭文（公元 137 年），表明这两种语言都有地位。但九百年后，当阿拉伯征服结束了希腊的控制时，¹⁷

However, round northern Syria, Seleucus I made a serious attempt at establishing Greek colonies, which have by and large survived to the present day: Antioch (Antakya), Apamea (Hamah), Seleuceia (Silifke), and Laodiceia (Latakia). Antioch on the Mediterranean coast, which went on to a glorious career as capital of Roman Syria, started with a core of 5300 Athenians and Macedonians transplanted from a nearby Greek colony. Nevertheless, they always had a large Aramaic-speaking, as well as a Jewish, community. Nearby Palmyra seems to owe its Greek speakers (and its name—it was previously Tadmor) to the advent of Roman control (AD 17-19); and there is a famous Greek-Aramaic inscription on tariffs (AD 137) found there, to show that both languages had status. But nine hundred years later, when Greek control was ended by the Arab conquest, it appears that Greek had never spread outside these few cities.¹⁷

在耶路撒冷，从 168 年开始，由犹大·马加比 (Judas Maccabaeus) 领导的大麻烦^*涉及对塞琉古政府对犹太人希腊化的感知措施的抵抗，尽管不出所料，宗教崇拜而不是语言方面更突出。它导致了哈斯蒙尼王国的建立，该王国从公元前 142 年到 63 年统治着犹太，最大限度地减少了希腊的影响。亚拉姆语仍然是巴勒斯坦的主要语言，希伯来语仅限于礼仪使用，而希腊语有趣地在犹太人的国际化方面以及基督徒等衍生品中扮演了重要角色。但正如使徒行传第 2 章生动描述的那样，在逾越节期间，在耶路撒冷的街道上可以听到罗马帝国仍然使用的每种语言。†

In Jerusalem, there was major trouble beginning in 168, led by Judas Maccabaeus,^* involving resistance to the Seleucid government’s perceived measures to Hellenise the Jews, although unsurprisingly the religious cult rather than the language aspect was to the fore. It led to the setting up of the Hasmonaean kingdom, which ruled Judaea from 142 to 63 BC, minimising Greek influence. Aramaic remained the dominant language in Palestine, with Hebrew restricted to liturgical use, and Greek interestingly assigned a role in the more cosmopolitan aspect of Jewry, and such spin-offs as the Christians. But as Acts of the Apostles, chapter 2, graphically recounts, every language still spoken in the Roman empire could be heard in the streets of Jerusalem at the time of the Passover festival.†

希伯来圣经的希腊文本实际上是由托勒密二世委托编写的，§ 是亚历山大死后统治埃及的希腊王朝中的第二个。（他在公元前 308-246 年统治）在亚历山大的“阿里斯蒂亚斯的信”中详细描述了实现这一目标的过程，并附有一些传奇性的积累。不管真实的细节如何，希腊七十士译本（以拉丁文命名，据说是从耶路撒冷传召来研究它的 72 位学者）成为圣经的权威文本，并被巴勒斯坦以外的犹太人以及犹太人广泛使用。后来的基督教运动。希腊因此成为其自身传统之外的主要文化的载体，摆脱了与雅典eleuthería的联系（或现在马其顿的辉煌），并且在某种意义上因此被世俗化为一种语言。在实用的基础上，当在后来的几个世纪中感觉到需要将新的基督教经文传播到更广阔的世界时，它变得能够承担与亚拉姆语同等甚至更高的地位。

Greek texts of the Hebrew scriptures were in fact commissioned by Ptolemy II,§ the second in the Greek dynasty that ruled Egypt after Alexander’s death. (He ruled 308-246 BC) The process by which this was achieved is detailed, with some legendary accretions, in the Alexandrian ‘Letter of Aristeas’. Whatever the true details, the Greek Septuagint (named—in Latin—for the seventy-two scholars supposedly summoned from Jerusalem to work on it) became an authoritative text of the Bible, and was widely used by Jews outside Palestine, as well as the later Christian movement. Greek therefore became the vehicle for a major culture outside its own traditions, freed from associations with Athenian eleuthería (or by now Macedonian magnificence), and in a sense thereby secularised as a language. On pragmatic grounds, it became able, when in later centuries the need was felt for new Christian scriptures to transmit to the wider world, to assume equivalent, and then superior, status to Aramaic.

在整个埃及，尽管托勒密家族和所有希腊化的继承者（diádokhoi — 亚历山大的继承人）一样，依靠他们的军队来保证他们的权威，但一项重大的文化项目开始验证这一点。一座博物馆（Mouseĩon — 缪斯神庙）作为政府资助的研究机构和永恒著名的图书馆建立，都靠近新成立的首都亚历山大王宫。这些吸引了来自有人居住的世界oikouménē的讲希腊语的学者。硬币是用希腊语发行的，由一个铸币厂发行，也在亚历山大港。在这个世界上拥有最长中央行政传统的国家，希腊语作为一种新的行政语言逐渐被引入。

In Egypt as a whole, although the Ptolemies, like all the Hellenistic Diadochi (diádokhoi—heirs of Alexander), relied on their armies to guarantee their authority, there was a major cultural project started to validate it. A Museum (Mouseĩon—temple of the Muses) was established as a government-funded research institute, and the eternally famous Library, both close to the royal palace in Alexandria, the newly founded capital city. These attracted Greek-speaking scholars from all over the oikouménē, the inhabited world. Coinage was issued in Greek, from a single mint, also at Alexandria. Greek was gradually introduced as a new language of administration, in this country with the longest tradition of central administration in the world.

希腊语似乎仍然是埃及统治精英的语言。尽管来自亚历山大的文学（大量）发展出新的体裁，可以用散文和诗歌谈论日常生活的风景如画的特征，但所谈论的日常生活似乎总是在其他地方，更传统的希腊语，例如在爱琴海岛屿或雪城。托勒密家族的最后一位，克利奥帕特拉，他在公元前 51 年至 30 年统治，据说是他们中第一个学习埃及语的人。¹⁸所以还是值得学习的；即使经过三百年的希腊政府，流行的语言仍然是埃及语。

Greek seems to have remained a language for the ruling elite in Egypt. Although the literature that came out of Alexandria (which is copious) developed new genres for talking in prose and verse about picturesque features of everyday life, the everyday life talked about always seems to be somewhere else, more traditionally Greek, such as in the Aegean islands or perhaps in Syracuse. The last of the Ptolemies, Cleopatra, who ruled from 51 to 30 BC, is said to have been the first of them to learn Egyptian.¹⁸ So it was still worth learning; the popular language, even after three hundred years of Greek government, was still Egyptian.

由于纸莎草的普遍使用以及远离尼罗河谷的干燥土壤的防腐能力，这里的实际古代通信文献比古代世界其他任何地方都丰富。这些让我们不时瞥见希腊移民是如何从希腊移民的魅力圈子之外被感知到的。因此，在公元前三世纪中叶，在征服之后的几代人中，一封给法伊姆农场的卡里安经理 Zenon 的一封信（用希腊语）抱怨说，他被鄙视，因为他不会说希腊语，或者字面意思是“希腊化”（hellēnízein）。

Documentation of actual ancient correspondence is more copious here than anywhere else in the ancient world, because of the general use of papyrus, and the preservative power of the dry soils away from the Nile valley. These give occasional glimpses of how the use of Greek was perceived from outside the charmed circle of the immigrant Hellenes. So in the mid-third century BC, a couple of generations after the conquest, a letter to Zenon, the Carian manager of a farm in the Fayŭm, complains (in Greek) that he is despised because he cannot speak Greek, or literally ‘Hellenise’ (hellēnízein).

从某种意义上说，新制度立即改变最少的地区是安纳托利亚。但它的转变是亚历山大新省份中最持久的。我们从铭文和硬币中得知，亚拉姆语的渗透率在此有所不同：在西里西亚（与叙利亚本土接壤的东南部地区）最强，在西南海岸吕底亚和弗里吉亚最弱，并且在与希腊语的双语中存在一些在黑海。（见第 3 章，“亚拉姆语——沙漠之歌：西亚的国际语”，第 78 页。）至少一千年来，希腊语一直是外围地区的一个有影响力的存在。它们现在被安装在各处，在 D. Musti 所说的“军事君主制”中，但允许“城市的特权关系（póleis）以及对他们的自由和民主（eleuthería kaì dēmokratía）大肆宣扬的尊重。¹⁹

In a way, the area least changed immediately by the new dispensation was Anatolia. But its conversion was to be the most long-lasting among Alexander’s new provinces. We know from inscriptions and coins that the penetration of Aramaic had been variable here: strongest in Cilicia (the south-eastern region bordering its homeland in Syria), weakest on the southwestern coasts, Lydia and Phrygia, and with some presence in bilingualism with Greek on the Black Sea. (See Chapter 3, ‘Aramaic—the desert song: Interlingua of western Asia’, p. 78.) The Greeks had been an influential presence on the periphery for at least a thousand years. They were now installed throughout, in what D. Musti calls a ‘military monarchy’, but allowing ‘a privileged relationship for cities (póleis) and a much-trumpeted respect for their freedom and democracy (eleuthería kaì dēmokratía).’¹⁹

尽管塞琉古人的希腊政府在向罗马人屈服之前不会持续超过 200 年，但语言情况要稳定得多。在接下来的一千年里，希腊语无情地传播开来，取代了南海岸和内陆的当地语言。一个例子：尽管直到公元三世纪我们仍然发现弗里吉亚语的铭文，但当地农民对宙斯的许愿牌（由于在 Dokimeion 采石场有大理石边角料，即使穷人也能买到）是公元二世纪的。希腊语。²⁰

Although the Greek administration of the Seleucids was not to last more than two hundred years before yielding to the Romans, the language situation was much more consistent. For the next thousand years, Greek spread relentlessly, supplanting the local languages of the south coast and the interior. One example: although we still find inscriptions in Phrygian until the third century AD, local peasants’ votive tablets to Zeus (available even to poor people because of the availability of marble offcuts from the quarry at Dokimeion) are from the second century AD all in Greek.²⁰

在希腊语突然向东方蔓延的过程中隐藏着一种对称性，因为在整个旧波斯帝国中仍然是希腊语的主要竞争对手的亚拉姆语是腓尼基人的近亲，或者在拉丁语中，布匿语是希腊语在殖民时期的主要竞争对手地中海西海岸的世界。事实上，这两个闪米特姐妹起源于彼此相距不到一百英里的地方，他们的焦点在叙利亚西部和北部中部的提尔和大马士革。就好像从加的斯越过赫拉克勒斯之柱到印度河两岸的整个地区现在都成了一场简单的双边竞争，在希腊语koinē和闪米特双胞胎姐妹联盟之间进行。

And there was a hidden symmetry in this sudden spread of Greek into the east, for the Aramaic that remained Greek’s principal competitor throughout the old Persian empire was a close relative of the Phoenician or, in Latin, Punic language, Greek’s main competitor in the colonial world of the Mediterranean’s western shores. Indeed, the two Semitic sisters had originated within a hundred miles of each other, their foci at Tyre and Damascus, in the west and centre of northern Syria. It was as if the entire region from Cadiz beyond the Pillars of Heracles to the banks of the Indus was now the field for a simple two-sided competition, between the Greek koinē and an alliance of Semitic twin sisters.

正如人们对以自我为中心的希腊语所期望的那样，他们从未注意到。^*

As one might expect from the self-centred Greeks, they never noticed.^*

罗马式的欢迎：希腊文化通过文化传播

A Roman welcome: Greek spread through culture

Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit et artes | Induit agresti Latio…

希腊一旦被俘，就俘虏了它的野蛮征服者，并将艺术灌输到粗野的罗马……

Greece, once captured, captured its wild conqueror, and instilled arts into boorish Rome…

贺拉斯，信件，ii。1.156

Horace, Letters, ii. 1.156

在希腊通过迁移和渗透、地中海沿岸的殖民化以及亚历山大闪电般征服东方的这两次主要传播中，语言及其文化的声望几乎没有起到任何作用。希腊语已经探索并定居；希腊语已经征服并定居。但是，因此首先听到希腊语的新人群在这件事上别无选择。讲希腊语的世界以这种方式发生了巨大的扩张。但在安纳托利亚、叙利亚和埃及以外，几乎没有证据表明它的日常使用已经远远超出了希腊移民社区。

In these two major spreads of Greek by migration and infiltration, the colonisation of Mediterranean coasts, and the results of Alexander’s lightning conquest of the east, the prestige of the language and its culture played little, if any, role. Greeks had explored and settled; Greeks had conquered and settled. But the new populations who first heard Greek in consequence had little choice in the matter. A vast expansion of the world where Greek was spoken had come about in this way; but outside Anatolia, Syria and Egypt there is little evidence for its everyday use having spread much beyond the community of Greek émigrés.

然而，希腊语已经准备好通过扩散来大规模传播。在整个地中海地区，尤其是在罗马崛起的精英阶层中，希腊文化即将成为教育课程的中心。

Greek was poised, however, for a major surge of spread by diffusion. All round the Mediterranean, above all among the elite of the rising power of Rome, Greek culture was about to become the centre of the educational curriculum.

不可避免的是，希腊语从地中海沿岸的文化优势开始，带来了字母表，并展示了希腊风格的文学社会是什么样的，具有正规教育和基于诗歌经典语料库（尤其是荷马）的课程并积极训练公众演讲技巧。然后，在公元前三世纪，一系列政治事件使讲希腊语的东地中海地区与西方积极接触。公元前 280 年，皮洛士（来自希腊西部的伊庇鲁斯）曾试图入侵意大利和西西里岛：众所周知，他最初的胜利是代价高昂的，并且在五年内他被顽固的罗马抵抗有效地送走了，但随后罗马驻军被安置在所有地区意大利南部的希腊城市。公元前 273 年，埃及国王托勒密二世与罗马签订条约，

Inevitably, the Greeks began with a cultural advantage on Mediterranean coasts, having brought the alphabet, and some display of what a literate society was like, Greek-style, with formal education and a curriculum based on a corpus of poetical classics (notably Homer) and active training in skills of public speaking. Then, in the third century BC, a number of political events brought the Greek-speaking eastern Mediterranean into active contact with the west. In 280 BC Pyrrhus (coming from Epirus, in western Greece) had tried to invade Italy and Sicily: his initial victories were proverbially pyrrhic, and within five years he was effectively seen off by dogged Roman resistance, but Roman garrisons were then placed in all the Greek cities of southern Italy. In 273 BC King Ptolemy II of Egypt entered into a treaty with Rome, sealing their new status as a coming power in the Mediterranean.

双语作家开始在希腊和罗马文学之间架起一座桥梁。希腊戏剧从公元前 240 年开始在罗马上演（拉丁语翻译）。其他人，如 Livius Andronicus，尝试为罗马观众改编《奥德赛》等希腊大师作品，但使用传统的罗马语言和诗歌模式。本世纪末，与汉尼拔的战争进入了紧张的日子：胜利之后是希腊文化的流行。（获胜的将军 Publius Cornelius Scipio 是一个臭名昭著的希腊事物爱好者。）一位主要人物是诗人恩尼乌斯，他在意大利南部长大，讲希腊语，但在服兵役期间学习了拉丁语：他带来了希腊作品和文学作品价值观融入拉丁教育的核心，开始完全按照希腊语系对拉丁文学进行改造。

Bilingual authors began building a bridge between Greek and Roman literature. Greek plays were performed (in Latin translation) at Rome from 240 BC. Others, such as Livius Andronicus, tried adapting Greek master works such as the Odyssey for Roman audiences, but using traditional Roman language and patterns of verse. Late in the century came the tense days of the war with Hannibal: victory was followed by a vogue for Greek culture. (The victorious general, Publius Cornelius Scipio, was a notorious enthusiast for things Greek.) A leading figure was the poet Ennius, who had grown up speaking Greek in southern Italy, but learnt Latin during his army service: he brought Greek works and literary values into the heart of Latin education, beginning the refashioning of Latin literature on completely Greek lines.

外交政策加强了文化兴趣，因为罗马在下个世纪果断地干预了希腊，著名地利用了泛希腊运动会之一。公元前 196 年，罗马将军弗拉米尼努斯向在科林斯举行的地峡运动会聚集的难以置信的人群宣布，所有希腊城市从此自由，由罗马元老院和人民提供。随后发生了一系列复杂的战争，罗马越来越深入地卷入希腊事务，并导致亚历山大的继任者在希腊和亚洲的垮台。到本世纪末，整个希腊和安纳托利亚西部都处于罗马的直接统治之下。

Foreign policy reinforced the cultural interest, since Rome intervened decisively in Greece in the next century, famously taking advantage of one of the pan-Hellenic athletic meetings. In 196 BC the Roman general Flamininus announced to an incredulous crowd gathered for the Isthmian Games at Corinth that all the Greek cities were henceforth free, courtesy of the Roman Senate and people. There followed a complicated series of wars in which Rome was involved ever more deeply in Greek affairs, and which led to the downfall of the successors of Alexander in both Greece and Asia. By the end of the century, the whole of Greece and the west of Anatolia were under direct Roman rule.

结果是希腊语完全渗透到罗马文化中，因此在接下来的五百年里，基本上直到希腊东部与罗马帝国西部分离之前，受过良好教育的罗马人可以指望希腊语双语. 罗马人基本上接受了希腊模式的教育，但非常强调诗歌和公开演讲的实践：音乐和体操方面被忽视了。导师和校长通常是希腊血统的双语者。一个影响是对受过良好教育的希腊语的长期需求，他们可以在整个地中海找到教育工作者的工作。总体而言，这种情况与当今富裕的非英语国家的英语国家毕业生的前景相当。

The outcome was a total penetration of Greek into Roman culture, so that for the next five hundred years, essentially until the Greek east was split off from the Roman west of the empire, well-educated Romans could be counted on to be bilingual in Greek. Romans came to be educated basically on a Greek pattern, but with a strong emphasis on poetry and the practice of public speaking: the musical and gymnastic sides were rather neglected. The tutors and schoolmasters were typically bilinguals of Greek extraction; and one effect was a permanent demand for personable educated Greeks, who could find employment as educators all over the Mediterranean. Overall, the situation was comparable to the prospects for graduates from English-speaking countries in rich non-English speaking countries today. Educated Greeks often found that their language was their fortune.

举个例子，公元前一世纪，高卢贵族将他们的孩子送到马萨利亚（马赛）接受希腊语教育。斯特拉博说，“诡辩者被雇佣，无论是私人的还是城市的费用，就像医生一样”。²¹与此同时，富裕家庭的精英罗马人将他们的年轻人送到雅典或罗得岛完成学业已成为常态。但这并不意味着希腊语知识只存在于上层阶级中。普劳图斯在公元前二世纪初写喜剧，将他的大部分希腊借词和俚语放入奴隶和低等人的口中：graphicus servus——画面完美的奴隶。²²

As one example, in the first century BC Gaulish notables were sending their children to be educated in Greek in Massalia (Marseilles). Strabo says that ‘sophists were employed, both privately and at the city’s expense, just like medical doctors’.²¹ Meanwhile it became usual for elite Romans of rich families to send their young people to Athens or Rhodes to finish their education. But this does not mean that knowledge of Greek was found only among the upper classes. Plautus, writing comedies in the early second century BC, puts most of his Greek loan words and slang into the mouths of slaves and low types: graphicus servus—the picture-perfect slave.²²

波利比乌斯（Polybius）在一代人之后写作，他可能会说，也许是把事情做到最好：“我们在希腊的行动者已经摆脱了政治或军事野心的压力，因此有很多机会进行调查或研究”。²³

Polybius, writing a generation later, could remark, perhaps making the best of things: ‘our men of action in Greece have been released from the pressures of political or military ambition, and so have plenty of opportunities to pursue inquiries or research’.²³

一个世纪后，维吉尔从罗马人的角度更明确地陈述了隐含的契约：²⁴

A century later, the implicit compact was stated more explicitly, from the Roman point of view, by Vergil:²⁴

其他人会敲出更精细的会呼吸的青铜

（我不怀疑），会从大理石脸上活生生地画出来，

会更好地为法庭辩护，并用棍子测量

天空的游荡和星座的升起；

你，罗马人，要听从你的命令来统治人民

（这些艺术将是你的），强加和平之路，

宽恕被征服者，并与骄傲的人作战。

others will hammer out more finely bronze that breathes

(I do not doubt), will draw from marble faces live,

will plead court cases better, and use rod to measure out

the wanderings of the sky and constellations’ rise;

you, Roman, mind to rule peoples at your command

(these arts will be yours), to impose the way of peace,

to spare the conquered, and to battle down the proud.

艺术和科学的世界是希腊的省，出类拔萃。但权力和秩序的世界属于罗马。地中海世界的文明变成了稳定的希腊-罗马混合体。^*

The world of the arts and sciences was the Greek province, par excellence. But the world of power and order belonged to Rome. The civilisation of the Mediterranean world became a stable Graeco-Roman mix.^*

值得花点时间思考一下希腊语的真正吸引力是什么，以及与之相关的文化、性格或精神（都是希腊语）。罗马人当然不相信他们可以从这些滔滔不绝和创新的外国人那里学到很多传统美德，如战争、法律和政治所显示的那样。†希腊艺术通过军队在意大利南部和希腊的战役而变得熟悉，本身就很有吸引力；但希腊语似乎在追求更普遍的快乐方面也有优势：高级美食、葡萄酒、音乐、男女两性的嬉戏。希腊语是奢侈品的主人，想要更多这种东西需要一点更高的洞察力。拉丁词pergraecārī，“对希腊语的关闭”，意思不是献身于高尚的思想，而是献身于高尚的生活、宴会和饮酒。²⁵

It is worth spending a moment to consider what was the real attraction of Greek, and its associated culture, its character or ethos (both Greek words). The Romans certainly did not believe that they had much to learn about traditional virtues, as shown in war, law and politics, from these voluble and innovative foreigners.† Greek art, which had become familiar through the army’s campaigns in southern Italy and Greece, was attractive in itself; but the Greeks also seemed to have an advantage in the pursuit of pleasure more generally: haute cuisine, wine, music, frolics with either sex. The Greeks were the masters of luxury, and it took little higher discernment to want more of this. The Latin word pergraecārī, ‘to Greek off’, meant devotion not to high thinking but to high living, feasting and drinking.²⁵

与此同时，希腊语所拥有的纯粹知识给罗马人留下了深刻的印象：希腊语了解自己的历史以及邻国的历史，他们可以就任何主题进行理论分析，并引用几个世纪以来的诗歌。最重要的是，他们是流利且令人信服的演讲者：他们接受过如何吸引听众和让人们做他们想做的事的培训。这种明确的修辞技巧在罗马人创造的公民社会中非常需要，从村议会到共和国本身，人们不断地竞选各级公职，并口头提出措施以供议会批准。

At the same time, the sheer knowledge possessed by the Greeks impressed the Romans: Greeks knew their own history, as well as that of their neighbours, they could theorise on any topic, and provide quotations from poetry centuries old. Above all, they were fluent and convincing speakers: they had been trained in how to hold an audience, and get people to do what they wanted. This explicit skill in rhetoric was highly in demand in the civic society that the Romans had created, where people were constantly running for office at every level from village council to the republic itself, and measures were presented orally for approval by assemblies.

最重要的是，我们可以看到罗马人（以及整个地中海世界）被大规模和高度精致的文化所产生的纯粹的技艺感所吸引，自信到了唯我论的地步。当梵文和古典印度的奇迹被冲上东南亚海岸时，同样的事情也发生了（见第 5 章，“梵文的传播”，第 201 页）；或者当法语在 17 世纪和 19 世纪之间成为整个欧洲，特别是在俄罗斯的精致语言时（见第 11 章，“法语国家”，第 410 页）。今天可以看到，同样具有傲慢、大面积自信的魅力，推动了全球对美式的品味，以及随之而来的英语。正如这些例子所表明的，它背后的声望不是与一支成功的军队联系在一起，

Above all, we can see the Romans (and hence the whole Mediterranean world) attracted by the sheer sense of savoir-faire generated by a large-scale and highly elaborated culture, self-confident to the point of solipsism. Much the same thing was to happen when Sanskrit and the wonders of classical India washed up on the shores of South-East Asia (see Chapter 5, ‘The spread of Sanskrit’, p. 201); or when French became the language of refinement throughout Europe, and especially in Russia, between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries (see Chapter 11, ‘La francophonie’, p. 410). Something of the same charm of brash, large-scale self-confidence can be seen today powering the worldwide taste for Americana, and with it the English language. And as these examples show, the prestige behind it is something other than association with a successful army, or a successful economy.

中年危机：尝试新的开始

Mid-life crisis: Attempt at a new beginning

eukharisteĩn oudeĩs t$oTbar;n dokím$oTn eĩpen, allà khárin eidénai。

eukharisteĩn oudeĩs t$oTbar;n dokím$oTn eĩpen, allà khárin eidénai.

没有一部经典说“eukharisteĩn”（意思是“感谢”），而是“khárin eidénai”。

None of the classics said ’eukharisteĩn’ (meaning ‘thank’) but ’khárin eidénai’.

Phrynichus Arabius，v.6（公元二世纪）

Phrynichus Arabius, v.6 (second century AD)

eukharist$oTbar; t$oTbar;i thé$oTbar;i pántote perì hum$oTbar;n, epì tŋbar;i kháriti to$uT theo$uT dot-heísēi humĩn en Khrist$oTbar;i Iēso$uT.

我感谢 ( eukharist$oTbar; ) 上帝永远为你感谢上帝在耶稣基督里赐给你的恩典。

I thank (eukharist$oTbar;) God always for you, for the grace of God given to you in Jesus Christ.

圣保罗，给哥林多前书的第一封信，i.4（公元一世纪）

St Paul, First Letter to the Corinthians, i.4 (first century AD)

说希腊语的人一直特别坚持他们的文学遗产，这就是为什么他们的语言在这么多世纪以来一直保持统一的原因之一，尽管曾经如此广泛地传播到世界各地。但他们总是对它进行极其狭隘的解释，与其说是一个活生生的传统，不如说是一个不变的（和无法实现的）经典作家的经典，公元前五世纪和四世纪的主要雅典（“阁楼”）作家^*

Greek speakers have always held particularly strongly to their literary heritage, and this is one reason why their language has remained unitary over so many centuries, despite once being so widely spread around the world. But they have always interpreted it extremely narrowly, not so much as a living tradition, but as an unchanging (and unattainable) canon of classic authors, the main Athenian (’Attic’) writers of the fifth and fourth centuries BC^*

这为教育提供了明确的基础，也为写作和正式演讲提供了一个模式。但这意味着一旦语言开始发生变化，就无法获得真正好的风格（并且越来越难以理解），当然它立即发生了变化。因此，从公元前三世纪开始，正确的措辞就再也无法与古板的学究区分开来了。在某种程度上，这可以被视为一种在地中海和近东地区都在使用的语言中的精英政策：当没有人天生会说最好的希腊语时，母语人士和第二语言学习者的水平更高。但更重要的是，这意味着没有广泛的文学背景的人永远不会被接受为有文化的。希腊语一直在培养一种有争议的文化，“阁楼主义”的崇拜受到质疑、批评、

This provided a clear basis for education, and a model for writing and formal speech. But it meant that really good style was unattainable (and increasingly unintelligible) once the language had begun to change, as of course it immediately did. So, from the third century BC, correct diction was never distinguishable from archaising pedantry. To some extent, this can be seen as a meritocratic policy in a language that was being used all round the Mediterranean and Near East: native speakers and second-language learners were more on a par when nobody was a natural speaker of the best Greek. But more importantly, it implied that nobody without an extensive literary background would ever be accepted as cultured. Greek has always fostered a disputatious culture, and the cult of ‘Atticism’ has been queried, criticised, parodied and reviled throughout the last 2500 years—but all to no avail.

正如我们所看到的，似乎没有其他标准，具有更实际的，实际上是通俗的性质：阁楼希腊语几乎立即产生了更容易接近的koinébar。，在形式上接近阁楼，在用法上定义，在说希腊语的地方都可以理解。但就其所有用途而言，它没有等级。在地位与识字联系在一起的前现代世界——如果没有大众教育，识字永远只属于少数人——这很重要。

As we have seen, it was not as if there was no other standard, of a more de facto, indeed demotic, nature: Attic Greek had almost immediately given rise to the more accessible koinébar;, close to Attic in its forms, defined in usage, and intelligible wherever Greek was spoken. But for all its utility, it had no class. And in the pre-modern world where status was bound up with literacy—and without mass education literacy would always be for the few—this mattered.

不过，有时，一种倒置的势利盛行。除了受过教育的精英之外，希腊语已经在罗马帝国传播到其他人。直到公元四世纪，罗马的犹太社区才讲希腊语。²⁶在公元第一个千年的最初几个世纪，一些神秘的宗教从东部省份、埃及、叙利亚和亚洲传播开来，其中最著名的是伊希斯、密特拉斯和耶稣基督的邪教。所有人都采用希腊语作为他们的仪式语言。²⁷他们首先在帝国的穷人和受压迫者中吸引皈依者。对于他们所有人来说，希腊经典的权威，如果有的话，他们的神是奥林匹斯山想象中的居民，根本就没有权威。

Occasionally, though, a kind of inverted snobbery prevailed. The Greek language had spread round the Roman empire to others than the educated elite. The Jewish community in Rome spoke Greek until the fourth century AD.²⁶ In the early centuries of the first millennium AD, a number of mystery religions were spreading from the eastern provinces, Egypt, Syria and Asia, most famously the cults of Isis, Mithras and Jesus Christ. All adopted Greek as their ritual language.²⁷ They were attracting converts first among the poor and downtrodden of the empire. And for all of them, the authority of the Greek classics, whose gods, if any, were the imagined residents of Mount Olympus, was no authority at all.

然而，至少对于基督教来说，这并不意味着他们拒绝书面文学的权威。由于起源于犹太传统，基督教信仰很快开始编写和承认自己的圣经，主要是希腊语，尽管后来叙利亚的亚拉姆语、埃及的科普特语和埃塞俄比亚的吉兹语也出现了白话文本——当然还有拉丁语. 早期基督徒的语言似乎普遍被选择为最大限度地使用，而不考虑任何特定代码的特权地位。但这意味着希腊文学的新经典开始了，而且是四个世纪以来第一次基于流行用法。^*

Yet, for Christianity at least, this did not mean that they rejected the authority of written literature. With its origins in the Jewish tradition, the Christian faith soon began writing and recognising its own scriptures, primarily in Greek, although later there were vernacular texts written in Aramaic in Syria, Coptic in Egypt and Ge’ez in Ethiopia—and of course Latin. Language for the early Christians seems universally to have been chosen to maximise access, without thought for the privileged status of any particular code. But this meant that there was the beginning of a new canon for Greek literature, and one based—for the first time in four centuries—on popular usage.^*

我们已经评论了“信仰之盾”现象，即宗教，尤其是西亚起源的宗教，对作为其载体的语言的生存做出了贡献。希腊语在这些早期几乎不需要基督教的任何帮助，但许多人必须将希腊语作为第二语言，以便更好地接触其文学。基督教确实对希腊文学的范围产生了一些扩展，将修辞转变为讲道或布道的艺术，†将哲学转变为神学。

We have already remarked on the ‘Shield of Faith’ phenomenon, the way in which religions, particularly those of west Asian origin, have contributed to the survival of the languages that were their vehicles. Greek hardly needed any help from Christianity in these early years, but many must have taken up Greek as a second language in order to get better access to its literature. And Christianity did effect some extensions to the range of Greek literature, transforming rhetoric into the art of the homily or sermon,† and philosophy into theology.

事实上，这些扩展往往会抵消最初由新的非正式文学带来的希腊语言意义的变化。在这里，基督教是其自身成功的牺牲品。在其发展时期，为维护西欧和整个地中海帝国庞大的单一政府大厦而进行的斗争变得越来越困难。统治者在广阔的领域寻找一种确保忠诚的新方法。君士坦丁皇帝的主要见解是，这可以在基督教中找到。330 年，他在拜占庭的新首都，即君士坦丁堡 ( Kōnstantinoúpolis ) 周围重组了一个日益区域化的帝国，并将其作为基督教基金会。

These extensions in fact tended to undo the change to Greek linguistic sense that was at first brought about by the new informal literature. Here Christianity was a victim of its own success. In the time of its growth, the struggle to maintain the empire’s vast edifice of a single administration for western Europe and the whole Mediterranean was becoming harder and harder. Rulers looked for a new means of securing loyalty over the vast domains. The major insight of the emperor Constantine was that this could be found in Christianity. In 330 he reorganised an increasingly regionalised empire around a new capital at Byzantium, henceforth Constantinople (Kōnstantinoúpolis), and he made it a Christian foundation.

这为基督教的社会进步奠定了基础。一个多世纪以来，它开始吸引新类型的皈依者。例如，亚历山大的克莱门特（生于公元 150 年）利用他广泛的古典教育写了一篇 Protreptikós或“鼓励者”，试图将希腊语从异教转向基督教，然后继续建立一个逻辑系统基督教教义的顶峰。奥利金 (185-255) 曾是圣经的文本评论家，尤西比乌斯 (260-339) 是第一位教会历史学家。这些具有希腊特色的学者能够很好地以古典风格写作。但现在，教会也将吸引那些寻求在世俗世界中获得晋升的普通阶层，或者实际上只是寻求维护他们作为尊贵家庭成员应有的地位。结果是全面回归旧的 Atticising 趋势。教会希腊语坚定地恢复了古典传统，并且再也没有试图偏离它。帝国日益倾向于禁止异教，包括所有前基督教哲学，最终导致查士丁尼在 529 年关闭了雅典学派。但阁楼风格的生存从未受到质疑。

This set the crown on the social advancement of Christianity. For over a century it had begun to attract converts of a new kind. Clement of Alexandria (born in AD 150), for example, had used his extensive classical education to write a Protreptikós, or ‘Encourager’, attempting to argue Greeks out of paganism and into Christianity, and then went on to build a logical system on top of the Christian lógos. Origen (185-255) had been a textual critic of the Bible, and Eusebius (260-339) the first historian of the Church. Such characteristically Greek academics had been well able to write in the classical style. But now the Church would also attract the general ranks of those seeking preferment in the temporal world, or indeed simply seeking to assert their due as members of distinguished families. The result was a full-blooded return to the old Atticising tendency. Ecclesiastical Greek was firmly reinstated in the classical tradition, and was never again tempted to deviate from it. The empire’s increasing tendency to proscribe paganism, defined to include all pre-Christian philosophy, culminated in Justinian’s closure of the School of Athens in 529. But the survival of Attic style was never in doubt.

希腊语坚信，在书面上，非常古老的方式是最好的方式，结果证明与帝国本身一样根深蒂固。当君士坦丁堡市在 1453 年落入土耳其人手中时，人们仍在尝试用一些可以忍受的古典阁楼版本来写作，一千年后。

This conviction of Greeks that, in writing, the very old ways were the best ways turned out to be as deeply rooted as the empire itself. People were still attempting to write in some tolerable version of classical Attic when in 1453 the city of Constantinople fell to the Turks, over a thousand years later.

衰落的暗示

Intimations of decline

接下来一千年的希腊故事是一个罕见但突然而大规模的紧缩，因为在公元前一千年后期建立的巨大范围被推到了边缘。在西地中海，希腊的帝国从来都不是一个世俗的帝国，部分希腊语言社区的丧失仅仅是因为文化的焦点发生了转移：希腊语教育不再是西欧教育的一部分，而是与东方变得更加罕见。但在其他地方，这些撤军是由军事失败直接引起的。

The story of Greek for the next thousand years is one of infrequent, but sudden and massive, retrenchments, as the vast extent built up in the late first millennium BC was pushed back at the edges. In the western Mediterranean, where Greek’s empire had never been a temporal one, this loss of parts of the Greek language community came about simply because the focus of culture shifted: an education in Greek ceased to be part of western European education, and contacts with the east became much rarer. But elsewhere these withdrawals were caused quite directly by military defeats.

在拉丁语占主导地位的西罗马帝国，在政治上削弱并很快消灭帝国的军事失败对语言的影响非常有限。（参见第 7 章，“Einfall：日耳曼和斯拉夫的进步”，第 304 页。）但在东方，失败的影响要简单得多。敌对势力占据了主导地位，经过一段相当长的时间——通常是几代人的时间——希腊语不再被听到或看到。

In the West Roman Empire, where Latin was dominant, the military defeats that diminished and soon extinguished the empire politically were to have only very limited effects on language. (See Chapter 7, ‘Einfall: Germanic and Slavic advances’, p. 304.) But in the east, the effect of the defeats was much simpler. Hostile forces took charge, and after a decent interval—often of many generations—Greek was no longer to be heard or seen.

巴克特里亚、波斯、美索不达米亚

Bactria, Persia, Mesopotamia

第一个去的地区是远东：伊朗和阿富汗，一直到印度河谷。塞琉古在这里的控制并不长久，但在亚历山大去世后的第一世纪（公元前 323 年），竞争主要来自其他马其顿和希腊国王，他们不会对希腊语的传播提出异议。到公元前 260 年，首先由狄奥多德领导的大夏的印度-希腊语宣布自己独立。几乎在同一时间（可能是由这次叛乱引起的）讲伊朗语的帕提亚人从里海东岸向南推进到伊朗高原。一个世纪后，公元前 146 年，帕提亚的密特拉达多一世完成了这项工作，并将塞琉古人赶出了伊朗的其他地区，从而占领了美索不达米亚。十年后，事情发生了，

The first area to go was over to the far east: Iran and Afghanistan, down to the Indus valley. Seleucid control here was not long secure, but for the first century after the death of Alexander (323 BC) the competition came mainly from other Macedonian and Greek kings, who would not dispute the spread of Greek. By 260 BC the Indo-Greeks in Bactria, first led by Diodotus, had declared themselves independent. At just about the same time (and possibly caused by this rebellion) the Iranian-speaking Parthians thrust south from the eastern shores of the Caspian into the plateau of Iran. A century later, in 146 BC, Mithradata I of Parthia completed the job, and drove the Seleucids out of the rest of Iran, taking Mesopotamia for good measure. Ten years later, as it happened, the Indo-Greek kings of Bactria were overwhelmed by a Scythian (Saka) invasion from the north, shortly followed by the Kushāna (also known as Tocharians or Yuezhi) from the north-east.

希腊语在这片广阔地区的灭绝并没有立即发生。在东方，从公元一世纪中叶到公元二世纪末，库沙那帝国的官方语言双峰开始用希腊文字书写。这在伊朗语言中是独一无二的，它表明 Kushāna 与希腊语有很长的文化互动时期。公元 44 年，也就是印度-希腊国王倒台 190 年后，据说提亚纳 (Tyana) 的圣人阿波罗尼乌斯 (Apollonius) 在一次穿越兴都库什 (Hindu Kush) 到达塔克西拉 (Taxila) 的旅行中毫不费力地用希腊语交流。由一位帕提亚国王招待（用希腊语），他详细阐述了自己的希腊式教育。²⁸我们从官方铭文中得知，在西部地区，讲希腊语的社区在帕提亚帝国内延续了几代人。苏萨（Susa）有希腊铭文，曾是希腊首都，名为“尤拉乌斯河上的塞琉西亚”，其中之一是公元 21 年的；再往西的美索不达米亚，在底格里斯河畔的塞琉西亚，有一个希腊语和帕提亚语的双语铭文，明确的日期可以追溯到公元 151 年，记录了帕提亚人战胜了波斯湾（可能是）说希腊语的梅塞尼人，靠近现代巴士拉。（它清楚地刻在大力神雕像的腰部，每条大腿上都有一种语言^。29）梅塞内也是查拉克斯的伊西多鲁斯的家，他是希腊语，在基督时代写了一本书，《帕提亚车站》，描述了从西南到东北穿过帕提亚的路线。

Extinction of Greek over this vast area was not immediate. In the east, there is the fact that Bactrian, the official language of the Kushāna empire, which lasted from the middle of the first to the end of the second century AD, came to be written in Greek script. This is unique among Iranian languages, and it shows that the Kushāna had a longish period of cultural interaction with the Greeks. In AD 44, 190 years after the fall of the Indo-Greek kings, the sage Apollonius of Tyana is said to have had no difficulty communicating in Greek on a tour that took him all the way across the Hindu Kush to Taxila, where he was entertained (in Greek) by a Parthian king, who expatiated on his own Greek-style education.²⁸ We know from official inscriptions that in the western regions Greek-speaking communities continued for several generations within the Parthian empire. There are Greek inscriptions at Susa, which had been the Greek capital as ‘Seleuceia on the Eulaeus’, one of them from AD 21; and farther west in Mesopotamia, in Seleuceia on the Tigris, there is a bilingual inscription in Greek and Parthian explicitly dated as late as AD 151, recording a Parthian victory over a (presumably) Greek-speaking Mesene, on the Persian Gulf, near modern Basra. (It is tellingly inscribed on the loins of a statue of Hercules, one language on each thigh.²⁹) Mesene was also home to Isidorus of Charax, a Greek who around the time of Christ wrote a book, The Parthian Stations, describing the route across Parthia from south-west to north-east.

帕提亚人自己的语言政策是扭转历史。他们恢复了亚拉姆语作为他们帝国的通用语，在其中留下了许多铭文，并将其书写系统用于他们自己的（伊朗）语言。这可能的事实表明，在塞琉古统治的两个世纪中，希腊语从未完全取代它。

The Parthians’ own language policy was to reverse history. They reinstated Aramaic as the lingua franca of their empire, leaving numerous inscriptions in it, and also using its writing system for their own (Iranian) language. The fact that this was possible shows that Greek had never fully replaced it during the two centuries of Seleucid rule.

但帕提亚人并不急于抹去希腊在伊朗的统治遗产。他们的硬币都带有希腊语的传说：

But the Parthians were not anxious to efface the heritage of Greek rule in Iran. Their coins all bear a legend in Greek:

BASILEOS BASILEON ARSAKOU EUERGETOU DIKAIOU EPIPHANOUS PHILELLENOS

万王之王，阿尔萨斯，仁慈的，公正的，杰出的，热爱希腊的。

Of the King of Kings, Arsaces, Beneficent, Just, Outstanding, Greek-loving.

普鲁塔克讲述了这样一个故事，即公元前 53 年，帕提亚国王奥罗德斯收到了罗马将军克拉苏战败的可怕证据，他的头颅被砍下，他实际上是在参加欧里庇得斯的巴克夏表演。^*

And Plutarch recounts the story that when in 53 BC the Parthian king Orodes received the gruesome evidence of the Roman general Crassus’s defeat, his severed head, he was actually attending a performance of Euripides’ Bacchae.^*

也许是因为希腊语仍然是邻近超级大国罗马帝国的语言，它在帕提亚的声望在它的使用实际上已经消失很久之后仍然存在。伊朗的帕提亚王国持续了五个世纪。公元 224 年，最后一位帕提亚人屈服于阿尔达希尔，后者是下一个王朝的第一位国王，即说波斯语的萨珊王朝。然而，当他的儿子沙普尔将自己的成就刻在 Naqsh-i Rustam 的岩石上，面对波斯波利斯的波斯国王陵墓时，他用三种语言写下了这些成就：波斯语、帕提亚语和希腊语。³⁰

Perhaps because Greek remained the language of the neighbouring superpower, the Roman empire, its prestige lasted in Parthia long after its use must have actually died out. The Parthian kingdom in Iran lasted for five centuries. In AD 224 the last Parthian yielded to Ardashir, the first king of the next dynasty, the Sassanids, who spoke Persian. And yet when his son Shapur came to have his own achievements inscribed on rock at Naqsh-i Rustam, facing the tombs of the Persian kings at Persepolis, he wrote them up in three languages: Persian, Parthian and Greek.³⁰

叙利亚、巴勒斯坦、埃及

Syria, Palestine, Egypt

伊朗从来都不是罗马帝国的一部分，美索不达米亚也只是很小的一部分。†因此，他们从来没有获得成为叙利亚、巴勒斯坦和埃及特征的永久希腊属地的感觉。他们于公元前 332 年并入亚历山大帝国，因此被“希腊化”；公元前 64 年，罗马将军庞培将叙利亚和巴勒斯坦合并为帝国的直辖省；公元前 30 年，奥古斯都加入了埃及，废黜了托勒密王朝的最后一位克娄巴特拉。正如我们所看到的，这些罗马征服没有语言效果，只是在军队和法庭上引入了一些拉丁语的使用。但它们确实强调了这样一种感觉，即世界的这一部分，即地中海的东南部，将永久地并尽可能稳定地处于西方控制之下。

Iran was never part of the Roman empire, and Mesopotamia only in very small part.† So they never acquired the sense of permanent Greek possessions that came to characterise Syria, Palestine and Egypt. They had been incorporated into the empire of Alexander, hence ‘Hellenised’, in 332 BC; in 64 BC the Roman general Pompey had incorporated Syria and Palestine as a directly governed province of the empire; and in 30 BC Augustus had added Egypt, deposing Cleopatra, last of the Ptolemies. These Roman conquests, as we have seen, had no linguistic effect, except to introduce some use of Latin in the army and the courts. But they did serve to underline the sense that this part of the world, the far south-east of the Mediterranean, was to be permanently, and as far as possible stably, under western control. Greek remained widely spoken there by foreign elites, and in some special cities such as Palmyra, Gaza and Alexandria by many more.

公元 400 年左右访问耶路撒冷的埃格里亚 (Egeria) 对该地区国际朝圣中心的语言状况有所了解：

A sense of the language situation in a centre of international pilgrimage in the region is given by Egeria, who visited Jerusalem around AD 400:

看到在那个国家，一部分人知道希腊语和叙利亚语，另一部分人只知道希腊语，另一部分人只知道叙利亚语，因为主教虽然知道叙利亚语，但总是说希腊语而不是叙利亚语，所以总是有他身边的一位神父，当主教用希腊语讲话时，将他的评论翻译成叙利亚语，以便每个人都能理解。教堂里读的课也一样：因为必须用希腊文读，所以总有人把它们翻译成叙利亚文，以造福人民，让他们接受教导。至于那里的拉丁人，即那些既不懂叙利亚语也不懂希腊语的人，对他们来说也是一种解释，以免他们不高兴。因为有一些精通希腊语和拉丁语的弟兄姐妹，他们用拉丁语解释。³¹

Seeing that in that country part of the people know both Greek and Syriac, another part only Greek and yet another part only Syriac, given also that the bishop, although he knows Syriac, always speaks in Greek and never in Syriac, there is always by his side a priest who, while the bishop is speaking in Greek, translates his comments into Syriac so that everyone may understand them. Similarly for the lessons that are read in church: since these must be read in Greek, there is always somebody there to translate them into Syriac for the benefit of the people, that they may receive instruction. As for the Latins who are there, i.e. those who know neither Syriac nor Greek, to them also is an interpretation given lest they be displeased; for there are some brethren and sisters, proficient in both Greek and Latin, who give explanations in Latin.³¹

我们已经考虑过（见第 3 章，“阿拉伯语——雄辩与平等：‘顺服’的胜利”，第 93 页）新宣布的穆斯林发起的一系列闪电战，它们扭转了这种事态，从而创造了语言环境这种情况一直持续到今天。距穆罕默德于 632 年去世仅 10 年，足以在 950 年的希腊控制和希腊语言下划出一条细线但不可磨灭的界线，并翻开新的一页，开启迄今为止 1300 年阿拉伯在这片土地上的影响. 令所有有关方面感到震惊，但尤其是在赫拉克略皇帝重新确立帝国防御的几年后，在四年的竞选活动中，萨珊王朝对这些领土的入侵退却了，这些领土自本世纪初。

We have already considered (see Chapter 3, ‘Arabic — eloquence and equality: The triumph of ‘submission”, p. 93) the series of lightning campaigns by the newly declared Muslims which reversed this state of affairs, and so created the linguistic situation that has lasted to the present day. A single decade from the death of Muhammad in 632 sufficed to draw a thin, but indelible, line under 950 years of Greek control and Greek language, and to turn the page, opening what is so far 1300 years of Arabic sway in these same lands. A shock for all concerned, but particularly so since it came a couple of years after the emperor Heraclius had reasserted the imperial defences, and in four years of campaigning rolled back a Sassanid invasion of these same territories which had denied them to the Greeks since the beginning of the century.

这对帝国在政治和经济上都是毁灭性的打击：损失包括埃及，650 年后仍然是帝国首都的主要粮食供应国。最好的估计^*表明阿拉伯人的征服剥夺了帝国一半以上的人口。但情况可能更糟。阿拉伯人一再试图夺取君士坦丁堡，也未能分离安纳托利亚，尽管在接下来的两个世纪里几乎每年都袭击它。³²该地区已被赫拉克略重组，有效地结合了民事和军事管理，并实施了戒严令。敌人就在门口的清晰感知强加了这一新纪律，并使帝国有效地动员起来进行防御。

This was a devastating blow to the empire politically and economically: the losses included Egypt, still after 650 years the major supplier of grain to the empire’s capital. And the best estimates^* suggest that the Arab conquests deprived the empire of over half its population. But it could have been worse. The Arabs failed in repeated attempts to take Constantinople itself, and also failed to detach Anatolia, despite raiding it virtually every year for the next two centuries.³² The region had been reorganised by Heraclius, effectively combining civil and military administration, and imposing martial law. The clear perception that the enemy was at the gate imposed this new discipline, and kept the empire effectively mobilised for defence.

七世纪中叶拜占庭的损失有一个有趣的模式。坚守阵地的地方恰恰是那些以希腊语为主要语言的地方，由广大人民而非精英人士使用。这对罗马帝国的语言自我形象产生了影响（因为他们仍然认为自己是罗马人）。拉丁语已经停止使用一段时间了，甚至失去了它在法律中的最后一个堡垒：自一个世纪前查士丁尼时代以来，大多数立法都是用希腊语起草的。皇帝的副手，禁卫军知府，现在常常是一个不懂拉丁语的人。帝国仍然控制着意大利南部的大部分地区，并将在另外 400 年的时间里占据它的部分地区，直到 11 世纪中叶。但现在第一次是希腊语，而不是拉丁语，被视为整个社区的统一语言。令现代人感到困惑的是，他们称希腊rōmaíika，“罗马式”，与latinika 形成对比。但回顾 10 世纪中叶，皇帝君士坦丁七世 Porphyrogenitus 评论说，在赫拉克略的时代，罗马人“已经被希腊化并抛弃了他们祖先的语言——罗马语”。³³

There is an interesting pattern to the Byzantine losses in the mid-seventh century. The places that held firm were precisely those where Greek was the majority language, spoken by the people at large and not just elites. This had an effect on the linguistic self-image of the Roman empire (for they still considered themselves Roman). Latin had been dropping out of use for some time, losing even its last redoubt in the law: since the time of Justinian, a century before, most legislation had been drafted in Greek; and the emperor’s second-in-command, the praetorian prefect, was now often a man who knew no Latin. The empire still held much of southern Italy, and would hang on to parts of it for another four hundred years, until the middle of the eleventh century. But now for the first time Greek, not Latin, was seen as the unifying language of the whole community. Confusingly for moderns, they called Greek rōmaíika, ‘Romanish’, contrasting it with latiniká. But looking back from the mid-tenth century, the emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus remarked that it had been in the time of Heraclius that the Romans ‘had been Hellenized and discarded the language of their fathers, the Roman tongue’.³³

希腊

Greece

尽管帝国边界令人不安的风箱运动并没有停止，但在接下来的四百年里，希腊语地区的消耗实际上已经停止了。这在当时还不清楚，因为在黎凡特东南部的土地正在消失的同时，北部也处于动荡之中。

Although the unsettling bellows motion of the imperial frontiers did not stop, the attrition of Greek-language areas effectively now did, for the next four hundred years. This would not have been clear at the time, for while the southeastern lands of the Levant were being lost, the north too was in turmoil.

希腊语是否能在自己的心脏地带生存下去，这是一触即发的事情。在 378 年说日耳曼语的哥特人、441-7 年说突厥语的匈奴人、479-82 年的日耳曼东哥特人和 493 年说突厥语的保加尔人入侵之后，混乱持续到 6 世纪。危机发生 50 年后，拜占庭历史学家普罗科皮乌斯回忆道：

It was touch and go whether Greek would survive in its own heartland. After invasions from Germanic-speaking Goths in 378, Turkic-speaking Huns in 441-7, Germanic Ostrogoths in 479-82, and Turkic-speaking Bulgars in 493, the mayhem continued in the sixth century. Fifty years after the crisis, the Byzantine historian Procopius recounted:

Illyricum 和整个色雷斯，即从爱奥尼亚湾 [亚得里亚海] 到拜占庭郊区的整个国家，包括希腊和 Chersonese，从查士丁尼成为罗马皇帝开始，几乎每年都被匈奴人、斯拉夫人和安泰人占领，他们对这些地区的居民造成了无法估量的伤害。因为我相信每次入侵都会有超过 20 万罗马人被杀或被俘…… ³⁴

Illyricum and all of Thrace, i.e. the whole country from the Ionian Gulf [the Adriatic] to the outskirts of Byzantium, including Greece and the Chersonese, was overrun almost every year by Huns, Slavs and Antae, from the time when Justinian became Roman emperor, and they wrought untold damage among the inhabitants of those parts. For I believe that in each invasion more than two hundred thousand Romans were killed or captured…³⁴

然后，在 581 年，正如以弗所的约翰所记录的：“一个被称为斯拉沃尼亚人的被诅咒的民族，占领了整个希腊、帖撒罗尼迦人的国家和整个色雷斯，占领了城市，占领了许多堡垒，毁坏并烧毁，使人民沦为奴隶，使自己成为整个国家的主人，并以主力在其中定居，并在其中居住，就像它是他们自己的一样。” ³⁵

Then, in 581, as John of Ephesus records: ‘an accursed people, called Slavonians, overran the whole of Greece, and the country of the Thessalonians, and all Thrace, and captured the cities, and took numerous forts, and devastated and burnt, and reduced the people to slavery, and made themselves masters of the whole country, and settled in it by main force, and dwelt in it as though it had been their own’.³⁵

这不是暂时的现象，而是导致希腊语大规模移民。根据莫奈姆瓦夏编年史，到 587/8 年，希腊几乎没有任何地方免于斯拉夫的祸害，这一次来自阿瓦尔人（另一个突厥语群）：“只有伯罗奔尼撒半岛的东部，从科林斯到马利亚斯角，由于该国的粗糙和难以接近的性质，斯拉夫人没有受到影响。

This was not a temporary phenomenon, and it led to large-scale emigration by Greeks. According to the Chronicle of Monemvasia, by the year 587/8 scarcely any part of Greece was immune to the Slavic scourge, this time from the Avars (another Turkic group): ‘Only the eastern part of the Peloponnese, from Corinth to Cape Maleas, was untouched by the Slavonians because of the rough and inaccessible nature of the country.’

这可能会导致斯拉夫语言的永久传播，正如在更北的塞尔维亚和保加利亚所做的那样（见第 7 章，“巴尔干地区的斯拉夫黎明”，第 309 页）。但不知何故，希腊语对斯拉夫语使用者的优势在南方恢复了。在七、八、九世纪，帝国组织了一系列重新安置计划和传教运动，将斯拉夫人迁入安纳托利亚北部，并将其他人带入希腊南部。我们听说在 805 年 Nicephorus 我“从头建造了 Lacedaemon 镇，并在其中定居了来自不同地方和城镇的卡菲尔人、色雷斯人、亚美尼亚人和其他人的混合人口，并把它变成了一个主教区”。³⁶

This might have been expected to lead to a permanent spread of Slavic languages, as indeed it did in Serbia and Bulgaria farther north (see Chapter 7, ‘Slavonic dawn in the Balkans’, p. 309). But somehow the preponderance of Greek over Slavic speakers was restored in the south. In the seventh, eighth and ninth centuries the empire organised a series of resettlement programmes and missionary campaigns, moving Slavs into northern Anatolia, and bringing others into southern Greece. We hear that in 805 Nicephorus I ‘built de novo the town of Lacedaemon and settled in it a mixed population, namely Kafirs, Thracēsians, Armenians and others, gathered from different places and towns, and made it into a bishopric’.³⁶

同样，在 860 年代，巴兹尔一世努力使北方的塞尔维亚人皈依：“在对他们进行希腊化[graik$oTbar;sas]之后，他按照罗马习俗将他们置于总督之下，为他们施洗礼，并交付他们免受自己统治者的压迫。³⁷

Likewise, in the 860s, Basil I was hard at work to convert the Serbs in the north: ‘having greeked them [graik$oTbar;sas], he subjected them to governors according to Roman custom, honoured them with baptism, and delivered them from the oppression of their own rulers’.³⁷

如果目的是解释为什么一些社区变成说希腊语和基督教的，那么细节是不可能澄清的；当然，他们学到的宗教礼仪应该是用希腊语写的。后来，在军队服役也有助于将许多斯拉夫人带入希腊语世界。但净效应是显而易见的。希腊语仍然是或被重新确立为其传统祖国的主要语言。

The details are impossible to clarify, if the aim is to explain why some communities became Greek-speaking, as well as Christian; certainly the religious liturgies they learnt would have been in Greek. Later, service in the army would also have served to bring many Slavs into the Greek-speaking world. But the net effect is clear. Greek remained, or was re-established as, the dominant language of its traditional homeland.

安纳托利亚

Anatolia

希腊在安纳托利亚的统治一直持续到 1071 年：在那一年，帝国在曼齐克特（现代马拉兹吉尔特，凡湖以北）的战役中败给了统治穆斯林世界的新势力，即塞尔柱土耳其人的苏丹国。^*即便如此，它仍然可以避免失去其整个心脏地带：塞尔柱苏丹阿尔普阿尔斯兰（Alp Arslan）与其他战争要打，试图恢复被击败的皇帝罗曼努斯·第欧根尼（Romanus Diogenes），其条件是在两国之间建立联盟这两个大国，并让土耳其人通过叙利亚北部的埃德萨、希拉波利斯和安提阿进入地中海。但是罗曼努斯和他提出的条件被拒绝了：结果是塞尔柱人迅速穿过了安纳托利亚的大部分地区，这片领土从此被土耳其语的使用者所统治，并且众所周知——奇怪地回忆起旧帝国起源于意大利——作为朗姆酒的苏丹国。

Greek dominance in Anatolia lasted until 1071: in that year the empire lost the battle of Manzikert (modern Malazgirt, north of Lake Van) to a new power dominating the Muslim world, the sultanate of the Seljuk Turks.^* Even so, it could still have avoided the loss of its whole heartland that resulted: the Seljuk sultan, Alp Arslan, with other wars to fight, had attempted to reinstate the defeated emperor, Romanus Diogenes, on terms that would have established an alliance between the two powers, and given the Turks access to the Mediterranean through Edessa, Hierapolis and Antioch in northern Syria. But Romanus, and the proffered terms, were rejected: the consequence was the Seljuks’ swift advance through most of Anatolia, a territory that was thenceforth to be dominated by speakers of Turkish, and known—in curious reminiscence of the old empire’s origins in Italy—as the Sultanate of Rum.

在一百年内迅速转变为土耳其定居者的土耳其部落的这种蔓延剥夺了希腊语言社区的主要领土的核心。因此，全球讲希腊语的人口将迅速下降，无论是由于移民，还是由于后代学习者的流失。一些讲希腊语的整个社区将集体离开；许多人会离开家园，到别处寻找更好的机会；一些希腊家庭的孩子，在适应新环境后，会说土耳其语长大。

This spread of Turkish hordes, who rapidly converted into Turkish settlers, within a hundred years had deprived the Greek language community of the heart of its major territory. The population of Greek speakers worldwide was therefore set to fall rapidly, whether by emigration, or simple loss of later generations of learners. Some whole communities of Greek speakers would depart en masse; many individuals would leave their homes to find better opportunities elsewhere; and the children of some Greek families, assimilating to the new environment, would grow up speaking Turkish.

这直接打击了希腊语作为主要语言的生存。五代之后，它遭受了政治打击，破坏了其剩余的威望。1204 年，由来自西欧的骑士组成的第四次十字军东征，放弃了攻击控制巴勒斯坦的穆斯林势力的任务，并占领了君士坦丁堡以及希腊的部分地区和安纳托利亚海岸。然后它继续保持其作为“拉丁帝国”的收益，由威尼斯人策划，在被土耳其人吸收之前毫无意义地徘徊了几个世纪。第四次十字军东征将东罗马帝国缩减为一组五个独立的小国：尽管其中一个确实在 1261 年重新夺回了君士坦丁堡，并将自己重组为帝国的残骸，没有哪个希腊国家再次成为土耳其人日益增长的力量的一个小限制。帝国最终在 1453 年被土耳其人灭亡，最后一个希腊小国特拉比松在 1471 年被灭亡。土耳其人从曼齐克特推进到君士坦丁堡只用了 380 多年——与希腊随后在此期间所经历的时间间隔相同。Tourkokratía，因为他们称之为土耳其人的统治。

This was a direct blow to the survival of Greek as a major language. Five generations later, it suffered a political blow that shattered its remaining prestige. In 1204 the Fourth Crusade, made up of knights from western Europe, turned aside from its appointed mission of attacking the Muslim powers that held Palestine, and captured Constantinople, as well as parts of Greece and the coast of Anatolia. It then proceeded to hold its gains as a ‘Latin Empire’, masterminded by the Venetians, which lingered on pointlessly for a couple of centuries before being absorbed by the Turks. The Fourth Crusade had reduced the East Roman Empire to a set of five separate statelets: although one of these did manage to retake Constantinople in 1261, and reconstitute itself as a rump of empire, no Greek state was ever again more than a minor constraint on the growing power of the Turks. The empire was finally extinguished by the Turks in 1453, and the last Greek statelet, Trebizond, in 1471. It had taken the Turks just over 380 years to advance from Manzikert to Constantinople—the same interval of time that Greece was subsequently to spend under Tourkokratía, as they called the domination of the Turks.

从作为一个普遍帝国的语言，它的抱负如此天主教，以至于它几乎没有注意到它的语言是希腊语还是罗马语，希腊语现在已成为被征服民族的语言，东正教基督徒，只是小米（“民族”）之一——真的，宗教团体）在奥斯曼土耳其人的世界帝国中占有一席之地。终于谦卑下来的希腊语现在确实注意到了他们说的是什么语言：这与他们的东正教信仰密不可分，并且在他们缺乏自由的漫长世纪中成为他们身份的重要标志。

From being the language of a universal empire, so catholic in its aspirations that it scarcely noticed whether its language was Hellenic or Roman, Greek had now become the tongue of a conquered people, the Orthodox Christians, just one of the milletler (’nations’—really, religious groupings) that had a place in the cosmopolitan empire of the Ottoman Turks. Humbled at last, the Greeks now did notice what language they were speaking: it was inseparable from their Orthodox faith, and became an important token of their identity for the long centuries in which they lacked their freedom.

鉴于安纳托利亚在公元前一千年后期的希腊语水平不亚于巴尔干半岛，该半岛在伯罗奔尼撒半岛达到顶峰，我们现在认为伯罗奔尼撒半岛是希腊自然最远的地方，几乎是一个意外，说希腊语的社区最终集中在它在两千年前传播开来的同一个地方。回顾过去，我们可以看到，这仅反映了这样一个事实，即来自东方、阿拉伯人，尤其是土耳其人的威胁，比来自北方的威胁更有组织，从长远来看更一致。、哥特人、阿瓦尔人和斯拉夫人。斯拉夫人可以被同化；土耳其人不能。

Given that Anatolia had been, in the late first millennium BC, no less Greek-speaking than the Balkan peninsula that culminates in the Peloponnese, the place that we now think of as the farthest natural extent of Greece, it is almost an accident that the Greek-speaking community ended up concentrated in the same place from which it spread two and a half thousand years before. Looking back, we can see that this only reflects the fact that the Muslim powers that threatened from the east, the Arabs and above all the Turks, were better organised, and more coherent in the long term, than the threats that came from the north, the Goths, Avars and Slavs. Slavs could be assimilated; Turks could not.

年龄的安慰

Consolations in age

ksipnó ke vlépō efθís áno na méni

i í$rTcross;ia Aθiná me parrisían

ky étsi apo psilá mú sindiχéni:

'Tis Elá$rTcross;s tin brín din ev$rTcross;ksían

χrónos tinás poté $rTcross;en din maréni , yat

'阿马兰多斯在我索非亚。

ksipnó ke vlépō efθís áno na méni

i í$rTcross;ia Aθiná me parrisían

ky étsi apo psilá mú sindiχéni:

’Tis Elá$rTcross;s tin brín din ev$rTcross;ksían

χrónos tinás poté $rTcross;en din maréni,

yat’ amárandos íne i sofía.’

我醒来，立刻看到我上方

的同一位雅典娜正在坦率地等待，她用来自天上的话对我说：“古希腊的名声永远不会消失：因为智慧是不朽的。”

I awake and see at once above me

The same Athena is waiting candidly, And with these words from on high she talks to me: ’The renown of Greece of old No time will ever efface: For wisdom is imperishable.’

安德烈亚斯·迈亚雷斯 ( c .1708)

Andreas Myiares (c.1708)

希腊语已被取消：它不再是一个具有普遍愿望的社区的语言。当文艺复兴在西欧站稳脚跟时，它确实作为学术智慧的源泉而复苏。阅读该语言的能力，以及对其经典著作的熟悉度（一如既往地关注于公元前五世纪和四世纪——尽管现在更多地关注亚里士多德），成为学者们检验真实性的有用试金石，但它从未上升到这个水平他们当中的一种通用语：这个职位是由它的老同事拉丁人担任的。

Greek had been undone: it was no more the language of a community with universal aspirations. When the Renaissance took hold in western Europe, it did enjoy a resuscitation as a source of scholarly wisdom. Ability to read the language, and a familiarity with its classics (focused on the fifth and fourth centuries BC, as ever—though with more attention now to Aristotle), became a useful touchstone of authenticity for scholars, but it never rose to the level of a lingua franca among them: that position was held by its old colleague, Latin.

但希腊语本身，作为一种活的语言，现在是一些小社区的财产，没有权利或权力积极影响他人。由于与传统希腊文学教育的任何联系的破裂，他们彼此之间的团结感被削弱了，这种发展始于 13 世纪，比土耳其胜利早了一个半世纪，当时拉丁列强首次取得了控制权。这么多帝国的旧领地。

But Greek itself, as a living language, was now the property of a number of small communities, with no right or power actively to influence others. And their sense of unity one with another was diminished by the breakdown of any link with traditional Greek literary education, a development that had begun in the thirteenth century, a century and a half before the Turkish triumph, when the Latin powers had first taken control of so many of the empire’s old domains.

在这些家庭社区中，它并没有消失。它的传播因其在东正教礼仪中的作用而受到保护：但事实上，即使作为臣民的语言，它也没有受到威胁。基督徒没有压力皈依伊斯兰教。尽管塞尔柱人的进军在 11 世纪和 12 世纪有利于说土耳其语的定居者在安纳托利亚的扩散，但 13 世纪后期开始的奥斯曼土耳其人的政治进军主要是出于军事目的，将居住的土耳其人重组为破坏性的活动家。尽管奥斯曼帝国随后席卷了近东和中东，但从历史上看，它并不倾向于支持任何语言的传播。相反，它似乎完全悠闲——事实上，小米勒。^*

In these home communities, it did not die out. Its transmission was shielded by its role in Orthodox liturgy: but in fact, even as the language of a subject people, it was under no threat. There was no pressure for Christians to convert to Islam. Although the Seljuk advance had favoured the spread of Turkish-speaking settlers across Anatolia in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the political advance of the Ottoman Turks, begun in the late thirteenth century, served mainly a military purpose, reorganising resident Turks into devastating campaigners. Although the Ottoman empire then took the Near and Middle East by storm, historically it had no tendency to favour the spread of any language whatever. Rather it seemed totally laid back—indeed, never systematically organised for any purpose beyond military conquest—and allowed ample self-governance to its constituent milletler.^*

尽管如此，希腊语在这一点上实际上不再是一种世界语言。尽管在欧洲西部对其传统有着令人满意的兴趣，但现在它不再是自己家的主人，说希腊语的社区不再将自己视为自己世界的自治中心。希腊语开始认为自己是一个小民族，只能通过与比他们强大得多的人谈判才能采取行动。他们的唯我论走到了尽头。我们不会进一步追溯它的历史，尽管有很多东西要讲。语言社区的新重心，第一次是农村的，没有义务维持古老的过去或更广泛地理解希腊在世界上的地位，导致了流行的俗语和浪漫史的构成，不受早期的束缚经典的挂机。有一种新的希腊感觉，kléftis，不接受外国压迫的亡命之徒。但是，当西方列强同情浪漫主义运动，保证希腊在 1821 年从奥斯曼帝国手中解放出来时，人们重新讨论了为希腊语设定的真正标准——希腊精英再次做出有利于有意识的古风政策。

Nevertheless, Greek effectively ceases to be a world language at this point. For all the gratifying interest in its tradition out in the west of Europe, now that it was no longer master in its own house the Greek-speaking community could no longer see itself as the autonomous centre of its own world. The Greeks began to think of themselves as a small people, able to act only through negotiation with others far stronger than them. Their solipsism was at an end. We shall not trace its history further, although there is much to tell. The new centre of gravity in the language community, for the first time a rural one, with no duty to maintain an ancient past or a wider sense of Greek’s place in the world, led to the composition of popular lays and romances, untrammelled by earlier classical hang-ups. There was a new sense of Greek, based on the spirit of the kléftis, the outlaw who accepted no foreign oppression. But when the western powers, in sympathy with the Romantic movement, guaranteed Greece’s liberation from the Ottomans in 1821, there was renewed discussion as to what true standard to set for the Greek language—and once again the Greek elite gave its judgement in favour of a policy of conscious archaism.

然而现在，两千多年来，这项政策第一次没有坚持下去。在Tourkokratía期间，某些事情发生了变化，也许是因为城市主导地位的中断，因此古典教育也发生了变化。一种流行的——在希腊语中是“Demotic”——书面语言风格已经确立，它的作用现在可以断言了。十九世纪和二十世纪见证了进一步的斗争：但自从上校政权（1967-74 年）和 1976 年教育法的垮台以来，现在人们接受了基于接近普通希腊语口语的新书面标准。

Yet now, for the first time in over two thousand years, the policy would not stick. Something had changed, perhaps because of the break in urban dominance, and hence classical education, during the Tourkokratía. A popular—in Greek, ‘Demotic’—style of written language had established itself, and its role could now be asserted. The nineteenth and twentieth centuries witnessed further struggles: but since the fall of the colonels’ regime (1967-74) and the Education Act of 1976, there is now acceptance of a new written standard based on something close to ordinary spoken Greek.

回顾：经典的生命周期

Retrospect: The life cycle of a classic

Aièn aristeúein kaì hupeírokhon émmenai allōn

mēdè génos patérōn aiskhúnemen, hoì még' áristoi…

mēdè génos patérōn aiskhúnemen, hoì még’ áristoi…

永远做最好的，超越别人，

Always to be the best, and to be superior to others,

不要让最优秀的父亲的种族感到羞耻……

And not to shame the race of fathers who much the best…

荷马，伊利亚特，vi.208（父亲对荷马英雄的临别建议）

Homer, Iliad, vi.208 (a father’s parting advice to a Homeric hero)

这项对希腊语言社区在三千年来的扩张和收缩的调查只会使一个基本问题变得更加紧迫。说希腊语的人为什么比同时代的腓尼基人、埃及人、波斯人、伊特鲁里亚人、高卢人、迦太基人或其他人称赞他们？是什么让他们认为他们的群体和生活方式比所有其他人更文明，并且大体上说服这些杂七杂八的“野蛮人”对此事采取希腊语的看法？最重要的是，鉴于古代世界的权力关系流动，为什么罗马人变成了 philhellenes，而不是伊特鲁里亚、布匿或埃及方式的崇拜者？

This survey of the expansion and contraction of the Greek language community over three millennia only makes more urgent a fundamental question. What was it about Greek speakers which had commended them over their contemporaries, Phoenicians, Egyptians, Persians, Etruscans, Gauls, Carthaginians or whatever? What was it about them that made them think their group, and their way of life, more civilised than all these others, and furthermore by and large persuaded these miscellaneous ‘barbarians’ to take the Greek view of the matter? Most importantly, given the flow of power relations through the ancient world, why did the Romans become philhellenes, rather than admirers of Etruscan, Punic or indeed Egyptian ways?

西欧喜欢认为自己是希腊语的间接继承人；但是关于希腊语的无数现代描述从未问过，更不用说回答这个问题了。相反，他们只是追溯了希腊语在神话、政治、文学、艺术、建筑、哲学和科学方面对西方文明做出如此多开创性贡献的过程。因此，部分答案是含蓄地给出的：因为他们的同时代人中没有一个人像希腊语那样为他们的文化产品留下了如此庞大的记录——除非罗马人选择在希腊作品的基础上发展，而不是取代它。识字可以被视为希腊语的秘密武器。

Western Europe likes to think itself an indirect heir of the Greeks; but the countless modern accounts of what the Greeks were like never ask, much less answer, this question. Rather, they simply trace the processes by which the Greeks produced so many pioneering contributions to Western civilisation, in mythology, politics, literature, the arts, architecture, philosophy and science. Part of the answer is thus given implicitly: for none of their contemporaries has laid by as vast a record of their cultural product as the Greeks—unless one counts the Romans, who chose to build on the Greek work, rather than replace it. Literacy could be seen as the Greeks’ secret weapon.

但这不可能是全部答案。毕竟，识字是腓尼基人送给他们的礼物，他们自己只是最近从埃及到巴比伦和以拦的广大中东文化社会的旅行销售代表。但与腓尼基人不同的是，希腊语选择用他们的文化来记录他们的文化：阅读希腊语的能力带来了大量的原创作品。结果是希腊语接触到了“文明的艺术”，只有当他们接触到它们时才能给他人留下深刻印象。毕竟，文明与橄榄油和葡萄酒等美食相结合，往往会很有吸引力。

But this can’t be the whole answer. After all, literacy was a gift to them from the Phoenicians, who themselves were just the lately travelling sales representatives of a vast Middle Eastern range of literate societies, from Egypt at one end to Babylon and Elam at the other. But unlike the Phoenicians, the Greeks had chosen to use their literacy to record their culture: the ability to read Greek brought a vast range of original works in its wake. The result was that the Greeks had access to ‘the arts of civilisation’ in a way that could only impress others when they came into contact with them. Civilisation, after all, when combined with such delights as olive oil and wine, is apt to be attractive.

这个问题可以再往前一推：为什么生活在地中海尽头的爱琴海附近的希腊语能够以这种方式发展和传播文明艺术？对这个问题的任何回答都变得非常投机：但值得注意的是，希腊语是地中海周围唯一一个群体大到足以形成城市的语言社区，但他们虽然识字，但没有聚集成更大国家的趋势，并因此最终统一为一个帝国。这可能是由于他们居住的山区和岛屿遍布的环境，使得小社区比大社区更容易养活和保卫：但这确实意味着希腊成为文化发展的巨大竞争场所——如果成功或有吸引力的发展可以传播到其他希腊语（例如，阁楼文学），但不会相互排斥。从这个意义上说，希腊的早期历史可以被视为与文艺复兴后的欧洲历史相媲美——竞争独立和良好沟通的肥沃结合。

The question can be thrown one stage farther back: why was it that the Greeks, living on the lands that adjoined the Aegean Sea at the end of the Mediterranean, were able to develop and propagate arts of civilisation in this way? Any answer to this one becomes extremely speculative: but it is notable that the Greeks were the only language community around the Mediterranean where the groupings were large enough to form cities, but which, though literate, had no tendency to be agglomerated into larger states, and hence ultimately to be united into an empire. This may have been a result of the mountainous and island-studded environment in which they lived, making small communities easier to feed and defend than large ones: but it did mean that Greece became a vast competitive playground for cultural developments—developments that could spread to other Greeks if successful or attractive (as, for example, was Attic literature), but which would not tend to crowd each other out. In this sense, the early history of Greece can be seen as comparable to that of Europe after the Renaissance—a fertile marriage of competitive independence and good communications.

通常，有点浪漫地声称，希腊对后来文明的最大贡献是民主的发明，这是为实现eleuthería而发明的最高机制，“自由”，一直是希腊语声称关心的美德。这当然是错误的：错误的理论是关于什么在希腊语中吸引了面对它的外人，并且错误的描述是什么使希腊语能够传播到其祖国的东部和西部如此远的地方。已经指出，大多数希腊城邦从来都不是民主的。在亚历山大征服后，在埃及和亚洲大部分地区建立的以希腊语为官方语言的较大国家无一例外都是君主制。它们是官僚国家，由相关公民进行公民控制是不可能的，甚至也不是理想的。它们也比任何城邦都大得多。当希腊语传播时，它并没有携带可能对其伴随文化的最初创造至关重要的特性。

It is often, somewhat romantically, claimed that Greece’s greatest contribution to subsequent civilisation was the invention of democracy, the highest mechanism invented to realise eleuthería, ‘freedom’, always a virtue that the Greeks claimed to care for. This is certainly false: false as a theory of what appealed in Greek to outsiders confronted by it, and false as an account of what made Greek capable of spreading so far to the east and west of its homeland. It has already been pointed out that most Greek city-states were never democratic; and the larger states with Greek as their official language, established all over Egypt and much of Asia after conquests by Alexander, were without exception monarchies. They were bureaucratic states, where civic control by concerned citizens was not possible, nor even an ideal. They were also much bigger than any city-states had ever been. When the Greek language spread, it did not carry with it the properties that had possibly been crucial in the original creation of its attendant culture.

事实上，自公元前三世纪以来，希腊文化的一个主要特征，在其漫长的连续历史中，一直希望回归经典，尽可能地模仿它们的语言形式和风格和内容，但从来没有像他们在五、四世纪的实际写作中所经历的创新和独创性的兴奋。在希腊语言传统中被证明经久不衰的东西——撇开它的经典是否真的是有史以来最好的东西的问题不谈——它更多地与僵化的保守主义有关，而不是对令人兴奋的新思想的开放态度。如果不出意外，希腊语言社区的历史表明，如果某些有吸引力的东西被保存下来，保守主义也可能具有吸引力。

Indeed, a major property of Greek culture, throughout its long continuous history since the third century BC, has been a wish to hark back to the classics, aping their linguistic form as well (as far as possible) as their style and content, but never the excitement of innovation and originality that must have attended their actual writing in the fifth and fourth centuries. Whatever has proved enduring in the Greek language tradition—and leaving aside the question of whether its classics really are the best things ever written—it has far more to do with rigid conservatism than openness to exciting new ideas. If nothing else, the history of the Greek language community shows that conservatism too can be attractive, if something attractive is being conserved.

我们可以看到，在古代世界的背景下，希腊语所提供的东西极具吸引力。即使是那些致力于限制和削弱希腊影响力的人，也尽可能地从中获得了尽可能多的东西：阿富汗的库沙纳国王，他们在推翻希腊国王后继续在他们的铸币上使用希腊语；帕提亚和亚美尼亚的朝臣以希腊悲剧自娱自乐，尽管他们的军队正在击败希腊语的罗马学生；迦太基将军使用希腊语与自己的雇佣兵部队交流。希腊语无疑是地中海世界的伟大传播者。

We can see that what Greek had to offer was highly attractive in the context of the ancient world. Even those whose careers were dedicated to limiting and diminishing Greek influence nevertheless took as much as they could from it: the Kushāna kings of Afghanistan, who went on using Greek on their coinage after unseating Greek kings; the Parthian and Armenian courtiers entertaining themselves with Greek tragedies, even as their armies were besting the Greeks’ Roman students; the Carthaginian generals who used Greek to communicate with their own forces of mercenaries. The Greeks were undoubtedly the Great Communicators of the Mediterranean world.

但是在oikouménē周围传播这种无疑具有吸引力的商品的代理商，有人居住的世界，实际上很少是希腊语。相反，希腊语的传播是关于搭便车有效性的实物课。马其顿超出了希腊语社区的范围。然而，它的国王将讲希腊语的殖民地一直种植到印度边界。亚拉姆语是希腊最大的敌人波斯帝国的语言。然而，200 年前在整个帝国使用它作为一种大法官语言意味着希腊语有一个明确的模式可以遵循，在他们新赢得的领域周围播种一个基于希腊的通信网络。200 年后，罗马和拉丁语一起席卷了整个地中海边缘。然而希腊语，意大利南部殖民地的语言，被接受为一种与拉丁语同等的语言，并继续成为罗马帝国真正的文化环境——从某种意义上说，帝国的任何有教养的居民都离不开它。200年后，横扫帝国的新扫帚是神秘宗教，尤其是基督教；然而，尽管它们都不是起源于希腊，但他们偏爱的语言是希腊语，因此希腊语与罗马帝国晚期最伟大的运动——基督教会建立了不可分割的联系。幸运的是，在东方的罗马帝国解体后，这一运动，现在专门作为基督教东正教，被证明是在四个世纪的土耳其统治下保护希腊的关键。因此，在过去 2300 年的每一个关键转折点，希腊语的非凡事业都归功于其朋友的帮助。

But the agents who spread this undoubtedly attractive commodity round the oikouménē, the inhabited world, were seldom actually Greek. The spread of the Greek language is, rather, an object lesson in the effectiveness of hitching a ride. Macedon was beyond the pale of the Greek language community; yet its king planted Greek-speaking colonies all the way to the boundaries of India. Aramaic was the language of Greece’s greatest foe, the Persian empire; yet the two-hundred-year-old use of it as a chancery language across the empire meant that there was a clear model for Greeks to follow in seeding a Greek-based communications network round their newly won domains. Two hundred years later Rome, and with it Latin, was taking the whole Mediterranean rim by storm; yet Greek, the language of colonies in southern Italy, was accepted into a kind of equality with Latin, and went on to become the true cultural milieu of the Roman empire—in the sense that no cultivated inhabitant of the empire could be without it. Two hundred years later still, the new brooms sweeping the empire were mystery religions, especially Christianity; yet although none of them originated in Greece, their language of preference was Greek, and so Greek built an indissoluble link with the greatest movement of the late Roman empire, the Christian Church. By a final stroke of good fortune, this same movement, now specialised as Christian Orthodoxy, turned out to be the key to preserving Greek through four centuries of Turkish domination, after the dissolution of the Roman empire in the east. Greek thus owes its remarkable career to help from its friends, at every crucial turning point of the last 2300 years.

然而奇怪的是，尽管希腊与其他文化力量（军事、行政和精神）有着密切的关系，但它一直高度抵制与它接触过的其他人的影响。我们已经看到，在最东端，希腊语准备借用来自印度的有趣新物质的借词。^*但它的同伴语言阿拉姆语的影响可以忽略不计。在西方，它与作为罗马帝国主要语言的拉丁语同居了五个世纪，导致大量借用来指定官方和军事事务、行政和财政（例如，月份、硬币、军衔、军衔、税），但几乎没有任何日常用语。^*许多人可能会想到借用的词，例如consul, senātus, Augustus, imperātor，实际上通常被翻译成：húpatos（字面意思是“最高的”），gerousía（“老人的聚会”），Sebastós（“牧师”），autokrátōr（“自我控制者”）。同样，基督教和其他神秘宗教对希腊语的采用令人惊讶地保持不变，如果人们不考虑人名和地名，以及诸如amébar;n和hōsanna 之类的感叹词。†

Yet curiously, for all its close relationship with other cultural powers (military, administrative and spiritual), Greek has been highly resistant to influence from others with which it has been in contact. We have already seen that out in the farthest eastern reaches Greek was prepared to take on loan words for interesting new substances from India;^* but the influence of its bedfellow language Aramaic was negligible. In the west, its five centuries of cohabitation with Latin as a principal language of the Roman empire led to a crop of borrowings to designate official and military matters, administration and finance (for example, names of months, coins, ranks, military ranks, taxes) but hardly any day-to-day words.^* Many words where one might have expected borrowings, such as consul, senātus, Augustus, imperātor, are in fact usually translated: húpatos (literally ‘topmost’), gerousía (’gathering of old men’), Sebastós (’reverend’), autokrátōr (’self-controller’). Likewise, the Christian and other mystery religions’ adoption of Greek left it surprisingly untouched, if one discounts the names of people and places, and interjections such as amébar;n and hōsanná.†

希腊语被第四次十字军东征剥夺了权力后，情况发生了变化。拉丁元素进入语言并被卡住：bánio , 'bath', bastar$rTcross;o , 'bastard', bíra , 'beer'。此后，在土耳其人统治的世界中，希腊语确实更像是一种殖民语言，并吸收了大量土耳其语单词，而不仅仅是tzamí、“清真寺”、χatzís、“麦加朝圣者”、o$等新概念。 rTcross;alíski , 'concubine' （来自土耳其语oda- lik , 'roomer', 与希腊语小词结合），但对于诸如boyatzís、'painter'、tembélis、'lazy'、yakás等平凡而明显无用的事物, '衣领', bólikos , '丰富的' 和sokáki , '街道'。自独立以来，许多此类词汇已被淘汰或被语言规划政策压制。但是，自帝国崩溃以来对借词的新容忍本身就证明了我们正确地认为希腊的自我形象在那个时期发生了变化：解除了在其历史领地中维持秩序的责任，实际上是作为作为基督教东正教的堡垒，该语言不再与邻国保持如此有意识的隔离。

Things changed after the Greeks were disempowered by the Fourth Crusade. Latin elements came into the language and stuck: bánio, ‘bath’, bastar$rTcross;o, ‘bastard’, bíra, ‘beer’. After this, within a Turkish-run world, Greek did behave more like a colonised language, and absorbed a whole host of Turkish words, not just for new concepts such as tzamí, ‘mosque’, χatzís, ‘Mecca pilgrim’, o$rTcross;alíski, ‘concubine’ (from Turkish oda-lik, ‘roomer’, combined with a Greek diminutive), but for such mundane and apparently gratuitous things as boyatzís, ‘painter’, tembélis, ‘lazy’, yakás, ‘collar’, bólikos, ‘abundant’ and sokáki, ‘street’. A lot of such vocabulary has since dropped out, or been suppressed by language planning policies since independence. But the new tolerance of borrowed words since the collapse of the empire is evidence in itself that we were right to see Greek’s self-image as changing around that time: relieved of responsibilities to keep order in its historic dominions, and indeed to stand as the bulwark of Christian Orthodoxy, the language was no longer maintained in such conscious isolation from its neighbours.

作为一个自主发展的文化区域，主要由共同语言、共同的神灵和普遍的血缘关系联系在一起，希腊语有效地施加了全球影响力：这是它给马其顿帝国和帝国强权留下深刻印象的回报罗马。几个世纪以来，这些权力逐渐消退，留下了大规模的政治单位，而说希腊语的人则成为了并非由他们制造的政治分配的事实上的守护者。他们的反应是坚守自己传统的核心，归根结底，这不是政治的，甚至不是知识的，而是语言的。当面对比城邦更大的单位时，他们独特的、公民的、对政府的态度就消失了。他们的理性主义或多神论哲学屈服于基督教；但他们从未对吕西亚斯或德摩斯泰尼的修辞、埃斯库罗斯或欧里庇得斯的诗歌、柏拉图和色诺芬的散文失去信心。这是一种奇特的信仰，面对的是一个多民族、多语言的帝国。但它服务。

Having developed autonomously as a cultural area, linked primarily by a common language, a common set of gods and a general sense of kinship, Greek effectively had global reach pressed upon it: this was its reward for impressing so mightily the imperial powers of Macedon and Rome. Over the centuries, those powers ebbed away, leaving large-scale political units in their wake, and Greek speakers as the de facto guardians of a political dispensation not of their making. They reacted by holding to the core of their own traditions, which in the last analysis turned out not to be political, or even intellectual, but linguistic. Their distinctive, civic, approach to government fell away when confronted with units larger than city-states; their rationalist, or polytheistic, philosophies yielded to Christianity; but they never lost faith in the rhetoric of Lysias or Demosthenes, the poetry of Aeschylus or Euripides, or the prose of Plato and Xenophon. It was a curious faith, confronted with a multinational, multilinguistic empire. But it served.

希腊的唯我论实际上随着其相关帝国的垮台而结束。经过两千年的坚定专注，它不再受制于保持其统一性，坚持认为不变的卓越标准，即使不是精神上的语言，是公元前五四世纪一个希腊城市的语言。从我们在 21 世纪的角度来看，尤其是在一个语言社区，例如英语，它已经摆脱了对经典的崇拜，无论是用自己的语言还是其他任何人的语言，都很难看到这个中心的真正价值神话。但希腊的成就是保持语言传统的一种有趣的纪念碑，即使是在很大程度上，自觉地团结起来。直到今天，希腊语中没有严重的分歧仍然是相当惊人的。虽然拉丁语被少数独立的民族语言传统所取代，但所有这些传统都从罗马拉丁语的共同根源发展而来，比如公元前二世纪的希腊语——甚至在黑海的土耳其海岸也使用，以及在意大利偏远南部的村庄——知道它的共同中心是什么。在确保希腊语仍然是一个单一社区的语言的宏伟计划中，对阁楼的奉承确实奏效了。

Greek’s solipsism in effect came to an end with the downfall of its associated empire. After two millennia of steadfast concentration, it was no longer constrained to preserve its unity by holding the line that the unchanging standard of excellence, linguistic if not spiritual, was the language of one Greek city in the fifth and fourth centuries BC. From our perspective in the twenty-first century, and especially in a language community, such as English, which has cut itself free from adoration of classics, whether in its own language or anyone else’s, it is hard to see real value in this central myth. But the Greek achievement stands as an interesting monument of one way to keep a language tradition, even one of vast extent, self-consciously united. The absence of serious division in the Greek language is quite striking to this day. While Latin is succeeded by a handful of separate national language traditions, all of which have moved on from their common roots in the Latin of Rome in, say, the second century BC, Greek—even as spoken on the Turkish shores of the Black Sea, and in villages in the remote south of Italy—knows what is its common centre. The adulation of Attic did actually work, in the grand programme of making sure that Greek remained the language of a single community.

^{*这是荷马的《}伊利亚特》（ii.684）中一些阿喀琉斯人的名字，而且由于他是那首最伟大的希腊诗歌中最伟大的希腊英雄，这可能足以通过联想来命名整个种族。

^* It was the name for some of Achilles’ people in Homer’s Iliad (ii.684), and since he was the greatest Greek hero in that greatest of Greek poems, this may have been sufficient to name the whole race by association.

^† w，在某些希腊字母表中写为f ，在大多数方言中都失去了发音（因此拼写）。因此，严格来说，这个荷马词中的 w 是推测性的，lōTnes是同一个词，通常将 a+o 收缩为 ô。后来印第安人也开始称希腊语为 yavana——尽管他们的第一次主要遭遇是与马其顿人领导的好战部队。§ 根据 Strabo，ix.2.10 的说法，在 Oropus 附近，它位于面向 Eretria 的海岸上。¶希腊语的另外两个民族名称，似乎更古老，是Danaoi和Akhaioi。它们是他们的民族诗人荷马使用的词，写于公元前一千年初期的某个时间。大内井这个名字与荷马代表希腊时的主要城市阿尔戈斯市有联系。达瑙斯是那个城市的传奇国王。Akhaioi，当它被具体使用时，要么指伯罗奔尼撒半岛北部地区的人民，没有特别声称具有代表地位，要么指 Phthiotis 的人民，这在荷马中作为王国的另一个部分也很显着阿喀琉斯（伊利亚特，ii.684）。它的拉丁语形式Achîvî表明它最初在词干末端有一个 W（因此实际上是'Akhaiwoi'）。但在这种形式中，A 和 I 倒置，如Ahhiyawa，在其他文件中，它似乎确实是一个主要王国的术语，即公元前二千年统治安纳托利亚的赫梯人的皇家通信（在烤泥板上用楔形文字表示）。因此，似乎在早期，希腊语在国外以另一个名字而闻名。

^† w, written as f in some Greek alphabets, dropped out of pronunciation (and hence spelling) in most dialects. Hence the w in this Homeric word is, strictly speaking, conjectural, lōTnes is the same word, with a common contraction of a+o into ô. Later the Indians came to call the Greeks yavana too—although their first major encounter was with a warlike force led by Macedonians. § Near Oropus, which is on the coast facing Eretria, according to Strabo, ix.2.10. ¶ Two other ethnonyms for Greek, seemingly much older, are Danaoi and Akhaioi. They are the words used by their ethnic poet Homer, writing some time in the early first millennium BC. The name Danaoi has associations with the city of Argos, a major city at the time when Homer represents Greece. Danaos is a legendary king of that city. Akhaioi, when it is used specifically, refers either to the people of an area in the north of the Peloponnese, with no particular claim to representative status, or to the people of Phthiotis, which is also notable in Homer as another part of the kingdom of Achilles (Iliad, ii.684). Its Latin form, Achîvî, shows that it originally had a W at the end of the stem (hence really ’Akhaiwoi’). But in this form, with an inversion of the A and I, as Ahhiyawa, it does seem to figure as a term for a major kingdom in other documents, namely the royal correspondence (in cuneiform on baked clay tablets) of the Hittites who dominated Anatolia in the second millennium BC. So it seems that, early on, the Greeks were known abroad by yet another name.

这两个术语可能都被埃及人使用过。有一个铭文c。公元前 1370 年（在 Amenophis III 葬礼寺庙的雕像底座上），其中提到了 TNY 以及可在克里特岛找到的各种其他名称。埃及象形文字通常省略元音，而元音之间的 i 或 y 在希腊语中经常丢失，因此这可能是对Danaioi 的明确提及。在另一个铭文中 c. 公元前 1186 年，DNYN 被提及为攻击埃及的海洋民族之一。但在较早的题词中c。公元前 1218 年，IKWS，可能只是Akhaiwoi或Ahhiyawa，被提及为抵抗海洋人民的盟友（Strange 1980；Muhly 等人 1982）。

Both these terms may have been used by the Egyptians. There is an inscription c. 1370 BC (on a statue base in a funerary temple of Amenophis III) which mentions the TNY along with a variety of other names locatable in Crete. Egyptian hieroglyphics usually omit vowels, and i or y between vowels is often lost in Greek, so this could be an explicit reference to the Danaioi. In another inscription c. 1186 BC, the DNYN are mentioned as one of the Sea-Peoples attacking Egypt. But in an earlier inscription c. 1218 BC, the IKWS, which could just possibly be the Akhaiwoi or Ahhiyawa, are mentioned as allies in the resistance against the Sea-Peoples (Strange 1980; Muhly et al. 1982).

^*在本章中，文本中的希腊名字以传统的拉丁化形式给出：因此不是Hēródotos、Akhaiós而是希罗多德、Achaeus。在罗马化的转写中，h 与英语中的力几乎相同，但通常用于送气辅音：kh, ph, th 实际上可以写成 k ^{h p h th h}^事实上就像^英语中的“Can Pete take它？' 除了在双元音au, eu中，希腊语u在 Attic 中的发音很像今天在法语中的发音，即 [y]；ou是一个很长的 ū，就像英语中的符文一样。直到公元早期的几个世纪，希腊语的口音给出了一些音调模式的形象，而不是重音；此后，他们只标记重读音节。

^* In this chapter, Greek names in the text are given in the conventional Latinised form: hence not Hēródotos, Akhaiós but Herodotus, Achaeus. In the romanised transcription, h has much the same force as in English, but is often used to aspirate a consonant: kh, ph, th could more accurately have been written k^h p^h t^h in fact as in English ‘Can Pete take it?’ Except in diphthongs, au, eu, the Greek u was pronounced in Attic much as it is today in French, phonetically [y]; ou was a long ū, as in English rune. The accents in Greek up to the early centuries AD give some image of the pattern of tone, not stress; thereafter they just mark the stressed syllable.

^*碰巧的是，阁楼的这种卓越地位是文化和商业主导地位的结果，而不是军事主导地位。正如我们所见，雅典早期是一个主要的贸易中心。但直到五世纪，希腊文学一直是许多不同方言的共同产物。

^* As it happens, this pre-eminence of Attic was the result of cultural and commercial, not military, dominance. Athens, as we have seen, was early a major trading centre. But until the fifth century Greek literature had been the joint product of many different dialects.

^*比较现代英语口语的数字：大多数名词（单词，单词）的两种形式，大多数动词的四种形式（谈话，谈话，谈话，谈话）。

^* Compare the figures for modern spoken English: two forms for most nouns (word, words), four for most verbs (talk, talks, talked, talking).

^*希腊语言在当时如此被方言撕裂的事实对这些风格和体裁产生了有趣的影响：在书面文学开始后的最初几个世纪里，每种语言都与一种特定的方言联系在一起，通常是它的第一批从业者的方言，尽管文献在很大程度上是共享的。所以史诗必须用荷马的爱奥尼亚语和埃奥里克语的混合体来写，多立克语的抒情诗，爱奥尼亚语的历史，阁楼的悲剧。这在使方言知识永久化方面发挥了一定的作用，即使在希腊世界日益统一的情况下，它们在对话中的实际用途也被排除在外。这是一个特别好的例子，说明语言的味道如何完全来自联想。

^* The fact that Greek speech was so dialectally riven at the time had an interesting impact on these styles and genres: for the first few centuries after written literature began, each became associated with a particular dialect, typically that of its first practitioners, even though the literature was largely shared. So epic poetry had to be written in Homer’s mixture of Ionic and Aeolic, lyric poetry in Doric, history at first in Ionic, tragedy in Attic. This played some role in perpetuating knowledge of the dialects, even after the increasing unity of the Greek world was pushing them out of actual use in conversation. It is a particularly good example of how so much of a language’s flavour comes purely by association.

^*它在黑海沿岸的安纳托利亚也有一个殖民地，即阿米苏斯，即现代萨姆松。

^* It also had one colony on the Black Sea coast of Anatolia, Amisūs, modern Samsun.

† 尽管迦太基人或腓尼基人的影响没有禁止亚得里亚海，但希腊殖民者对亚得里亚海的关注很少，也没有被认定为特定的大都市。然而，它实际上是一个多利安地区。这里的三个主要城市是 Epidamnos，即后来的 Dyrrhachium（现阿尔巴尼亚的 Durrazzë），由科林斯和邻近的 Corcyra 岛于公元前0.625 年建立；Atria，位于波河三角洲，由埃伊纳 (Aegina) 于公元前 6 世纪后期建立（后来被雅典清除并重新定居的多利安城市）；和安科纳，原住民皮切尼的城市，后来在公元前 387 年被来自锡拉丘兹的希腊难民重建。（威尼斯泻湖的承诺在古代没有被利用。）

† Although not prohibited by Carthaginian or Phoenician influence, the Adriatic received rather little attention from Greek colonists, and was not identified with a particular metropolis. However, it was de facto a Dorian area. Three major cities here were Epidamnos, later Dyrrhachium (now Durrazzë in Albania), founded by Corinth and the neighbouring island of Corcyra c.625 BC; Atria, in the Po delta, founded in late sixth century BC by Aegina (a Dorian city later cleared and repopulated by Athens); and Ancona, a city of the indigenous Piceni later refounded by Greek refugees from Syracuse in 387 BC. (The promise of the Venetian lagoon was not exploited in antiquity.)

§ 尽管听起来很庄严，但这个名字 ( Buzántion ) 只是Búzas的缩写，好像Hongkers已成为香港的正式名称。

§ For all its stately sound, this name (Buzántion) is just the diminutive of Búzas, as if Hongkers had become the official name of Hong Kong.

¶ Cyrene，成立于0.630 年，专门从事药用植物sílphion的生长和出口。但在更远的东边非洲海岸也能听到希腊语的声音，在那里建立了一种完全不同的企业。Naucratis，“海女王”，是尼罗河三角洲的一个泛希腊商场，是与埃及市场进行贸易的中心，是法老允许的贸易特许权。这里的倡议来自爱奥尼亚希腊语，来自米利都和萨摩斯，位于北边，交通便利。（见第 4 章。）

¶ Cyrene, founded c.630, specialised in the growth and export of sílphion, a medicinal plant. But Greek was also to be heard farther east on the African shore, where a rather different kind of enterprise was established. Naucratis, ‘Sea-Queen’, was a pan-Hellenic emporium in the Nile delta, a centre for trade with the Egyptian market, in a trading concession allowed by the pharaoh. The initiative here had come from Ionian Greeks, from Miletus and Samos, conveniently sited just to the north. (See Chapter 4.)

^*这个早期的希腊范围与中世纪和现代欧洲文学的体裁非常不同。没有小说，没有散文，没有奇幻文学。也没有任何关于宗教信仰的文献。碰巧的是，前三个也是希腊语的发明，但从更晚的时期开始，在公元一世纪，当时希腊是罗马帝国的强制一部分，对公共事业或公共事业没有认真的期望。公共责任。然后，富裕的人可以自由地探索更多的个人问题，撰写浪漫故事和描述个人冒险经历。同样，在早期，对个人宗教体验的探索与希腊精神格格不入，尽管它们后来在基督教传播后成为中心。

^* This early Greek range is very different from the genres of medieval and modern European literature. There is no novel, no essay, no fantasy literature. Neither is there any literature devoted to religious devotion. As it happens, the first three of these were all Greek inventions too, but from a much later period, in the first centuries AD, when Greece was an enforced part of the Roman empire, and there was no serious expectation of a public career or public responsibilities. Affluent individuals were then free to explore more personal concerns, to write romances, and descriptions of personal adventures. Likewise, explorations of individual religious experience were alien to the Greek spirit in these earlier days, although they were later to become central after the spread of Christianity. The religious outpourings of the earlier period take the form of hymns to the Olympian gods, with an emphasis on recounting their myths.

^†当色雷斯人狄奥尼修斯（Dionysius）在当时希腊的知识中心亚历山大（Alexandria）工作时，希腊对语法的分析基本完成，他在公元前一世纪初出版了他的斯多葛派和亚历山大派著作汇编，名为Tékhnē Grammalik$ēA 。

^† Greek analysis of grammar was essentially complete when Dionysius the Thracian, working in Alexandria, the intellectual centre of Greece at the time, published his compilation of Stoic and Alexandrian work as Tékhnē Grammalik$ēA at the beginning of the first century BC.

^*西西里岛是土著居民在希腊定居点中幸存下来的一个例外，那里的希腊语一定特别密集。他们在那里至少有十三个独立的殖民地，而该岛的西端则在另一个外国移民迦太基的手中，还有另外三个。然而，在最初为新城市寻找土地时，先前存在的 Sicans、Elymians 和 Sicels 一直是一个非常重要的因素。

^* An exception to this tendency for indigenous populations to survive Greek settlement was Sicily, where the Greek presence must have been particularly dense. They had at least thirteen separate colonies there, and the western end of the island was in the hands of another foreign incomer, Carthage, with three more. Nevertheless, the pre-existing Sicans, Elymians and Sicels had been very much a factor when land was originally sought for the new cities.

† 他们获得的这种政治声誉与暴虐狂妄自大的实验有关，尤其是锡拉丘兹的狄奥尼修斯（公元前 430-367 年）和阿克拉加斯的阿加托克勒斯（公元前 361-284 年）的实验，他们都以零净效应组织了希腊对迦太基的战争.

† Such political fame as they acquired was associated with experiments in tyrannous megalomania, notably those of Dionysius of Syracuse (430-367 BC) and Agathocles of Acragas (361-284 BC), both of whom organised Greek wars against Carthage with zero net effect.

§ ekbebarbarōsthai：罗马征服希腊并开始尝试同化其文化已有两百年；然而，一个希腊语——也是在罗马受过教育的人——仍然将罗马人归类为野蛮人。

§ ekbebarbarōsthai: it had been two hundred years since Rome had conquered Greece, and begun its attempt to assimilate its culture; yet a Greek—and one educated at Rome at that—still classed Romans as barbarians.

^*对于雅典来说，这是意义重大的一年，这是在伯罗奔尼撒战争中被斯巴达彻底击败后恢复民主的第一年。

^* This was a significant year for Athens, the first year of restored democracy after its conclusive defeat by Sparta in the Peloponnesian War.

† 雅典采用了米利都使用的离子字母表，而不是他们自己的“阁楼”风格，后者没有将长 E (H-eta) 和长 O (Ω-omega) 与他们的短版本区分开来。

† Athens adopted the Ionic alphabet as used in Miletus, in preference to their own ‘Attic’ style, which had not distinguished long E (H—eta) and long O (Ω—omega) from their short versions.

§ Q ( qoppa ) 最初是在后元音 [o] 和 [u] 之前使用的后退 [k]。早期的铭文使用 FH 来表示 [f]，因为 F 最初是 [w] 或 [v] 的符号。大多数爱奥尼亚方言（包括米利都和雅典的方言）都失去了这种声音，因此它从官方的希腊字母表中消失了。但这里有一个奇怪的转折。创立 Pithecusae 和 Cumae 的 Chalcis 和 Eretria 实际上讲的是离子方言，因此可能会预期在书写时也会放弃 F。

§ Q (qoppa) was originally a back [k] used before back vowels [o] and [u]. Early inscriptions use FH to represent [f], since F was originally a sign for [w] or [v]. Most of the Ionic dialects (including those at Miletus and Athens) had lost this sound, hence its disappearance from the offical Greek alphabet. But there is a bizarre twist here. Chalcis and Eretria, which founded Pithecusae and Cumae, actually spoke Ionic dialects, and so might have been expected to drop F in writing too.

¶ 原则上，这种东地中海的独特产品有可能是由另一个伟大的殖民文明腓尼基人带到西方的，但这些国家成为（并且一直保持到今天）在葡萄酒酿造方面的卓越表现恰好在希腊的势力范围内，意大利和高卢/法国，而不是北非和西班牙。

¶ In principle, it is possible that this distinctive product of the eastern Mediterranean was brought to the west by the other great colonial civilisation, the Phoenicians, but the countries that became (and have remained to this day) pre-eminent in wine-making happen to be in the Greek sphere of influence, Italy and Gaul/France, rather than North Africa and Spain.

^*这个事件（连同其他证据，希腊语和印度语）在二世纪梵文语法家 Patañjali (3.2.111) 的两个例句中被永生化：arunad yavanan sāketam , 'The Greek has besieged Saketa' (a city close to Faizabad)在 Gaghra 上）；arunad yavanan mādhyamikam，“希腊语围攻了 Madhyamika”（拉贾斯坦邦沙漠以南，靠近 Chittaurgarh 的一座城市）。在每种情况下，句子都需要是真实的，以说明这一点，即这种时态（LaN，不完美）用于“最近发生的公开事件，但说话者实际上并未亲眼目睹，但可能如此”。由于这两个中只有 Saketa 实际上是在从旁遮普邦前往巴特那的路上，因此希腊语似乎也在拉贾斯坦邦向南和向西进军。

^* This event is immortalised (along with other evidence, Greek and Indian) in two example sentences of the second-century Sanskrit grammarian Patañjali (3.2.111): arunad yavanan sāketam, ‘The Greek has besieged Saketa’ (a city close to Faizabad on the Gaghra); arunad yavanan mādhyamikam, “The Greek has besieged Madhyamika’ (a city close to Chittaurgarh, south of the Rajasthan desert). In each case, the sentence needs to be veridical in order to illustrate the point, that this tense (LaN, the imperfect) is used ‘of a recent public occurrence not actually witnessed by the speaker but potentially so’. Since of these two only Saketa is actually on the way to Patna from the Panjab, it appears that the Greeks also campaigned farther south and west, in Rajasthan.

^*这也是浪漫男孩名字罗密欧的由来。

^* It is also the origin of the romantic boy’s name Romeo.

^*利巴尼乌斯是公元 4 世纪叙利亚安提阿的希腊居民，他写了 64 篇演讲，内容涉及市政、教育和文化事务，以及一本自传和对该城市的赞美。他只提到过一次亚拉姆语的存在，尽管它在全国各地都在使用（Mango 1980: ch. 1）。

^* Libanius, a Greek resident of Antioch in Syria in the fourth century AD, wrote sixty-four speeches which range over municipal, educational and cultural matters, as well as an autobiography and an encomium of the city. He mentions the existence of Aramaic just once, although it was spoken in the country all around (Mango 1980: ch. 1).

^*从现代的角度来看——事实上从古典印度的角度来看，有趣的是，关注区分婆罗门/学者、刹帝利/战士国王和吠舍/商人的互补角色——商业领袖是谁的问题似乎从来没有发生在希腊语或罗马人身上。财富当然是在创造的，但这被视为一个放纵的场合，而不是荣耀的场合。

^* It is interesting from a modern standpoint—and indeed from a classical Indian one, concerned to distinguish the complementary roles of Brahman/scholar, Kshatriya/warrior-king and Vaiśya/trader—that the question of who the leaders in business were never seems to have occurred to the Greeks or Romans. Fortunes were certainly being made, but this was seen as an occasion more for indulgence than glory.

† 罗马人从未使用过希腊语的两个领域是法律和军事。即使在东地中海的希腊心脏地带也是如此，否则拉丁语进展甚微。

† Two fields where the Romans never used Greek were law and the military. This was true even in Greek’s heartland in the eastern Mediterranean, where Latin otherwise made little headway.

^*这些不是唯一的泛希腊游戏：另外两个是德尔福的 Pythian 游戏，以及 Corinth 组织的 Isthmian 游戏。

^* These were not the only pan-Hellenic games: two others were the Pythian games in Delphi, and the Isthmian games, organised by Corinth.

^†唯一已知的早期希腊语对其语言采取不那么种族中心主义观点的案例是在埃及：有一幅公元前 591 年的涂鸦，由希腊雇佣兵在阿布辛贝的雕像腿上书写。他将他的党内的希腊语称为“另一种语言”，而不是埃及人。希罗多德也在埃及（2.154）使用了希腊语的这个词。对比斯特拉博（vi.1.2）更典型的态度，与那里的希腊语相比，意大利的罗马人仍然是野蛮人。

^† The only known case where early Greeks took a less ethnocentric view of their language was in Egypt: there is a graffito from 591 BC, written by a Greek mercenary on the leg of a statue at Abu Simbel. He refers to the Greeks among his party as alloglōssous, ‘of another language’, i.e. than the Egyptians. And Herodotus too uses this term of Greeks in Egypt (2.154). Contrast the more typical attitude of Strabo (vi.1.2), viewing Romans in Italy as still barbarians by contrast with the Greeks there.

^*他会讨厌这种讽刺，因为他的名字是拉丁化的希腊语版本。他是锤子犹大，yūdāh maqqābā。

^* He would have hated the irony that he is generally known by this Latinised Greek version of his name. He was Judah the Hammer, yūdāh maqqābā.

† 来自帕提亚、米底亚、埃兰、美索不达米亚、犹太、卡帕多西亚、本都、小亚细亚、弗里吉亚、旁非利亚、埃及和古利奈周围的利比亚的游客，以及罗马人、外国犹太人、克里特人和阿拉伯人，都被明确区分（使徒行传 ii.9 -10)。

† Visitors from Parthia, Media, Elam, Mesopotamia, Judaea, Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia Minor, Phrygia, Pamphylia, Egypt, and Libya around Cyrene, together with Romans, foreign Jews, Cretans and Arabs, are explicitly distinguished (Acts ii.9-10).

§ 被称为Philádelphos，“他姐姐的情人”：事实上，他娶了她，这是希腊对埃及法老传统的惊人采用。

§ Known as Philádelphos, ‘Lover of His Sister’: indeed he married her, in an amazing Greek adoption of Egyptian pharaonic tradition.

^*作者实际上是极少数，并且仍然被认为是西欧传统古典教育的核心。剧作家埃斯库罗斯、索福克勒斯、欧里庇得斯和阿里斯托芬；历史学家修昔底德；哲学家柏拉图；少数演说家在德摩斯泰尼达到高潮，他们猛烈反对马其顿的菲利普的威胁。可以追溯到罗马帝国的希腊传统态度仍然有效地定义了我在 1960 年代学习的英国学校教学大纲。

^* The authors are in fact extremely few, and are still recognisable as the core of a traditional, classical education in western Europe. The dramatists Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides and Aristophanes; the historian Thucydides; the philosopher Plato; and a handful of orators culminating in Demosthenes, who inveighed against the threat of Philip of Macedon. Greek traditional attitudes dating back to the Roman empire effectively still defined the British school syllabus that I studied in the 1960s.

^*除了风格之外，作品的另一个特点是创新。基督徒在推广新的书籍格式“抄本”方面发挥了重要作用，与传统的卷轴不同，书脊上有单独的两侧页面。这为至少接下来的两千年设定了格式。推测是，这使得在为重要段落添加书签和引用时更容易访问书籍（Harris 1989：296）。

^* Another feature of the writings besides their style was innovative. Christians were important in popularising the new format for books, the ‘codex’, with separate two-sided pages attached to a spine, as against the traditional scroll. This set the format for at least the next two thousand years. The conjecture is that this made books much easier to access when bookmarking, and quoting, important passages (Harris 1989: 296).

† 希腊语homilía和拉丁语sermō最初的意思是非正式的交谈、聊天。

† Both Greek homilía and Latin sermō originally meant an informal conversation, a chat.

^*他的东道主亚美尼亚国王阿尔塔瓦兹德斯显然也是一位希腊学者，他自己的剧本也曾用这种语言写过（普鲁塔克，克拉苏，芬兰语）。

^* His host, Artavazdes, the king of Armenia, was also a Greek scholar, apparently, to the extent of having written his own plays in the language (Plutarch, Crassus, fin.).

† 在公元 114-17 年的三年里，整个地区被图拉真皇帝再次占领和失去。但是西北部的 Osroëne 在 164 年罗马战役后被合并了两个世纪。

† Over the three years AD 114-17, the whole area was taken and lost again by the emperor Trajan. But the north-western portion, Osroëne, was incorporated for two centuries after a Roman campaign in 164.

^* Mango (1980: ch. 1) 将东地中海省份的人口在 6 世纪中叶定为 3000 万，其中埃及有 800 万，叙利亚-巴勒斯坦-美索不达米亚有 900 万，安纳托利亚有 1000 万，3-4百万在巴尔干半岛。还要注意安纳托利亚的人口是希腊和欧洲省份的两倍。

^* Mango (1980: ch. 1) puts the population of the eastern Mediterranean provinces in the mid-sixth century at 30 million, with 8 million in Egypt, 9 million in Syria-Palestine-Mesopotamia, 10 million in Anatolia and 3-4 million in the Balkans. Note also how Anatolia had twice the population of Greece and the European provinces.

^* 1071 年，拜占庭人的文字写在墙上：消息也传来，诺曼人占领了巴里，结束了他们在意大利 535 年的帝国。

^* The writing was on the wall for the Byzantines in that year of 1071: news also arrived that the Normans had taken Bari, ending 535 years of their empire in Italy.

^*希腊东正教宗主教区确实从土耳其的征服中获益，因为苏丹穆罕默德在占领君士坦丁堡后将他的东正教臣民合理化，将保加利亚和塞尔维亚宗主教区纳入君士坦丁堡的权威之下。当然，在语言上，它们仍然是分开的。

^* The Greek Orthodox patriarchate indeed gained from the Turkish conquest, since the Sultan Mehmet rationalised his Orthodox subjects after taking Constantinople, incorporating the Bulgarian and Serbian patriarchates under the authority of Constantinople. Linguistically, of course, they remained separate.

^*例如zingiberi , 'ginger', sakkharon , 'sugar' （见第 5 章，“梵文的特征”，第 192 页）。

^* e.g. zingiberi, ‘ginger’, sakkharon, ‘sugar’ (see Chapter 5, “The character of Sanskrit’, p. 192).

^*接近完整列表的似乎是spíti , 'house' (来自拉丁语hospitium , 'inn'), skamnío , 'bench' (scamnum), pórta , 'door', kámara , 'room', vérga , 'rod' , 可能还有áspros , 'white' (来自拉丁语asper , 'rough')。比较威尔士语的大量借用清单（其中一半时间与拉丁语密切接触）。（参见第 7 章，“Consilium：罗马帝国的基本原理”，第 303 页。）

^* Close to the full list seems to be spíti, ‘house’ (from Latin hospitium, ‘inn’), skamnío, ‘bench’ (scamnum), pórta, ‘door’, kámara, ‘room’, vérga, ‘rod’, and possibly áspros, ‘white’ (from Latin asper, ‘rough’). Compare the vastly longer list of borrowings by Welsh (which was in close contact with Latin for half the time). (See Chapter 7, ‘Consilium: The rationale of Roman imperium’, p. 303.)

† 有人认为，基督教中“爱”一词最喜欢的选择agápē受到希伯来语'āhēb、“爱”（恰好比希腊语具有更强烈的性暗示）和希腊语skébar;nē的影响， “帐篷”，希伯来语 &s car;eken，“住宅”（Moule 1959：186）。

† It has been suggested that the favourite choice of the Christian word for ‘love’, agápē, is influenced by Hebrew ’āhēb, ‘love’ (which happens to have much stronger sexual overtones than the Greek), and Greek skébar;nē, ‘tent’, by Hebrew &scar;eken, ‘dwelling’ (Moule 1959: 186).

7

竞争欧洲：凯尔特人、罗马人、德国人和斯拉夫人

7

Contesting Europe: Celt, Roman, German and Slav

[高卢人]在他们的谈话中简洁而神秘，经常用暗示性的谜语说话。

[The Gauls are] in their conversation terse and enigmatic, often speaking in allusive riddles.

iodorus Siculus, v.31

Tri húaithaid ata ferr sochaidi: úathad dagbríathar, úathad bó hi feór, úathad carat im chuirm。

Trí húaithaid ata ferr sochaidi: úathad dagbríathar, úathad bó hi feór, úathad carat im chuirm.

胜过充足的三种匮乏：缺乏优美的文字，缺乏草地上的奶牛，缺乏啤酒的朋友。

Three scarcities that are better than plenty: a scarcity of fine words, a scarcity of cows in a meadow, a scarcity of friends at beer.

爱尔兰的三合会，编辑。库诺迈耶，93 岁

The Triads of Ireland, ed. Kuno Meyer, 93

这也不适合罗马人的政府……因为他们比任何人都更憎恨绝对权力的本质和名称（“暴政”）。

nor was it fitting for the government of the Romans…given that they were possessed more than anyone by a hatred of the very nature and name of absolute power (’tyranny’).

阿里安，亚历山大的战役，vii.15.6

Arrian, Alexander’s Campaign, vii.15.6

hoc vero regnum est, et ferri nullo pacto potest。

hoc vero regnum est, et ferri nullo pacto potest.

但这是王权，决不能容忍。

But this is kingship, and can in no wise be tolerated.

西塞罗，给阿蒂克斯的信，ii.12.1

Cicero, Letter to Atticus, ii.12.1

…et ingrata genti quies et facilius inter ancipitia clarescunt magnumque comitatum non nisi vi belloque tueare。

…et ingrata genti quies et facilius inter ancipitia clarescunt magnumque comitatum non nisi vi belloque tueare.

[德意志]民族不喜欢和平；他们在危机中更容易脱颖而出，除了战时，您不会大量看到他们。

Peace is disliked by the [German] nation; they distinguish themselves more easily in a crisis and you will not see them in large numbers except in wartime.

塔西佗，日耳曼尼亚，14.2

Tacitus, Germania, 14.2

想要她 dô ar arme wuntane baugš, cheisuhngu gitšn, sô imo se der chuning gap ,

Want her dô ar arme wuntane baugš, cheisuhngu gitšn, sô imo se der chuning gap,

Huneô truhtîn: 'dat ih dir it nŭ bi huldî gibu。Hadubrant gimahalta Hiltibrandes sunu

Huneô truhtîn: ‘dat ih dir it nŭ bi huldî gibu.’ Hadubrant gimahalta Hiltibrandes sunu

“Mit gěru seal man geba infšhan, ort widar orte。”

’Mit gěru seal man geba infšhan, ort widar orte.’

他从手臂上取出用金币制成的扭曲的伤口，这是匈奴王给他的：“我现在把这个作为友谊送给你。” 重新加入 Hildebrand 的儿子 Hadubrand：

He took from his arm twisted tores worked with specie gold, given him by the king, lord of the Huns: ‘This I now give you in friendship.’ Rejoined Hadubrand, son of Hildebrand:

“长矛是要拿的礼物，点对点。”

’With spears are gifts to be taken, point against point.’

希尔德布兰斯利德 , 33-8

Hildebrandslied, 33-8

运势逆转

Reversals of fortune

我们有证据表明的三千年来欧洲的历史，主要由四个密切相关的语言家族的命运变化主导：凯尔特语、斜体语、日耳曼语和斯拉夫语。在每个时代，他们在整个大陆上的前进都是好战的：他们都以英雄为荣的英雄事迹令人沮丧的残酷。但就像语言本身一样，它们培育的文化是不同民族的特征，每个民族都有相当不同的价值观。

The history of Europe, over the three thousand years for which we have evidence, is dominated by the changing fortunes of four closely related families of languages: Celtic, Italic, Germanic and Slavonic. In every age, their advances across the continent have been warlike: there is a depressing brutality about the heroics in which they all gloried. But like the languages themselves, the cultures they fostered characterise different peoples, each with rather different values.

本章重点关注这段历史的关键部分，它见证了整个西欧环境语言的重大转变，从凯尔特语到拉丁语。这种语言转变无疑是由于军事征服，它的纯粹清晰至今仍然存在于欧洲对改变语言的日常概念中：以军事和经济实力为后盾的控制。然而，仿佛要为这种简单观点的不足提供一个客观的教训，这种征服本身就不堪重负。经过半个千年的稳定，军事平衡在一场范围广泛的军事灾难中被推翻，而且没有复苏：确实，它确立了一直持续到今天的政治和国界格局。然而，尽管这一切对西方大部分地区的语言影响为零，但在英国和巴尔干半岛，

This chapter focuses on the crucial part of that history, which witnessed a major shift in ambient language, all over western Europe, from Celtic to Latin. This linguistic shift was unambiguously due to military conquest, and the sheer clarity of it lives on to this day in Europe’s everyday conception of what changes languages: control, backed by military and economic strength. And yet, as if to provide an object lesson in the inadequacy of that simple view, this conquest was itself overwhelmed. After half a millennium of stability, the military balance was overturned in a wide-ranging military catastrophe from which there was no recovery: indeed, it set the pattern of political and national boundaries that has lasted to the present day. Yet while the linguistic effect of all this in most of the West was nil, in Britain, and in the Balkans, it proved decisive.

整体来看，这关键千年的历史，大约从公元前500年到公元500年，具有一定的对称性。它以围绕亲属关系组织起来的流动军事社会的胜利开始和结束，凯尔特人开始，德国人和斯拉夫人结束。在这两者之间，我们看到了公民社会的胜利，它统一了欧洲，组织了防御，并通过维护良好的道路和巡逻良好的海上航线提供了良好的通信。

Looked at as a whole, the history of these crucial thousand years, approximately from 500 BC to AD 500, has a certain symmetry. It begins and ends with the triumph of mobile military societies organised round kinship relations, the Celts at the outset, the Germans and Slavs at the close. In between, we see the triumph of a civic society, which unified Europe, organised its defences and provided good communications throughout, through well-kept roads and well-patrolled sea routes.

在最初的 250 年里，高卢突袭者（以可用的最好的武器技术为后盾，以钢铁为后盾）主宰了整个大陆，然后安定下来。他们当时可能参与了大西洋沿岸上下的大规模贸易，这也传播了他们的语言。然后，在 250 年的时间里，他们逐渐但系统地被一个组织得更好、战略上自觉的敌人罗马人打败了。具有讽刺意味的是，只有当袭击者开始统一并组织起来共同防御时（在 Vercingetorix 下），他们才能最终被撤消。随之而来的是四百年的稳定，而罗马帝国有效地抵制了来自德国的持续移民压力。在更大的压力下（起源于北亚和东亚），抵抗失败了，首先是零星的，然后是完全的；

For the first 250 years, Gaulish raiders (backed by the best weapons technology available, in iron) dominate the continent, then settle down. They may have participated then in large-scale trade up and down the Atlantic coast, which also spread their language. Then, over a period of 250 years, they are gradually but systematically overwhelmed, by a better-organised and strategically self-conscious foe, the Romans. Ironically, it is only when the raiders begin to unify and organise themselves jointly for defence (under Vercingetorix) that they can be undone with finality. Four hundred years of stability ensue, while the Roman empire effectively resists continuing pressure for immigration from Germany. Under greater stress (originating in north and east Asia), the resistance fails, first sporadically, then totally; and the last hundred years are spent watching the effects of allowing new sets of raiders to pass as they will through the old imperial domains.

总而言之，这一时期语言的重大变化，拉丁语在意大利的传播，进入高卢和伊比利亚，英语在英国的传播，斯拉夫语在巴尔干半岛的传播，是严重文化变革的最好标志。 . 征服后语言没有发生重大变化的案例暴露了许多军事荣耀的空洞——法兰克人、汪达尔人和西哥特人在西欧的征服，甚至是罗马人和诺曼人在英国的征服。

All in all, the major changes of language in this period, the spread of Latin across Italy, and into Gaul and Iberia, the spread of English in Britain, and the spread of Slavic in the Balkans, are the best markers of serious cultural change. The cases where serious language change failed to follow on from conquests expose the hollowness of much military glory—the conquests in western Europe by Franks, Vandals and Visigoths, even the conquests in Britain by Romans and Normans.

我们现在转而更详细地看这个故事。忘记最近几个世纪的著名，并看到这些语言在开始时出现的样子，需要付出一些努力。也许最好的开始方法是考虑他们在那些曾经好奇但在这种情况下不参与的旁观者希腊语面前是如何出现的。

We now turn to look at this tale in more detail. It costs some effort to forget the well-known recent centuries, and see these languages as they appeared at the beginning. Perhaps the best way to begin is to consider how they appeared to those ever curious, but in this case uninvolved, bystanders, the Greeks.

竞争者：希腊和罗马的观点

The contenders: Greek and Roman views

凯尔特人

The Celts

一开始，希腊语只是将凯尔特人视为他们世界的框架国家之一：希罗多德在公元前五世纪写道，他们住在伊斯特罗斯河（多瑙河）的发源地，是所有欧洲国家最西端的地方，但对于 Cynetes。¹他将它们放置在大力神柱之外，实际上是在今天葡萄牙所在的大西洋沿岸，就像历史学家埃弗鲁斯²一个世纪后，西部的凯尔特人，北部的斯基泰人。这个故事有一些传统的传说，让人想起中国的世界形象，看到熟悉的、文明的世界被不知名的野蛮人包围（见第 4 章，“对外关系”，第 158 页）。但如果是这样，陈词滥调只是一个幸运的猜测。根据现代证据，从多瑙河源头到伊比利亚北部，当时都有说凯尔特语的人。

At the start the Greeks simply saw the Celts as one of the framing nations of their world: Herodotus, writing in the fifth century BC, says that they lived where the river Istros (Danube) came from, farthest west of all European nations, but for the Cynetes.¹ He places them beyond the Pillars of Hercules, effectively on the Atlantic coast where Portugal is today, just as the historian Ephorus² does a century later, Celts in the west, Scythians in the north. There was something of conventional legend in this story, reminiscent of the Chinese world image which saw the familiar, civilised, world surrounded on all sides by unknown barbarians (see Chapter 4, ‘Foreign relations’, p. 158). But if so, the cliché had been a lucky guess. On modern evidence there were at the time Celtic speakers all the way across from the source of the Danube to the north of Iberia.

他们第一次真正的出现是在公元前 335 年年轻的亚历山大王子从亚得里亚海沿岸接待凯尔特人大使的故事中。这显然是他的朋友托勒密报告的，他后来成为埃及国王。³他说，他们都是大个子，在身材和自尊心上，并用一句著名的话证明了这一点。他们向亚历山大提出了友谊——那时他的帝国建设还没有开始——但当他问他们是否害怕时，他们宣称只有一件事让他们充满恐惧，那就是认为天空可能有一天会坠落到他们身上。这仍然是凯尔特人豪言壮语的代名词，但这似乎是对凯尔特人誓言公式的误解。一千年后，爱尔兰人仍然束缚着自己，“除非星雨连绵的苍穹坠落到地球上，或者除非蓝边鱼类丰富的海洋出现在世界上，或者除非地震……” ⁴

Their first real appearance is in the tale of the young prince Alexander’s reception of Celtic ambassadors from the coast of the Adriatic in 335 BC. It was apparently reported by his friend Ptolemy, who as it happened went on to be king of Egypt.³ They were big men, he says, in stature and in opinion of themselves, and demonstrated this with a famous remark. They offered their friendship to Alexander—his empire-building had then yet to begin—but when challenged by him to say whether they were frightened, they declared that there was only one thing which filled them with dread, and that was the thought that the sky might one day crash down on them. This remained a byword for Celtic grandiloquence, but it seems to have been a misunderstanding of a Celtic oath formula. A thousand years later, Irishmen were still binding themselves ‘unless the firmament with its showers of stars fall upon the earth, or unless the blue-bordered fish-abounding sea come over the face of the world, or unless the earth quake… ‘⁴

随后凯尔特人（也被称为高卢人：希腊语中的加拉泰，拉丁语中的加利——凯撒评论说凯尔泰是高卢人自己的词⁵）确实获得了一定的声誉。它由历史学家 Diodorus Siculus 详细阐述，写于公元前一世纪后期，可能是在希腊博学家 Posidonius 的个人研究之后。⁶在身体上，他们应该是高大、轻盈、白皙的，他们的头发经常用石灰人工漂白，贵族们的胡须遮住嘴巴，实际上是滤酒器。（这个特别的笑话已有两千多年的历史了。）他们的语言听起来深沉而刺耳。他们并非没有天赋或狡猾，但确实缺乏固定的目标，喜欢用格言和谜语简洁地交谈。然而，当需要在战斗前建立自己或贬低对手时，他们会变得啰嗦。他们穿着鲜艳的颜色，斗篷通常带有格子图案，而且——在古代世界中很显眼——男人们穿着裤子，称为bracae ^*

Subsequently the Celts (also known as Gauls: Galatai in Greek, Galli in Latin—Caesar comments that Celtae is the Gauls’ own word⁵) did gain a certain reputation. It is set out at length by the historian Diodorus Siculus, writing in the late first century BC, and probably following the personal researches of the Greek polymath Posidonius.⁶ Physically, they were supposed to be tall, lithe and fair, often with their hair artificially bleached with lime, the nobles sporting moustaches that covered their mouths and served as de facto wine-strainers. (This particular joke is over two thousand years old.) Their language sounded deep and altogether harsh. They were not without flair or subtlety, but did lack fixity of purpose, delighting to talk tersely in aphorisms and riddles. Nevertheless, they grew wordy when the time came to build themselves up, or belittle an opponent, in the lead-up to a fight. They dressed in bright colours, with cloaks often in check patterns, and—distinctively in the ancient world—the men wore trousers, called bracae^*

德国人

The Germans

至于日耳曼人，希腊语往往把他们和凯尔特人混为一谈：毕竟他们都住在西北的某个地方，还没有人想过要在这些难以理解的野蛮语言之间寻找显着差异。†对于古人来说，明显的区别特征只能是文化；从语言上讲，能做的最好的事情就是指出一个部落很难理解另一个部落。

As for the Germans, the Greeks tended to confuse them with the Celts: after all, they all lived somewhere to the north-west, and no one had yet thought to look for significant differences among such impenetrably barbarous tongues.† For the ancients, clear distinguishing features could only be cultural; linguistically, the best that could be done was to note that one tribe had difficulty understanding another.

即使在公元一世纪，在凯撒将高卢征服到莱茵河之后，希腊的斯特拉博也无法对德国人进行太多描述。⁷住在莱茵河以东，他们比凯尔特人更狂野、更大、更美丽，但在其他方面非常相似。事实上，他们在 Strabo 看来是如此典型的相似，以至于他将他们的名字命名为Germani，作为拉丁语的“out and out [凯尔特人]”。凯撒似乎负责将莱茵河设置为分界线，但几乎没有考古或铭文的宝贵证据来支持他的区别，他可能将河流作为他征服的便利自然边界。然而，这确实很快成为罗马帝国的永久边界，这意味着从今以后，高卢人和日耳曼人将在政治上（如果不是在种族上）沿着这条线划分。

Even writing in the first century AD, after Caesar had subdued Gaul up to the Rhine, the Greek Strabo could not give much of a description of the Germans.⁷ Living to the east of the Rhine, they were wilder, bigger and fairer than the Celts, but otherwise very similar. In fact, so quintessentially similar did they appear to Strabo that he etymologised their name Germani, as the Latin for ‘out and out [Celts]’. Caesar seems to have been responsible for setting the Rhine as a divider, but there is precious little evidence, archaeological or inscriptional, to back up his distinction, and he probably took the river as a convenient natural boundary to his conquests. Nevertheless, this did soon become the permanent boundary of the Roman empire, which meant that henceforth Gauls and Germans would be politically, if not ethnically, divided along this line.

凯撒的观点是，德国社会比高卢人的社会更简单，没有农业，但在军事实力方面更加两极分化，并且不太能够形成大规模的社区。在这件事上，他可能揭开了德国人在抵御罗马征服方面长期成功的秘密。

Caesar’s view was that German society was simpler than that of the Gauls, without agriculture but more polarised around military prowess, and less capable of forming large-scale communities. In this he may have uncovered the secret of the Germans’ long-term success in fending off Roman conquest.

一个半世纪后，塔西佗在他的论文《日耳曼尼亚》中重申了莱茵河高卢人和日耳曼人之间的基本分离，尽管他指出有一些日耳曼部落已经越过。他还提供了对德国社会特征的经典处理，就像波西多尼乌斯和凯撒对高卢所做的那样。他把他们看作是一个孤立的小家庭的社会，如果他们能在远处看到邻居的烟囱冒出的烟，就会感到拥挤，他们聚在一起只是为了在战争中获得荣耀的高尚目的。他相当钦佩他们平等的教养、恶劣条件下的身体素质和简单的道德。

A century and a half later, the basic separation between Gaul and German at the Rhine was reiterated by Tacitus in his treatise Germania, although he noted that there were a few German tribes who had crossed over. He also provided the classic treatment of the character of German society, as Posidonius and Caesar had done for Gaul. He saw them as a society of small isolated families, feeling crowded if they could see their neighbours’ chimney smoke even in the distance, and coming together only for the ennobling purpose of glory in war. He rather admired their egalitarian upbringing, physical fitness in harsh conditions, and simple morality.

^*事实上，这个词是从日耳曼语借来的。除了breeks或britches 之外，它还是凯尔特语中鞋履、布洛克鞋的基础。

^* In fact, this word is borrowed from Germanic. Besides breeks or britches, it underlies the Celtic word for footwear, brogues.

† 事实上，直到 1599 年，约瑟夫·贾斯图斯·斯卡利格（Joseph Justus Scaliger）才通过他们对上帝的不同词语对拉丁语、希腊语、日耳曼语和斯拉夫语进行分类，这种差异实际上是不存在的。

† Such differences would in fact not be sought until 1599, when Joseph Justus Scaliger classified Latin, Greek, Germanic and Slavonic languages through their different words for God.

我们现在知道，根据当代高卢人的铭文，以及随后将语言发展成不同的凯尔特语和日耳曼语系，凯尔特语和德语之间存在实质性的语言分歧。公元前一世纪和公元后，整个伊比利亚北部、高卢、意大利北部，甚至德国南部（尽管只有凯尔特人的名字）都有明显的凯尔特语（伊比利亚语、希腊语、伊特鲁里亚语和罗马文字）铭文，位于多瑙河上的曼兴。同样，在武器和安全别针等小型便携式物品（腓骨)，从公元前一世纪的斯洛文尼亚到两百年后的丹麦。从我们掌握的极其粗略的证据来看，凯撒的高卢语/日耳曼语区别似乎是真实的，但在今天包括德国西部和奥地利的地区，语言领域存在重大重叠。

We now know, on the basis of contemporary Gaulish inscriptions, and the subsequent development of the languages into the distinct families of Celtic and Germanic, that there were substantive linguistic divisions between Celt and German. There are monumental inscriptions in discernibly Celtic languages (in Iberian, Greek, Etruscan and Roman scripts) from the first centuries BC and AD from all over northern Iberia, Gaul, northern Italy and even (though only of Celtic names) in southern Germany, at Manching on the Danube. Likewise, discernibly Germanic inscriptions (written in the runic alphabet) have been found on small portable items such as weapons and safety pins (fibulae), from Slovenia in the first century BC to Denmark two hundred years later. From the extremely sketchy evidence we have, it seems that Caesar’s Gallic/Germanic distinction was real, but that there was a major overlap of the languages’ spheres in the area that today comprises western Germany and Austria.

罗马人

The Romans

比希腊语未能区分高卢人和德国人的本质更有趣的是他们对罗马人不断演变的态度，罗马人是语言在西欧传播的第三个竞争者。

More interesting than the Greeks’ failure to distinguish the essence of the Gaul and the German was their evolving attitude to the Romans, the third contender for linguistic spread over western Europe.

在古典希腊文学中，没有任何东西可以预示罗马的命运。这座城市的第一次幸存提及是在公元前四世纪，在亚里士多德的一个片段中。⁸他还引用了希腊殖民者的编年史家的话，在一场关于公共用餐起源的全球讨论中提到了他们的邻居 Oscans（'Opikoí，也称为Aúsones'）。But he does not mention the radically new constitution that the Romans had adopted in the past century, abolishing kings and instituting a republic under the balanced equality of two elected consuls.

There is nothing to pre-figure the destiny of Rome in classical Greek literature. The first surviving mention of the city is from the fourth century BC, in a fragment of Aristotle.⁸ He also mentions their neighbours the Oscans (’Opikoí, also called Aúsones’) in a global discussion of the origins of communal dining, quoting chroniclers of the Greek colonists. But he does not mention the radically new constitution that the Romans had adopted in the past century, abolishing kings and instituting a republic under the balanced equality of two elected consuls.

显然，第一批接触拉丁语的希腊语可能是殖民者：他们可能认为他们是伊特鲁里亚人中的一种地方色彩，他们控制着希腊定居点 Pithecusae（伊斯基亚）和凯姆（Cumae）的陆地一侧。五百年来，正是希腊殖民者见证了拉蒂姆地区主要城市罗马的逐渐崛起，从伊特鲁里亚人的统治到独立，然后在意大利土著民族中占据主导地位。有故事⁹公元前 323 年，罗马人派出众多代表团之一前往巴比伦，向波斯帝国的新主人亚历山大表示祝贺。如果属实，这可能表明他们听到了有关他下一步计划将征服的注意力转向西方的谣言。这是在罗马人对东地中海产生重大兴趣之前的 150 年。

Evidently, the first Greeks to encounter Latin speakers would have been colonists: they probably saw them as a bit of local colour among the Etruscans who controlled the landward side of the Greek settlements at Pithecusae (Ischia) and Kyme (Cumae). It would have been Greek colonists then who, over five hundred years, witnessed the gradual emergence of Rome, chief city of the region of Latium, from domination by Etruscans to independence and then commanding influence among the indigenous nations of Italy. There is a story⁹ that in 323 BC the Romans sent one of the many deputations that went to Babylon to congratulate Alexander, the new master of the Persian empire. If true, it probably shows that they had heard rumours that he next planned to turn his conquering attentions to the west. This was 150 years before the Romans had any serious interests in the eastern Mediterranean.

希腊语着迷于罗马在全球政治中的获胜方式，并开始典型地提出某种解释的理论。波利比乌斯在公元前 167 年（他的父亲曾是一位杰出的亚该亚政治家）通过了解罗马精英，充分利用了他从希腊被驱逐到意大利的机会：然后，他将一生的大部分时间都用于写一篇关于“如何以及通过什么”的记述。这种政府几乎把整个有人居住的世界都置于罗马统治之下……' ¹⁰在事件中，尽管他认识许多罗马主角或他们的子孙，并重建了自公元前 220 年以来对事件和动机的细致叙述，但他没有对他的问题提供简单的答案。但他确实强调了罗马人所留下的道德印象：“总的来说，意大利人在体力和个人勇气方面都比腓尼基人和非洲人具有天然优势，但与此同时，他们的制度对培养他们的勇敢精神做出了非常有力的贡献。年轻人。' ¹¹他还引用了罗马人对死后上帝报应的恐惧，尽管它可能是迷信，以促进诚实：“无论如何，结果是在希腊语中，除了其他任何事情之外，担任公职的人不能被信任即使他们有十个会计师、同样多的印章和两倍多的证人，他们只保管一个银子，而在罗马人中，他们的地方长官处理大笔金钱，并严格履行职责，因为他们已经发誓。 ' ¹²罗马人可能不那么有教养；但是他们有一些东西给希腊语留下了深刻的印象。

Greeks were fascinated by Rome’s winning ways in global politics, and characteristically began to theorise some sort of explanation. Polybius had made the best of his deportation from Greece to Italy in 167 BC (his father had been a prominent Achaean politician) by getting to know the Roman elite: he then devoted much of his life to writing an account of ‘how and by what kind of government almost the whole inhabited world was brought under Roman rule …’¹⁰ In the event, although he knew many of the Roman protagonists or their children and grandchildren, and reconstructed a meticulous narrative of events and motives since 220 BC, he offers no simple answer to his question. But he does stress the moral impression made by the Romans: ‘Italians in general have a natural advantage over Phoenicians and Africans both in physical strength and personal courage, but at the same time their institutions contribute very powerfully towards fostering a spirit of bravery in their young men.’¹¹ He also cites the Roman fear of divine retribution after death, superstition though it may be, as fostering honesty: ‘At any rate, the result is that among the Greeks, apart from anything else, men who hold public office cannot be trusted with the safekeeping of so much as a single talent, even if they have ten accountants and as many seals and twice as many witnesses, whereas among the Romans their magistrates handle large sums of money and scrupulously perform their duty because they have given their word on oath.’¹² Less cultivated the Romans might be; but there was something about them that impressed the Greeks.

200 年后，埃及、叙利亚、小亚细亚和高卢被添加到罗马的领土上，罗马的统治地位一定已经成为自然的事实。然而，即使在那时，希腊语也不认为罗马人与他们自己相当。斯特拉博在审视整个世界的地理情况时，仍然将意大利南部的塔伦图姆、那不勒斯和雷吉姆等希腊剩余的飞地视为野蛮人的领土，这显然是因为它已被罗马人占领。¹³

Two hundred years later, Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor and Gaul had been added to Roman domains, and Roman dominance must have come to seem a fact of nature. Nevertheless, even then Greeks did not think of the Romans as quite on a par with themselves. Strabo, in the midst of a review of the geography of the whole world, still sees southern Italy outside the remaining Greek enclaves of Tarentum, Naples and Rhegium as barbarian territory, explicitly because it has been taken over by Romans.¹³

具有讽刺意味的是，这个南部地区是意大利的地区，直到公元前一世纪才保留了自己的语言，这种语言被罗马人称为 Oscan，被希腊语称为 Opic。这种语言与拉丁语有关，但与德语与英语的不同，曾经比拉丁语广泛使用。例如，它曾是罗马人的早期竞争对手萨宾人（罗马人曾以偷窃妇女而闻名）和萨姆尼特人的语言。

Ironically, this southern region was the area of Italy that had retained its own language until the first century BC, a language known as Oscan to the Romans, Opic to the Greeks. This language, related to Latin but as different from it as German is from English, had once been spoken far more widely than Latin; it had been the language, for example, of the Romans’ early rivals, the Sabines (whose women the Romans had famously stolen) and the Samnites.

事实上，当他们想要放下他们时，希腊语喜欢称他们的罗马主人为Opikoí。“他们一直称我们为野蛮人，并且比其他人更污蔑地侮辱我们，”众所周知，僵硬的马库斯卡托抱怨道。¹⁴这种诽谤的重点似乎是缺乏教育，因为这个词被借回拉丁语作为文盲的代名词。Juvenal 谈到一位迂腐的女士因为使用了错误的词而责备她的“异想天开”女友。¹⁵“Opic”是不恰当的。这又是一个残酷的讽刺。他们是否忘记了第一位将希腊度量标准用于罗马诗歌的诗人自己是奥斯坎演讲者昆图斯·恩尼乌斯？恩纽斯喜欢吹嘘他的三种语言给了他三颗心。¹⁶他的母语是奥斯坎语，因为他在意大利脚后跟的卡拉布里亚长大。他懂希腊语，因为他当地的大城市是塔伦图姆；他在与汉尼拔的战争中学习了拉丁语，曾在罗马军队服役。250 年后，在罗马的年度哑剧表演中，仍然可以听到奥斯坎最后的微弱回声。¹⁷

In fact, when they wanted to put them down, the Greeks liked to refer to their Roman masters as Opikoí. ‘They keep calling us barbarians and insult us more foully than others with the name of opics,’ the proverbially stiff Marcus Cato complained.¹⁴ The point of this slur seems to have been lack of education, since the word was being borrowed back into Latin as a byword for illiteracy. Juvenal talks about a pedantic lady telling off her ‘opic’ girlfriend for using the wrong word.’¹⁵ ‘Opic’ was malapropic. This was another cruel irony. Had they forgotten that the first poet to adapt Greek metrics for use in Roman poetry had himself been an Oscan speaker, Quintus Ennius? Ennius had liked to boast that his three languages gave him three hearts.¹⁶ His mother tongue had been Oscan, as he grew up in Calabria, in the heel of Italy; he knew Greek, because his local big city was Tarentum; and he had learnt Latin serving in the Roman army in the war against Hannibal. Two hundred and fifty years later, the last faint echoes of Oscan could still be heard, in the annual mime shows at Rome.¹⁷

斯拉夫人

The Slavs

在某种程度上，试图将希腊语对罗马人的看法与他们对凯尔特人或德国人的看法进行比较是没有回报的。凯尔特人和日耳曼人可能一直在招待陌生人，但在公元前二世纪之后，希腊语和罗马人之间的关系变得更像是一种婚姻（见第 6 章，“罗马人的欢迎：希腊语通过文化传播”，第 250 页）。另一方面，只有当斯拉夫人强行让希腊语感受到他们的存在时，斯拉夫人才成为欧洲语言地图中的一个因素。可以理解的是，早期的希腊描述几乎没有同情的洞察力，无论如何，这些描述是在很晚才写成的，当时它们正在向巴尔干半岛和希腊本身逼近（见第 6 章，“衰落的暗示”，第 262 页）。然而，在此之前，塔西佗（在他的日耳曼尼亚, AD 98) 对他们的祖先威尼蒂人（后来被称为温德人或索布人）和芬尼人（后来被赋予芬兰人的名字，但可能是斯拉夫人）提出了一些评论。

In a way, trying to get a Greek view of the Romans to compare with their view of the Celts or Germans is unrewarding. The Celts and Germans may have been entertaining strangers, but after the second century BC the relationship between the Greeks and the Romans became more like a marriage (see Chapter 6, ‘A Roman welcome: Greek spread through culture’, p. 250). The Slavs, on the other hand, became a factor in the language map of Europe only when they forcibly made their presence felt on the Greeks. Understandably, there is little sympathetic insight in the early Greek descriptions, which were in any case written much later, when they were bearing down on the Balkans and Greece itself (see Chapter 6, ‘Intimations of decline’, p. 262). Prior to this, though, Tacitus (in his Germania, AD 98) has some remarks to make on their ancestors, the Veneti (latterly known as the Wends, or Sorbs) and Fenni (whose name was later given to the Finns, but who may have been Slavs).

Peucini、Venethi 和 Fenni 部落，我犹豫是否将其归类为德国人或萨尔马提亚人…… ¹⁸Venethi 人从他们[Sarmatians] 那里带来了许多习俗：他们捕食[南部] Peucini [南部] 和 [北部] Fenni 之间的整个森林和山脉。但他们更像德国人，因为他们建造房屋，使用盾牌，并且喜欢步行和快速移动：这与生活在马车和马背上的萨尔马提亚人有很大不同。芬尼人的野蛮是惊人的，他们的贫穷令人震惊：他们没有武器，没有马，没有家：他们住在草地上，穿着皮衣，睡在地上；他们唯一的资源是箭，因为缺铁而用骨头磨尖。同样的狩猎维持着男人和女人：他们在任何地方都互相陪伴，并要求他们分享猎物。除了用树枝编织的覆盖物外，孩子们无法躲避野兽或阵雨，这就是年轻人回归的地方，老人避难。但他们认为，这比在田野里呻吟、在房子里干活、在希望和恐惧中尝试自己和他人的命运更快乐；他们不顾人，不顾神，却成就了大难事，甚至不需要求什么。¹⁹

The tribes of Peucini, Venethi and Fenni, I hesitate whether to classify as Germans or Sarmatians…¹⁸ The Venethi have brought many customs from them [the Sarmatians]: they prey on the whole range of woods and mountains between the Peucini [in the south] and the Fenni [in the north]. But they are more like Germans, since they build houses, use shields, and like to move on foot and fast: this is all very different from the Sarmatians who live in wagons and on horseback. The Fenni’s savagery is amazing, their poverty appalling: they have no arms, no horses, no homes: they live on grass, dress in skins, sleep on the ground; their only resource is arrows, sharpened with bone for lack of iron. The same hunting sustains both men and women: they accompany each other everywhere, and claim their share of the prey. The children have no shelter from beasts or showers beyond the covering woven from branches, and this is where youths return, and old people take refuge. But they think this is happier than groaning in fields, working in houses, and trying their and others’ fortunes in hope and fear; they have no care for people, no care for gods, but have achieved something of outstanding difficulty, not even to need to wish for anything.¹⁹

威尼蒂人也出现在公元二世纪中叶托勒密的书页上，称其为“奥内代人”，一个“占据整个威尼斯湾沿岸萨尔马提亚的非常大的国家”。显然那时他们住在波罗的海沿岸。²⁰

The Veneti also appear in the pages of Ptolemy, mid-second century AD, as the Ouenédai, a ‘very large nation occupying Sarmatia along the whole Venetic Gulf’. Apparently then they were living along the Baltic shore.²⁰

奔跑：凯尔特人的冲动优势

Rún: The impulsive pre-eminence of the Celts

Run: (a) 隐藏的或神秘的东西，一个奥秘；隐藏的意义；(b) 秘密；(c) 秘密的想法或愿望、意图、目的；(d) 完全的意识、知识；(e) 亲爱的，亲爱的。

Rún: (a) something hidden or occult, a mystery; hidden meaning; (b) a secret; (c) secret thoughts or wishes, intention, purpose; (d) full consciousness, knowledge; (e) darling, love.

爱尔兰皇家学院，爱尔兰语词典

Royal Irish Academy, Dictionary of the Irish Language

凯尔特人的起源是模糊的，但当第一次听说这种文化时，它已经坐落在西欧的中心。

Celtic origins are obscure, but when first heard of this culture was already seated at the heart of western Europe.

在考古学上，它们被认定为一种文化，或者更确切地说是一系列文化，首先是奥地利的哈尔施塔特遗址（公元前 13 至 6 世纪），然后是瑞士 Neufchštel 湖的 La Tène 遗址（从 6 世纪到公元公元前一世纪）。连同可比的遗址，这些定义了中欧经历的铁器时代的生活方式。他们的物质商品分别在两处被盐和沼泽地保存完好，包括武器、青铜和陶瓷器皿、珠宝、服装、木制工具、别针、带扣、剃须刀和轮式车辆。我们仍将其视为凯尔特人的带有精致漩涡和螺旋的装饰风格非常明显。

Archaeologically, they are identified with the culture, or rather succession of cultures, typified first by the Hallstatt site in Austria (dated thirteenth to sixth centuries BC), and then by the La Tène site on Lake Neufchštel in Switzerland (from the sixth to the first century BC). Together with comparable sites, these defined the Iron Age way of life as experienced in central Europe. Their material goods, well preserved by salt and by marshland respectively in the two sites, include weapons, bronze and ceramic vessels, jewellery, clothing, wooden tools, pins, buckles, razors and wheeled vehicles. The decorative style with elaborate swirls and spirals, which we still see as Celtic, is very much in evidence.

因此，这定义了我们凯尔特人的家庭生活。他们的语言存在呢？

This, then, defined the home life of our Celts. What of their linguistic existence?

凯尔特语的痕迹

Traces of Celtic languages

凯尔特语言传播最持久、传播最广的证据是由它们的地名给出的：凯尔特地名对它们有一定的感觉。凯尔特人建立的城镇通常会有后缀，例如-dūnum、“堡垒”、- brīga、“hill”、- magus、“plain”、- brīva、“crossing”、- bona、“settlement”或“spring”。凯尔特人也有一种明显的自我祝贺的倾向：sego -, 'powerful', uxello-， '高的'。从不列颠北部（哈德良长城两端的 Uxellodunum 到 Segedunum）到伊比利亚的最南端（Caetobriga-Setúbal，就在里斯本以南），以及从英吉利海峡（Rotomagus-Rouen）到多瑙河（文多纳-维也纳，辛吉杜努姆-贝尔格莱德）。问题是，这种词源非常容易，甚至可能导致一些城镇出于纯粹的情感原因而被赋予了凯尔特人的名字。值得注意的是，其中许多是在罗马统治下创建的：高卢的 Iuliobona、Augustodurum、Caesaromagus、西班牙的 Flaviobriga、Augustobriga、Iuliobriga。一个单一的地名很难证明取名时所用的语言。

The longest-lasting, and most widely broadcast, evidence of the spread of Celtic languages is given by their place names: Celtic place names have a certain feel to them. Towns set up by Celts would often have suffixes such as -dūnum, ‘fort’, -brīga, ‘hill’, -magus, ‘plain’, -brīva, ‘crossing’, -bona, ‘settlement’ or ‘spring’. There is also a recognisably Celtic tendency to self-congratulation: sego-, ‘powerful’, uxello-, ‘high’. Such names can be found from the north of Britain (Uxellodunum to Segedunum at either end of Hadrian’s Wall) to the very south of Iberia (Caetobriga—Setúbal, just south of Lisbon), and from the English Channel (Rotomagus—Rouen) to the Danube (Vindobona—Vienna, Singidunum—Belgrade). The snag is that such etymologising is so easy it may even have led to some towns being given a Celtic name for purely sentimental reasons. It is noticeable that many of them were created under Roman rule: Iuliobona, Augustodurum, Caesaromagus in Gaul, Flaviobriga, Augustobriga, Iuliobriga in Spain. A single place name is hardly evidence that the language from which it is drawn was spoken when the name was given.

也可以仅从在欧洲不同地区遇到或知道凯尔特人的人（通常是希腊语或罗马人）的证词中获取。斯特拉博记录了高卢人的三个部落，即博伊人、^* Taurisci 和 Scordisci，与色雷斯人混在一起，这将使他们向巴尔干半岛靠拢。他还说，斯科迪斯人住在诺阿罗斯河附近，诺阿罗斯河是由科拉皮斯河膨胀的河流，流入多瑙河。²¹现在看一下地图，Ku(l)pa 膨胀的河流实际上是萨瓦河，它在现代贝尔格莱德的辛吉杜努姆流入多瑙河。Strabo 非常小心地将高卢人与其他种族区分开来，例如注意到 Bastarnae 可能被认为是德国人（vii.3.17），并且 Dacians 和 Getai 说同一种语言（vii.3.13）。尽管他没有明确提到这些高卢人的语言，但似乎在公元一世纪，某种形式的高卢语不仅在德国南部使用，而且在现在的克罗地亚和塞尔维亚也使用过。†

It is also possible just to take the testimony of people, usually Greeks or Romans, who met or knew of Celts in different parts of Europe. Strabo records that three tribes of Gauls, the Boii,^* Taurisci and Scordisci, were mixed up with the Thracians, which would place them towards the Balkans. He also says that the Scordisci lived near where the Noaros, the river swelled by the Kolapis, flows into the Danube.²¹ Now a look at the map shows that the river swelled by the Ku(l)pa is in fact the Sava, and it flows into the Danube at Singidunum, modern Belgrade. Strabo is quite careful to distinguish Gauls from other races, for example noting that the Bastarnae may be considered Germans (vii.3.17), and that the Dacians and Getai speak the same language (vii.3.13). Although he makes no explicit reference to the language of these Gauls, it would seem that in the first century AD some form of Gaulish would have been spoken not just in southern Germany, but down into what is now Croatia and Serbia.†

最后，有证据表明今天在哪里使用什么语言。直到今天，在不列颠群岛上使用的凯尔特语是罗马人在英国被占领的四百年间听到的土著语言的直系后裔，偶尔也会访问爱尔兰。在法国西北部的布列塔尼角，还有一个持续的凯尔特语传统，尽管目前尚不清楚这是否严格地没有被打破；即布列塔尼语是高卢语的延续，还是公元第一个千年从康沃尔重新输入的语言。也许两者兼而有之，重新混合。

Finally, there is the evidence of what languages are spoken where today. The Celtic languages spoken in the British Isles up to the present day are the direct descendants of the indigenous tongues that the Romans heard about them over the four hundred years when Britain was occupied, and Ireland was visited occasionally. There is also a continuing Celtic-language tradition in the Breton corner in the north-west of France, even if it remains unclear whether this has been strictly unbroken; i.e. whether Breton is a continuation of Gaulish, or a reimport of the language from Cornwall in the first millennium AD. Perhaps it is both, remixed.

^*博伊人是众所周知的一个遥远的高卢部落，与波希米亚有联系（在词源上是“博伊人之家”，尽管在日耳曼语而不是凯尔特语中）并且在意大利东北部有一个主要定居点（在博洛尼亚等现代城市周围）、帕尔马和摩德纳）。不知何故，他们也在南高卢成为赫尔维蒂的盟友，并于公元前 58 年在比布拉克特被凯撒击败。根据 Lambert (1997: 44) 的说法，这个名字的意思是“击球手”。

^* The Boii were well known as a far-flung tribe of Gauls, having connections with Bohemia (etymologically ‘Boii-home’, though in Germanic not Celtic) and having a major settlement in north-eastern Italy (around such modern cities as Bologna, Parma and Modena). Somehow they also showed up as allies of the Helvetii in southern Gaul, and were defeated by Caesar at Bibracte in 58 BC. The name means ‘hitters’, according to Lambert (1997: 44).

† 他们与西欧的凯尔特人有何关系尚不清楚。南斯拉夫和匈牙利实际上是所谓的瓮地文化的中心，考古学家可以追溯到公元前一千年的上半叶，因此早于哈尔施塔特和拉泰纳的高点。瓮菲尔德文化一直走在从爱琴海传播铁器时代文明的道路上；所以很可能凯尔特人在这个地区的时间甚至比在西欧的时间还要长。但作为讲凯尔特语的历史学家，我们只能对与这些史前物质文化的联系保持不可知论。

† How they were related to the Celts in western Europe is quite unclear. Yugoslavia and Hungary are in fact the heart of the so-called Urnfield culture, dated by archaeologists to the first half of the first millennium BC, and so preceding the high points of Hallstatt and La Tène. The Urnfield culture had been on the path of the spread of Iron Age civilisation from the Aegean; and so it is quite possible that Celts had been in this area even longer than in western Europe. But as historians of Celtic-language speakers, we can only be agnostic about the link to these prehistoric material cultures.

不管他们在公元前三世纪是如何旅行到那里的，因此我们有证据表明，最有可能讲凯尔特语的各种民族，在西欧及其岛屿上占主导地位，但一直延伸到阿尔卑斯山的北部和南部，一直延伸到达尔马提亚。他们主要是定居人口，生活在有道路连接他们的农村。拉丁语表现出当代高卢人的一个特征（似乎是非常有意识地）从高卢语中借用了很多用于轮式车辆的词：benna , 'buggy', carrus , 'hand-cart', cisiwn , 'cabriolet', carpentum , '马车', essedum , '战车', raeda， '教练'。事实上，宏伟的四轮马车在许多 La Tène 坟墓中都是重要的随葬品。所以虽然基本安定下来，但高卢社会在选择的时候也可以是非常流动的。

Whatever the travels that took them there by the third century BC, we therefore have evidence of a variety of peoples most likely speaking Celtic, predominating in western Europe and its islands but extending right round the Alps north and south, and on into Dalmatia. They were predominantly settled populations, living in farming villages with roads linking them. Latin has shown up one characteristic of contemporary Gaul by (quite consciously, it seems) borrowing from Gaulish so many words for wheeled vehicles: benna, ‘buggy’, carrus, ‘hand-cart’, cisiwn, ‘cabriolet’, carpentum, ‘carriage’, essedum, ‘war chariot’, raeda, ‘coach’. Indeed, magnificent four-wheeled carriages are significant grave-goods in many of the La Tène graves. So although basically settled, Gaulish society could also be very mobile when it chose.

但对于语言学家来说，语言使用地点和时间的最有力证据来自写作。由于直到公元五世纪爱尔兰之前，凯尔特人都没有书面文学传统，这意味着我们在很大程度上依赖于铭文。这些来自许多不同的地方。凯尔特人似乎只在有邻居可以教他们的地方识字。发生这种情况的地方确实很远，尽管它们自然往往位于凯尔特语地区的边缘。遗憾的是，不出所料，它们不包括等同于哈尔施塔特或拉滕文化的遗址。

But for linguists, the hardest evidence of where and when the language was used comes from writing. Since none of the Celts had a written literary tradition until fifth-century AD Ireland, this means that we are largely reliant on inscriptions. These come from many different places. Celts appear to have been literate only where they had neighbours who could teach them. And the places where this happened are far flung indeed, though naturally they tend to be on the margins of Celtic-speaking areas. Sadly, but unsurprisingly, they do not include sites equated with the Hallstatt or La Tène cultures.

如何识别凯尔特人

How to recognise Celtic

将铭文识别为凯尔特语意味着了解古代凯尔特语的特性。事实证明，凯尔特人的一个重要特征是声音的损失[p]。诸如pater、piscis、plenus、super、pro 等拉丁语基本词（由他们的英语亲戚父亲、fish、full、over、before翻译）在现代爱尔兰盖尔语中仍然出现，如athair、iasc、lán、for、roimh。在高卢语或英国语的一些剩余遗迹中也可以看到同样的现象：Cambo-ritum，英国萨福克郡 Lackford 的名字，似乎意为“弯曲的福特”，最后一个元素，如威尔士语中的rhyd，意为“福特” （参见希腊语poros，拉丁语portus）。并且据推测，凯撒和塔西佗提到的臭名昭著的“海西森林”（现在的黑森林，但一直延伸到德国高地直到现代莱比锡）的名字的来源一定是一位凯尔特语的演讲者，他放弃了他的Ps：如果它的真名是Perkun，这将使它与一些日耳曼语中的山（哥特语 fairguni，古英语firgen ）相同，但也可以与古拉丁词quercus，“橡木”的起源很好地联系起来. 从^* perquus得出这个是很自然的（参见已知的类似物，例如quinque，'五'，来自^* penque，coquo，'cook'，来自^*佩科）。然后它看起来很像立陶宛神Perkūnas的名字，以与橡树的联系而闻名！^*

Recognising an inscription as Celtic means knowing something about the properties of ancient Celtic languages. It turns out that an important characteristic of Celtic was the loss of the sound [p]. Such Latin basic words as pater, piscis, plenus, super, pro (translated by their English relatives father, fish, full, over, before) turn up still in modern Irish Gaelic as athair, iasc, lán, for, roimh. The same phenomenon can be seen in some of the remaining vestiges of Gaulish or British: Cambo-ritum, the British name of Lackford in Suffolk, seems to mean ‘Crooked Ford’, the last element, like rhyd in Welsh, meaning ‘ford’ (cf. Greek poros, Latin portus). And it is conjectured that the source for the name of the notorious ‘Hercynian forest’ mentioned by Caesar and Tacitus (now the Black Forest, but extending all the way across the German highlands to modern Leipzig) must have been a Celtic speaker who dropped his Ps: if its real name were Perkun this would make it the same as some Germanic words for mountain (Gothic fairguni, Old English firgen), but also allow a nice tie-up with the origin of the old Latin word quercus, ‘oak’. It is natural to derive this from ^*perquus (cf. known parallels such as quinque, ‘five’, from ^*penque, coquo, ‘cook’, from ^*pequo). And then it looks very like the name of the Lithuanian god Perkūnas, known for his association with oak trees!^*

在其他方面，那个时期的凯尔特语非常像拉丁语。高卢语名词的屈折变化系统比拉丁语稍微复杂一点，拉丁语有 7 个格，但非常接近。因此，例如，名词EQVOS 'horse' 具有属格EQVI 'horse's ——在拉丁语和高卢语中是相同的词。“他给了尼姆的母亲们”以DEDE MATREBO NAMAUSIKABO 的形式出现；在拉丁语中，它可能是^* DEDIT MATRIBUS NEMAUSICABUS。日常的正宗高卢语可能非常接近其拉丁语：例如，纺锤上的两个典型的活泼铭文：MONI GNATHA GABI BVθθVTON IMON和NATA VIMPI CURMI DA将转化为MEA NATA、CAPE MENTVLAM MEAM和NATA BELLA、CERVISIAM DA： “我的女孩，带走我的孩子”和“漂亮女孩，给点啤酒”。²²

In other ways, Celtic languages of the period are remarkably like Latin. The system of inflexion for Gaulish nouns was just a little more complex than the Latin one, with seven cases to Latin’s six, but tantalisingly close to it. So, for example, the noun EQVOS, ‘horse’, has the genitive EQVI, ‘horse’s’—the very same words in Latin and Gaulish. ‘He has given to the mothers of Nîmes’ comes out as DEDE MATREBO NAMAUSIKABO; in Latin it could be ^*DEDIT MATRIBUS NEMAUSICABUS. An everyday piece of authentic Gaulish could be very close to its Latin equivalent: take for examples two typically frisky inscriptions on spindle whorls: MONI GNATHA GABI BVθθVTON IMON and NATA VIMPI CURMI DA would translate to MEA NATA, CAPE MENTVLAM MEAM and NATA BELLA, CERVISIAM DA: ‘my girl, take my todger’ and ‘pretty girl, give some ale’.²²

根据现代估计，这些分歧将代表大约一千年半的单独发展，或六十代人。尽管两者都说曾经是同一种语言的变体，但这足以让不同的传统在每个变体中发展起来。

On a modern estimate, these divergences would represent something like one and a half millennia of separate development, or sixty generations. Although both were speaking variants of what had once been the same language, this was enough time for very different traditions to have developed in each variant.

凯尔特文化

Celtic literacy

已知最早的凯尔特人铭文（约公元前0.575 年至公元前 1 年）位于阿尔卑斯山南部山麓，靠近科莫湖和马焦雷湖。这是Lepontii的家。因此，他们的语言被称为 Lepontic，并以“卢加诺”字母表书写，显然是从伊特鲁里亚人那里借来的，伊特鲁里亚人是意大利北部的主要文化人。^*文本通常只有两三个字长，难以解释，而且很可能大部分是专有名词。

The earliest known Celtic inscriptions (from c.575 to 1 BC) are found in the southern foothills of the Alps near Lakes Como and Maggiore. This was the home of the Lepontii. Their language is hence known as Lepontic, and is written in a script, the ‘Lugano’ alphabet, evidently borrowed from the Etruscans, who were the dominant literate people in northern Italy.^* The texts are usually only two or three words long, which can make interpretation difficult, and it is likely that most of the words are proper names.

没有古典作家将 Lepontii 描述为凯尔特人（尽管有模糊的谣言说该地区在 Polybius 和 Livy 有一个非常早期的高卢人定居点）。²³然而，有理由将 Lepontic 视为凯尔特人的一种形式。它似乎失去了 P，用uer - 和latu - 代替了印欧语的uper -，“over”和platu -，“flat”；它还有一些让人想起高卢人的专有名称，例如alKouinos，如 Alkovindos ，其中包含词根windo -，“白色”，也见于温彻斯特（更清楚地称为Vin-dobona）和Guinevere。

No classical author characterised the Lepontii as Celts (despite vague rumours of a very early Gallic settlement of this region in Polybius and Livy).²³ Nevertheless, there are grounds for viewing Lepontic as a form of Celtic. It seems to have lost P, having uer- and latu- in place of Indo-European uper-, ‘over’, and platu-, ‘flat’; it also has some proper names very reminiscent of Gauls, for example alKouinos, like Alkovindos, which would contain the root windo-, ‘white’, seen also in Winchester (once more clearly called Vin-dobona) and Guinevere.

400 多年后，大约从公元前 150 年开始，相同的卢加诺字母被用于镜像（现在从左到右），在诺瓦拉附近更南一点的地方，以记录更清晰的高卢语。这将是历史时期入侵意大利北部的Insubrians的书面足迹。Livy (v.34) 评论说，Mediolanum 市（米兰 - 高卢语意为“中平原”）是由高卢移民建立的，他们很高兴地发现 Insubrian 这个名字（在他们的家乡是阿尔卑斯山对岸的州名时很熟悉） ) 已在附近建立。

Over four hundred years later, from about 150 BC, the same Lugano alphabet was used in mirror image (now left to right), a little farther south round Novara, to record a more clearly Gaulish language. This would be the written footprint of the Insubrians, who had invaded the north of Italy in the historic period. Livy (v.34) remarks that the city of Mediolanum (Milan—Gaulish for ‘mid-plain’) was founded by Gaulish incomers, pleased to find that the name Insubrian (familiar to them as a cantonal name in their homeland across the Alps) was already established in the neighbourhood.

这个典型的铭文写道：

This typical inscription reads:

TANOTALIKNOI Dannotalos 儿子

KUITOS Quintos

LEKATOS 的使节

ANOKOPOKIOS Andocombogios

SETUPOKIOS Setubogios

Essandecotos 的儿子 ANAREUIZEOS

Andareuiiseos

TANOTALOS Dannotalos

KARNITUS 建造了古坟

TANOTALIKNOI Dannotalos-son

KUITOS Quintos

LEKATOS the legate

ANOKOPOKIOS Andocombogios

SETUPOKIOS Setubogios

ESANEKOTI (sons) of Essandecotos

ANAREUIZEOS Andareuiseos

TANOTALOS Dannotalos

KARNITUS built the tumulus

旁边有一个垂直注释：

with a vertical note at the side:

TAKOS TOUTAS 部落的决定

TAKOS TOUTAS decision of the tribe

但凯撒指出，高卢人最熟悉的文字是希腊文字，果然，用希腊文书写的高卢铭文可以追溯到公元前 300 年至公元 50 年。现在的法国里维埃拉当时非常接近希腊海岸，尼西亚（尼斯）和安提波利斯（安提比斯）等殖民地都集中在建于公元前 600 年的大都会马西利亚（马赛）。迄今发现的此类石碑约七十处，主要是墓碑和供词，另有220件带有文字的碎陶器：这种古代相当于废纸和旧瓶罐头的物品，经久耐用，令人欣慰。

But Caesar notes that the most familiar script to the Gauls was Greek writing, and sure enough, Gaulish inscriptions written in Greek are found dating from 300 BC to AD 50. What is now the French Riviera was then very much a Greek coast, with notable colonies such as Nicaea (Nice) and Antipolis (Antibes), all focused on the metropolis of Massilia (Marseilles), which had been founded c.600 BC. There are about seventy such inscriptions on stone discovered so far, mostly gravestones and dedications, and there are also another 220 pieces of broken pottery with writing on them: this ancient equivalent of scrap paper and old bottles and cans is often gratifyingly durable.

segomaros uilloneos tooutious namausatis íorou belesami sosin nemeton

“内莫苏斯公民乌伊卢的儿子塞戈马罗斯，献给这座神殿的贝勒萨马”

’Segomaros son of Uillu, citizen of Nemausus, dedicated to Belesama this shrine’

这些希腊字母铭文分布在海岸沿岸，一直沿罗纳河上游，在法国中部卢瓦尔河和塞纳河上游还有一些。凯撒指的是用希腊语写成的赫尔维特记录，并保存在木板上。但这将我们带入罗马征服高卢的时期（完成于公元前 51 年）。此后，我们确实发现了用罗马字母书写的高卢语，但仅用了一个世纪，并且从未真正取代希腊文字的使用：迄今为止，仅发现了 16 个这样的高卢罗马铭文。迄今为止发现的这一时期最宏伟的遗迹是在离罗马行政中心卢格杜努姆（里昂）不远的科利尼发现的青铜上镌刻的德鲁伊历法碎片。

These Greek-lettered inscriptions are found along the coast, and all the way up the River Rhône, with a few more in the centre of France, on the upper reaches of the Loire and Seine. Caesar refers to Helvetian records written in Greek, and kept on wooden tablets. But this brings us well into the period of Rome’s conquest of Gaul (completed in 51 BC). Thereafter we do find Gaulish written in Roman letters, but only for a century, and never actually replacing the use of Greek script: there have only been sixteen such Gallo-Roman inscriptions discovered to date. The most magnificent remnant of this period yet discovered is a fragmentary Druidical calendar engraved on bronze found at Coligny, not far from the Roman administrative centre of Lugdunum (Lyon).

在塞纳河以北，唯一出现的铭文是陶工的邮票，这些邮票可能来自更远的南方。广告也可以以一种让人联想到二十世纪的方式使用“眼睛糖果”：铭文写道：

North of the Seine, the only inscriptions that have turned up are on potters’ stamps, which probably came from farther south. Advertising could also use ‘eye candy’ in a way decidedly reminiscent of the twentieth century: The inscription reads:

rextugenos sullias avvot Rextugenos（儿子）的苏拉（这个锅）。

rextugenos sullias avvot Rextugenos (son) of Sulla made (this pot).

否则，书面高卢语的唯一证据是德国南部曼兴的花盆上和瑞士西部港口的一把剑上的几个凯尔特人的名字。

Otherwise, the only evidence of written Gaulish is a few Celtic personal names on pots at Manching in southern Germany, and on a sword at Port in western Switzerland.

但是有确凿的证据表明另一种凯尔特语，称为 Celtiberian，写在西班牙中部的东北部。事实上，公元前两个世纪以来，硬币上有 85 个铭文和 50 个传说。在这些中没有多少可以无可争辩地证明他们是凯尔特人，^*而不是印欧语系的其他一些相关菌株，尽管确实出现了恰当夸张的名字 Divorix：“神圣之王”，与朱利叶斯凯撒的早期对手 Dumnorix 相比，“世界-国王'。但他们是在正确的时间和地点成为凯尔特人，而这些人是凯尔特人是古代世界公认的事实：出生于当地首府比尔比利斯的公元一世纪诗人马夏尔喜欢声称自己的祖先来自凯尔特人和伊比利亚人。²⁴

But there is hard evidence of another Celtic language, known as Celtiberian, being written in the north-east of central Spain. There are in fact eighty-five inscriptions, and fifty legends on coins, from the last two centuries BC. There is not much in these that incontrovertibly proves them Celtic,^* rather than some other related strain of Indo-European, though the suitably grandiloquent name Divorix does appear: ‘Divine-King’, comparable with Julius Caesar’s early adversary Dumnorix, ‘World-King’. But they are in the right time and place to be Celtiberians, and it was an accepted truth in the ancient world that these people were Celts: Martial, a first-century AD poet born in the local capital of Bilbilis, liked to claim ancestry from Celts and Iberians.²⁴

然而，到公元 50 年，高卢人，实际上是因苏伯利亚人和凯尔特伯利亚人，似乎在很大程度上已经失去了识字的地位，即使在他们的中心地带也是如此。

However, by AD 50 Gaulish, and indeed Insubrian and Celtiberian, appear largely to have lost their literate status, even in their heartland areas.

高卢语是如何传播的

How Gaulish spread

那么，这些语言是如何到达使用它们的欧洲偏远地区的呢？凯尔特人在欧洲的传播，尽管它是惊人的，但发生在有记载的历史之前。推动它的力量是推测和直觉的问题，而不是观察和推断的问题。但是，如果我们以自己的文化来评价高卢人，高卢人的成功，或者说是说它的血统的成功，归功于他们独特的装备，尤其是由马牵引的轮式车辆，以及他们的铁匠的华丽产品，尤其是铁器用于战士的剑、头盔和环甲盔甲。

How, then, did these languages reach the far parts of Europe where they were spoken? The spread of Celtic across Europe, phenomenal as it was, happened before recorded history. The forces that drove it are a matter for speculation and intuition, rather than for observation and inference. But if we take the culture at its own evaluation, Gaulish owed its success, or rather the success of the lineages that spoke it, to their distinctive equipment, notably wheeled vehicles drawn by horses, and to the magnificent products of their smiths, especially ironwork for warriors’ swords, helmets and ring-mail armour.

语言注释证实了这一点。希腊语 ( sidēron )、拉丁语 ( ferrum ) 和凯尔特语 ( isarno -)† 中的“铁”词有不同的起源，但日耳曼语词（例如哥特语eisarn。古英语īsern，īren）似乎是从凯尔特语借来的。²⁵这不足为奇，因为凯尔特人显然是将铁制品运往欧洲北部的中间人。（塔西佗甚至提到（日耳曼尼亚，xliii），高卢部落科蒂尼人在铁矿石中向日耳曼夸迪人进贡。他通常补充说，“quo magis pudeat——他们越丢脸”：他们应该能够使用铁来转动桌子。）^*

A linguistic note confirms this. The words for ‘iron’ in Greek (sidēron), Latin (ferrum) and Celtic (isarno-)† have separate origins, but the Germanic word (e.g. Gothic eisarn. Old English īsern, īren) appears to have been borrowed from Celtic.²⁵ This is unsurprising, since the Celts were evidently the middlemen for the transmission of ironworking to the north of Europe. (Tacitus even mentions (Germania, xliii) that the Cotini, a Gaulish tribe, paid tribute to the German Quadi in iron ore. He adds typically, ’quo magis pudeat—the more shame to them’: they should have been able to use the iron to turn the tables.)^*

† 记录在法国侏罗地区一个古老村庄的高卢语名称中，Isarnodori, ferrei ostii，“铁门”。格林 (1876, vol. I, ch. 4: 5)。

† Recorded in the Gaulish name of an old village in the French Jura, Isarnodori, ferrei ostii, ‘iron door’. Grimm (1876, vol. I, ch. 4: 5).

虽然技术水平很高，但其军事应用往往强调个人领导人的实力，由这些声望产品支撑，而不是压倒性的大规模组织的发展。他们的社区仍然很小，甚至没有君主和国王的封建结构。识字是不必要的，并且在很大程度上避免了。或许，就像他们的一些后裔在两千年后的世界的另一端所做的那样，他们能够凭借自己的优势武器，在巨大的困难中战胜对手，不费吹灰之力。

Although the technical level was high, then, its military application tended to emphasise individual leaders’ prowess, sustained by these prestige products, rather than the development of overwhelming large-scale organisation. Their communities remained small, without even a feudal structure of overlords and kings. Literacy was unnecessary, and largely avoided. Perhaps, as some of their descendants would do two thousand years later on the other side of the world, they had been able to rely on their superior weapons, and prevail against vast odds without troubling to outwit their opponents.

尽管凯尔特战士和他们的村庄变得普遍，但他们并没有消灭或淹没他们前进道路上的社区。（在这一点上，他们与罗马大同的传播形成鲜明对比，拉丁语与之形成鲜明对比。）仅提及我们可以找到其语言的古代社区，在阿尔卑斯山以北发现说凯尔特语的人与德国人共存，他们以南的威尼蒂人和伊特鲁里亚人，在高卢南部的巴斯克人（阿基塔尼人），西班牙的伊比利亚人和塔尔泰斯人，以及巴尔干半岛的马其顿人和色雷斯人。这是一种骚扰邻居并将他们推到一边的文化，但没有征服或吸收他们。

Although Celtic warriors and their villages became widespread, they did not eliminate or submerge the communities in their path. (In this, they contrast markedly with the spread of the Pax Romana, and of Latin with it.) To mention only the ancient communities of whose language we can find some trace, Celtic speakers are found in coexistence with Germans north of the Alps, with Veneti and Etruscans south of them, with Basque speakers (Aquitani) in southern Gaul, with Iberians and Tartessians in Spain, and with Macedonians and Thracians in the Balkans. This was a culture that harried its neighbours and thrust them aside, but did not subjugate or incorporate them.

但除了突袭和对新土地的军事征服之外，凯尔特语可能还有另一种传播渠道，并且确实发展成新的独立语言。这是导航。

But besides the raid, and military conquest of new land, there was perhaps one other channel through which the Celtic languages spread, and indeed developed into new and separate languages. This was navigation.

爱尔兰从西班牙海岸定居，这是中世纪欧洲公认的传统。引用的通常理由是关于地理和词源的双重错误。重建的Tabula Peutingeriana显示爱尔兰是一个离 Brigantia (La Coruña) 近海的岛屿，而 St Isidore 有影响力的 6 世纪词源指出：“希伯尼亚……从非洲向北延伸。它的前部面向（H）伊比利亚和坎塔布里克洋[即。比斯开湾]。它也因此被称为冬眠。²⁶

It was an accepted tradition of medieval Europe that Ireland had been populated from the coast of Spain. The usual grounds quoted are twin mistakes about geography and etymology. The reconstructed Tabula Peutingeriana shows Ireland as an island offshore from Brigantia (La Coruña), and St Isidore’s influential sixth-century Etymologiae states: ‘Hibernia…extends north from Africa. Its forward parts face (H)iberia and the Cantabric Ocean [viz. the Bay of Biscay]. Whence too it is called Hibernia.’²⁶

但是，此链接可能还有更多内容。Avienus 在四世纪收集沿海航行信息时说，“圣岛”：“Hierni 的种族居住在它的四面八方。阿尔比奥内斯岛再次近在咫尺，塔尔泰斯人习惯于将生意带到厄斯特里姆尼德河的尽头。迦太基公民和大力神柱周围的普通民众也前往这些海域。²⁷

However, there may have been a lot more to this link. Avienus, gathering coastal navigation information in the fourth century, says, of the ‘Holy Island’: ‘the race of the Hierni inhabits it far and wide. Again the island of the Albiones lies near, and the Tartessians were accustomed to carry business to the end of the Oestrymnides. Citizens of Carthage too and the common folk round the Pillars of Hercules went to these seas.’²⁷

现在lernē是爱尔兰的常用希腊语，而 Oestrymnides 可能是 Scillies 或 Cornwall，因为他还指出这些岛屿“富含锡和铅矿”。²⁸整个段落是不列颠群岛与伊比利亚南部地区塔尔特苏斯之间联系的证据，塔尔特苏斯是迦太基贸易帝国的一个焦点。

Now lernē was the common Greek term for Ireland, and the Oestrymnides are probably the Scillies, or Cornwall, since he also notes that these islands are ‘rich in mine of tin and lead’.²⁸ The whole passage is evidence for a link between the British Isles and the southern Iberian region of Tartessus, known to be a focus of Carthage’s trade empire.

考古证据充分证实了这一联系。巴里·坎利夫（Barry Cunliffe）对青铜时代晚期（公元前 1200 年至 200 年）欧洲海岸面向大西洋的不同部门（包括爱尔兰、威尔士、康沃尔、布列塔尼、加利西亚和葡萄牙）之间明显丰富的交流关系印象深刻，他建议“大西洋凯尔特语可能已经成长为东海岸各个社区中的通用语，或者可能是精英语言。²⁹

This link is amply confirmed by archaeological evidence. Impressed by the apparent profusion of exchange relations among the different Atlantic-facing sectors of the European coast, including Ireland, Wales, Cornwall, Brittany, Galicia and Portugal in the late Bronze Age, 1200-200 BC, Barry Cunliffe has suggested that ‘Atlantic Celtic’ may have grown up as a lingua franca, or perhaps an elite language, among the various communities on the eastern seaboard.²⁹

这个假设虽然受到考古学的启发，但从语言和文化的角度来看具有一定的吸引力。它为凯尔特人向比利牛斯山脉南侧的传播提供了一个媒介，当时没有从北方入侵的传统，而高卢南部和西班牙中部之间的大部分介入领土实际上一直由巴斯克人控制。它为古老的爱尔兰文学、伊玛拉玛、魔法航行的故事（例如圣布伦丹的故事）的持久主题奠定了历史基础。它为凯尔特历史语言学的一个琐碎事实提供了解释：凯尔特伯利亚语与爱尔兰和苏格兰西部的戈德利语之间的方言相似性。

This hypothesis, though archaeologically inspired, has a certain attraction from the linguistic and cultural point of view. It gives a medium for the spread of Celtic across to the southern side of the Pyrenees, when there is no tradition of invasion from the north, and most of the intervening territory between southern Gaul and central Spain was in fact always held by Basques. It gives a basis in history to a persistent theme of old Irish literature, the immrama, tales of magical voyages, such as that of St Brendan. And it provides an explanation for a niggling fact of Celtic historical linguistics: the dialectal similarity between Celtiberian and the Goidelic languages of Ireland and western Scotland.

虽然 Lepontic、Gaulish 和 Brythonic (P-Celtic) 通常都将旧的k ^w转换为p，但 Celtiberian 和 Goidelic (Q-Celtic) 保留了k元素。那么，有可能将Q-Celtic视为原始形态，通过铁的有效使用者传播到高卢海岸，然后通过建立交换关系和贸易，跨越海向南北. 随后，高卢和阿尔卑斯山的凯尔特人创新地将k ^w转换为p，紧随其后的是他们在英国的亲密伙伴，而外围的 Celtiberian 和 Goidelic 保留了k ^w，北部的Iernē，稍后将其简化为k。 ^*

While Lepontic, Gaulish and Brythonic (P-Celtic) all usually convert old k^w to p, Celtiberian and Goidelic (Q-Celtic) retain the k element. It would be possible, then, to see Q-Celtic as the original form, spread to the shores of Gaul by effective users of iron, and then, through the establishment of exchange relationships and trade, beyond to the south and north across the sea. Subsequently, the Celts in Gaul and the Alps innovated in converting k^w to p, followed by their close associates in Britain, while the peripheral ones, Celtiberian and Goidelic, retained the k^w, those in the north, Iernē, later simplifying it to k. ^*

^*事实上，今天很少有语言学家将此 P/Q 标准视为非常强的判别标准。这种变化可能发生在任何地方：在现代罗马尼亚语中确实有，在斜体方言中也完全独立（例如，Oscan 改为 P，拉丁语没有）。即使在 P 方言的中心，也不是所有的 Q 都变成了 P：在罗纳河谷的科利尼日历上，我们发现 EQVOS、EQVI、“马”（尽管马女神通常的高卢语名字是 Epona），而生活在高卢北部“塞纳河”（塞纳河）上的“塞夸尼”似乎没有受到影响。但是 P-Celtic 和 Q-Celtic 在传统上是如此的栗子，以至于将其排除在讨论之外似乎具有欺骗性。

^* In fact, few linguists today take this P/Q criterion as a very strong discriminant. The change could happen anywhere: indeed it has, in modern Romanian, and quite independently in the Italic dialects (e.g. Oscan changed to P, Latin didn’t). And even in the centre of the P-dialects, not all Qs changed to P: on the Coligny calendar in the Rhône valley we find EQVOS, EQVI, ‘horse’ (even though the usual Gaulish name for the horse goddess is Epona), and the ‘Sequani’, living on the river ‘Sequana’ (Seine) in northern Gaul, seem unaffected. But P-Celtic and Q-Celtic are such a chestnut in the tradition that it seems deceptive to leave it out of the discussion.

事实上，不列颠群岛的凯尔特语发生了一些奇怪的变化，在其他任何地方都没有：动词-主语-宾语作为基本词序，初始辅音的突变，共轭介词，表达状态和活动的奇怪语言（“我在我的学生'，'我正在看我的书'），还有很多其他的。有些人认为，这些陌生感确实是从古老居民丢失的先前语言中继承下来的，也许是建造巨石纪念碑的文明所说的。由于未能完全学习传入的语言，他们只是继续使用旧语言的许多特征。这是底物假设；有趣，但它解释得很少，因为我们对凯尔特人之前的不列颠群岛的语言一无所知。

In fact, some strange changes came over Celtic in the British Isles, as nowhere else: verb-subject-object as basic word order, mutation of initial consonants, conjugated prepositions, strange locutions to express status and activity (’I am in my student’, ‘I am at reading of my book’), and much else. There are those who believe that these strangenesses are really inherited from the lost previous languages of the old inhabitants, perhaps spoken by the civilisations that raised megalithic monuments. Failing to learn the incoming language fully, they simply continued with many features of their old languages. This is the substrate hypothesis; interesting, but it explains little since we know nothing of the languages of the British Isles prior to Celtic.

另一个假设是语言混合或克里奥尔化。它也可以被带入凯尔特人通过大西洋沿岸航行传播的理论中，注意到该网络的主要合作伙伴，在公元前第一个千年的大部分时间里，是腓尼基人，其中许多人（特别是迦太基人）居住在北方非洲，并且非常有能力维持整个地中海的联系。现在碰巧的是，在北非语系，埃及语、闪米特语和柏柏尔语系中，至少有 17 个英国和爱尔兰凯尔特语的奇怪特征有直接的相似之处，这些特征在任何印欧语系中都是无与伦比的，更不用说他们的凯尔特表亲，在全球范围内确实极为罕见。³⁰如果凯尔特语确实作为一种沿海通用语传播开来，那么这些北非人在贸易和交流中就会成为它的发言人之一，并有效地塑造它。

Another hypothesis is language mixing, or creolisation. It too can be brought into the theory of Celtic spread by navigation along the Atlantic coast, by noting that major partners in this network, for most of the first millennium BC, were the Phoenicians, many of them (specifically the Carthaginians) based in North Africa, and quite capable of maintaining links along the whole Mediterranean. Now it so happens that in the North African language families, Egyptian, Semitic and Berber, there are direct parallels for at least seventeen of these curious characteristics of British and Irish Celtic, characteristics that are quite unparalleled in any Indo-European language, let alone their Celtic cousins, and which are indeed extremely rare globally.³⁰ If Celtic was indeed spread as a coastal lingua franca, these North Africans, in trade and exchange, would have been among its speakers, and effective in moulding it.

但目前还没有任何直接的语言证据证明这一点：至于高卢语在欧洲大部分地区的传播、凯尔特伯利亚语的起源以及不列颠群岛的凯尔特语，我们正处于推测和重建的领域. 相比之下，我们对在意大利和东地中海地区出现凯尔特语的人有直接的见证。

But there is no direct linguistic evidence for any of this at the moment: as to the spread of Gaulish across most of Europe, and the origins of Celtiberian, and the Celtic languages of the British Isles, we are in the realm of speculation and reconstruction. By contrast, we have direct testimony on the advent of Celtic speakers in Italy and the eastern Mediterranean.

高卢人在历史记录中的进步

The Gauls’ advances in the historic record

很明显，突袭的理想，即一群年轻人寻求用荣耀和战利品来掩饰自己，在保持独立的凯尔特人社会中从未停止流行。成功的突袭，特别是如果由在家中没有前途的小儿子实施的，可能会变成事实上的入侵。我们还遇到了凯尔特人部落蓄意决定大规模迁徙寻找新土地的例子：一个著名的部落是赫尔维蒂部落，他们打算从阿尔卑斯山迁移到南高卢，但在他的开局之初就遭到了凯撒大帝的挫败。高卢战争。

It is clear that the ideal of the raid, whereby parties of young men would seek to cover themselves with glory and booty, never ceased to be current in Celtic societies that remained independent. Successful raids, especially if perpetrated by younger sons without prospects at home, could turn into de facto invasions. And we also encounter examples of deliberate decisions by Celtic tribes to seek new land in a mass migration: a famous one is the tribe of the Helvetii, whose intent to move from the Alps into southern Gaul was frustrated by Julius Caesar at the beginning of his Gallic Wars.

这种运动两次导致高卢人大举入侵希腊罗马文明的中心。第一次是布伦努斯在公元前 390 年洗劫罗马，紧随其后的是大量战利品和勒索款项的撤军。波利比乌斯描述了大约在这个时候进入波河谷的高卢人的特征：

These kinds of movement twice led to major incursions by parties of Gauls into the centres of Graeco-Roman civilisation. The first was the sack of Rome by Brennus in 390 BC, followed almost immediately by a withdrawal with massive booty and extorted payments. Polybius describes the characteristics of the Gauls who moved into the valley of the Po around this time:

他们住在没有围墙的村庄里，对文明的精致一无所知。他们靠稻草和树叶睡觉，吃肉，除了战争和农业以外没有其他活动，他们的生活非常简单，对任何艺术和科学一无所知。他们的财产包括牛和黄金，因为这些是他们唯一可以轻松随身携带的物品，无论他们身在何处，都可以随心所欲地运输。拥有一个追随者对他们来说是最重要的，而那个被认为拥有最多的眷属和同伴的人是部落中最令人恐惧和最强大的成员。³¹

They lived in unwalled villages and had no knowledge of the refinements of civilization. As they slept on straw and leaves, ate meat and practised no other pursuits but war and agriculture, their lives were very simple and they were completely unacquainted with any art or science. Their possessions consisted of cattle and gold, since these were the only objects that they could easily take with them whatever their circumstance and transport wherever they chose. It was of the greatest importance to them to have a following, and the man who was believed to have the greatest number of dependants and companions about him was the most feared and powerful member of the tribe.³¹

第二次是公元前 279 年对希腊宗教中心德尔斐的掠夺，由另一个布伦努斯实施，但很快就被集结起来的希腊语击败。残余分子在马其顿仍然是流动的雇佣军。但是明年邀请了一支队伍（人数为两万，其中一半是妇女和儿童——所以不仅仅是一支战队），穿越马尔马拉海进入安纳托利亚，代表比提尼亚国王尼科梅德斯与塞琉古国王作战安条克。他们提供了良好的服务，但后来成为了负担，直到他们在安塞拉周围地区更永久地定居。这成为这个新定居社区的首都，此后被称为加拉太人或加洛希腊语。他们与邻国的战争，尤其是别迦摩市，以及他们作为雇佣军（远至埃及）的服务，持续了另一个世纪。

The second was the pillage of Delphi, the Greek religious centre, in 279 BC, carried out by another Brennus, but soon beaten off by the rallying Greeks. Remnants remained as roving mercenaries in Macedonia. But one party (numbering twenty thousand, half of them women and children—so not just a war band) was invited next year to cross the Sea of Marmara into Anatolia, to fight on behalf of Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, against the Seleucid king Antiochus. They gave good service, but afterwards became a liability, until they were settled more permanently in the region around Ancyra. This became the capital of this new settled community, henceforth known either as the Galatians or Gallo-Greeks. Their wars with neighbours, especially the city of Pergamum, and their service as mercenaries (as far afield as Egypt), continued for another century.

在意大利北部和安纳托利亚，罗马人最终解决了焦躁不安的高卢掠夺者。

Both in northern Italy and in Anatolia it was the Romans who finally settled the hash of restless Gaulish marauders.

罗马在亚得里亚海沿岸的一系列先发制人的侵略，以及公元前 330 年至 270 年间在该地区建立的军事殖民地，为他们赢得了相当大的尊重。第一次布匿战争随后介入（264-41），但在罗马人赶走迦太基人之后，他们重返战场，从公元前 232 年到公元前 218 年，通过激烈的战斗和他们的新殖民地进一步深入意大利北部的中心地带。在普拉森蒂亚（皮亚琴察）和克雷莫纳拥有自己的公民和盟友（因此是说拉丁语的永久口袋）。迦太基人再次中断，这次是直接入侵意大利北部的心脏（汉尼拔和他的大象，公元前 217 年）；令人惊讶的是，这对加强罗马对该地区的控制没有影响。当汉尼拔被消灭时——这场磨难本身持续了 16 年——罗马人再次开始战斗，196 年在科莫战胜了因苏布里亚人，并在波河谷的博洛尼亚、摩德纳和帕尔马取得了更多的殖民地，有效地监视高卢人以前能够组织袭击的地区。Boii，主要好战部落，被击败并被剥夺了一半的领土。五十年后，波利比乌斯在访问波河谷时写道，“Gallia Cisalpina”现在只是一个名字：这个地方已经成为意大利的一部分。被击败并被剥夺了一半的领土。五十年后，波利比乌斯在访问波河谷时写道，“Gallia Cisalpina”现在只是一个名字：这个地方已经成为意大利的一部分。被击败并被剥夺了一半的领土。五十年后，波利比乌斯在访问波河谷时写道，“Gallia Cisalpina”现在只是一个名字：这个地方已经成为意大利的一部分。³²

A series of Roman pre-emptive aggressions on the Adriatic coast, and the founding of military colonies in the area, between 330 and 270 BC, gained them considerable respect. The first Punic war then intervened (264-41), but after the Romans had seen off the Carthaginians, they returned to the fray, and from 232 to 218 BC pressed farther into the heart of northern Italy with pitched battles and new colonies of their own citizens and allies (hence permanent pockets of Latin speakers) at Placentia (Piacenza) and Cremona. Once again the Carthaginians interrupted, this time with an invasion right through the heart of northern Italy (Hannibal and his elephants, in 217 BC); amazingly, this had no effect against the strengthening Roman hold on the area. When Hannibal had been eliminated—an ordeal that itself took sixteen years—the Romans proceeded once again to battle, with a victory over the Insubrians at Como in 196, and more colonies in the valley of the Po at Bologna, Modena and Parma, effectively staking out the area where the Gauls had previously been able to organise raids. The Boii, the principal warlike tribe, were defeated and stripped of half their territory. Writing fifty years later of a visit to the valley of the Po, Polybius observed that ‘Gallia Cisalpina’ was now just a name: the place had become a part of Italy.³²

在安纳托利亚，罗马人在独立的加拉太人刚刚完成对他们在意大利的亲属的工作后，就开始试图束缚他们。公元前 189 年，一位罗马将军，作为支持别迦摩（仍然遭受加拉太雇佣军）的战役的一部分，击败了所有三个组成部落，即 Tolistobogii、Trocmi 和 Tectosages，并将其中四万人卖为奴隶。（上个世纪显然对他们有利，他们的人口大量增长。）但加拉太的挑衅仍在继续，不仅对别迦摩，而且对其他邻国，东部的卡帕多西亚，北部的本都斯。一个世纪后，在德约塔鲁斯国王的统治下，他们与罗马结盟，与雄心勃勃的本都国王密特拉达梯六世共同敌视。作为一项政治杂耍的标志性壮举，他设法在凯撒遇刺后的整个内战中保持支持，并于公元前 40 年死在床上。此后，关于加拉太人不可抑制的方式的消息就很少了，但在公元前 25 年，奥古斯都使加拉太成为一个更大的单位的一部分，包括其南部的所有省份，从而削弱了任何剩余的凯尔特人身份。

In Anatolia, the Romans started to try to bridle the independent Galatians just after they had finished the job on their kinsmen in Italy. In 189 BC a Roman general, as part of a campaign in support of Pergamum (still suffering from Galatian mercenaries), defeated all three constituent tribes, the Tolistobogii, Trocmi and Tectosages, and sold forty thousand of them into slavery. (The previous century had evidently been good to them, and their population had grown massively.) But Galatian provocation continued, not only with Pergamum, but also with other neighbours, Cappadocia to the east, Pontus in the north. A century later, under King Deiotarus, they were allied with Rome, on the strength of a common enmity with the ambitious king of Pontus, Mithradates VI; in a signal feat of political juggling he managed to remain in favour throughout the civil war that followed Caesar’s assassination, and to die in his bed in 40 BC. Thereafter little more is heard of the Galatians’ irrepressible ways, but in 25 BC Augustus made Galatia part of a much larger unit including all the provinces directly to its south, diluting any remaining Celtic identity.

高卢希腊语从未留下任何书面高卢语的痕迹，尽管他们为高卢人的一些最优秀的艺术唤起提供了灵感（在别迦摩的雕像中）；并且他们名字的证据非常真实（Tectosages，'home-seekers'，Deiotarus，'holy Bull'。^*) 然而，他们的语言身份的记忆挥之不去：在公元四世纪末，以拉丁语翻译圣经而闻名的圣杰罗姆宣布，他可以用大致相同的方式与安西拉的加拉太书交流他年轻时在摩泽尔河畔特里尔附近听到的语言。但是对于一种没有书面传统的语言在希腊化的小亚细亚中生存下来，四百年是一段非常长的时间：也许他只是在暗示他读过的东西。

The Gallo-Greeks never left a trace of written Gaulish, although they provided the inspiration for some of the finest artistic evocations of the Gauls (in statuary at Pergamum); and the evidence of their names is pretty authentic (Tectosages, ‘home-seekers’, Deiotarus, ‘holy bull’.^*) Nevertheless, a memory of their linguistic identity lingered: at the end of the fourth century AD, St Jerome, famous for his Latin translation of the Bible, which became the Vulgate, was declaring that he could communicate with Ancyra’s Galatians in much the same language as he had heard spoken in his youth near Trier, on the Moselle. But four hundred years is an awfully long time for a language without a written tradition to survive in the midst of Hellenised Asia Minor: perhaps he was just alluding to something he had read.

^*也许这是带有希腊口音的高卢语的一瞥：自然的高卢语将是Deiwo-tarwos，但希腊语已经放弃了所有 [w]。

^* Perhaps this is a glimpse of Gaulish with a Greek accent: the natural Gaulish for this would be Deiwo-tarwos, but Greek had dropped all [w].

这次进入小亚细亚的冒险，对安塞拉周围的中部高地产生了语言影响，对于像高卢语这样的语言的传播方式及其生存条件具有指导意义。这是一个血统的语言。当它的发言人移动时，它的领域也会随之移动，如果社区增长，它的发言人数量也会随之增加。如果社区失去了它的身份或独特的习俗，语言就会消失。

This venture into Asia Minor, with its linguistic impact on the central highlands round Ancyra, is instructive about the way in which a language like Gaulish could be spread, and the conditions for its survival. It was the language of a lineage. When its speakers moved, its domain would move with them, and if the community grew, so would the number of its speakers. If the community lost its identity, or its distinguishing customs, the language would disappear.

Consilium：罗马帝国的基本原理

Consilium: The rationale of Roman Imperium

协商：（一）商议、协商、共同考虑、商议；(b) 考虑、确定、解决、措施、计划、目的、意图而得出的结论；(c) 审议者，理事会。

Consilium: (a) deliberation, consultation, a considering together, counsel; (b) a conclusion made with consideration, determination, resolution, measure, plan, purpose, intention; (c) the persons who deliberate, a council.

刘易斯和肖特，拉丁语词典

Lewis and Short, A Latin Dictionary

从长远来看，英国的凯尔特语使用者出人意料地对拉丁语不敏感，即使它是该国四百年来的官方语言和读写能力。拉丁语从未成为英国普通民众的语言。因此，英国在罗马人眼中的可笑名声最终得到了应验：“在战斗中既不勇敢，也不忠于和平”。³³我们必须问，征服者语言的这种传播怎么会失败。

The Celtic speakers in Britain proved surprisingly impervious to Latin in the long term, even if it was the country’s language of officialdom and literacy for four hundred years. Latin never became the language of the common people in Britain. So it was that Britain’s derisory reputation with the Romans was ultimately fulfilled: ‘neither brave in battle nor faithful in peace’.³³ We must ask how this spread of the conqueror’s language could fail to occur.

Mōs Māiōrum——罗马式

Mōs Māiōrum—the Roman way

众所周知，拉丁语传播的基础是罗马帝国的政治和军事传播（这个词最初的意思是命令，但后来带有它的法语翻译，帝国的所有内涵。）在这一点上，它与凯尔特人不同，但更像是早期现代职业中的英语。但就像说英语的人一样（也与凯尔特人不同），罗马人很少赤裸裸地侵略或好战地激发他们的运动。在这两组帝国建设者中，也都不愿公开谈论所取得的商业和物质利益——这与凯尔特人不同，他们强调战利品的乐趣。是什么真正吸引罗马征服地中海周边的每个国家？

It is no secret that the basis for the spread of Latin was the political and military spread of the Roman imperium (a word originally meaning command, but later carrying all the connotations of its French rendering, empire.) In this it was unlike Celtic, but rather like English in its early modern career. But like the speakers of English too (and again unlike the Celts), the Romans were seldom nakedly aggressive or belligerent in motivating their campaigns. There was also, among both sets of empire-builders, an unwillingness to talk openly about the commercial and material benefits of what was achieved—again unlike the Celts with their emphasis on the joys of booty. What really drew Rome out to conquer every country round the Mediterranean?

我们已经看到，在很早的时候（公元前二世纪），像波利比乌斯这样的希腊语好奇是什么让罗马人如此迅速地取得胜利，显然是反对所有来者。尽管他对罗马人物发表了一些尖锐的评论（参见“竞争者：希腊和罗马的观点”，第 279 页），但他并没有满足于任何简单或简单的答案。即使有两千年后见之明的好处，它也带有特殊的恳求（或事后合理化）以找出原因，为什么它必须只是地中海中部半岛中部的这个村庄，它必然会接管其整个海岸。尽管如此，还是可以看出罗马人的方式与他们的邻居，尤其是西欧的方式之间的差异，这是我们在本章中特别感兴趣的地方。

We have seen that very early on (the second century BC) it was a matter of curiosity to Greeks such as Polybius to figure out what made the Romans so speedily victorious, apparently against all comers. Although he made some trenchant remarks about the Roman character (see ‘The contenders: Greek and Roman views’, p. 279), he did not settle for any easy or simple answer. And even with the benefit of two thousand years’ hindsight, it smacks of special pleading (or ex post facto rationalisation) to detect reasons why it had to be just this village halfway down the Mediterranean’s central peninsula which was bound to take over the whole circuit of its coasts. Nevertheless, it is possible to see differences between the Romans’ way and that of their neighbours, especially those in western Europe, which are our special interest in this chapter.

罗马人是一个强烈的公民社会，对一个人的长期统治有着压倒一切的持久反感。他们的政府体系将制衡机制提升到了前所未有的高度。从公元前 510 年开始，他们的Res Publica成立的传统日期（这是他们宪法的拉丁语术语，我们的词共和国的基础，简单的意思是“人民的财产”），他们组织了国家主要办公室的年度选举，每个持有者都与一个或多个他必须分享权力的同事相匹配。最高行政职位的两位持有者，称为执政官，实际上是当年的联合国王。但他们的力量只有在城外战役时才是绝对的；否则，每一个决定，就像所有公职人员的决定一样，都要服从provocātio（“挑战”），即诉诸罗马人民。（执政官的联合性质甚至导致他们轮流担任总司令，这可能在危机时期造成军事混乱。）唯一持久的执行机构是参议院，“长老”委员会，通常约有三百人，主要由以前担任过职务的人组成。他们负责设定税收水平。元老院始终由从一开始就担负起政府职责的老家族主导。尽管如此，偶尔会有才华横溢的novus homō（“新人”）（以及必要的手段^*）不时闯入这一行列。

The Romans were an intensely civic society, with an overriding and persistent aversion to long-term dominion by a single man. Their system of government took checks and balances to heights unequalled before or since. From 510 BC, the traditional date of the foundation of their Res Publica (this Latin term for their constitution, the basis for our word republic, means simply ‘the people’s property’ ), they had organised annual elections for the main offices of state, and each holder was matched with one or more colleagues with whom he must share his power. The two holders of the supreme executive office, called consuls, were each in effect joint king for the year; but their power was only absolute when on campaign outside the city; otherwise every decision, like those of all the office-holders, was subject to prōvocātio ( ‘challenge’ ), i.e. appeal to the Roman people. (The joint nature of consulship even led to their assuming the post of commander-in-chief on alternate days, which could cause military chaos at times of crisis.) The only persistent executive institution was the Senātus, the council of ‘elders’, usually about three hundred strong, made up mostly of men who had previously held office. They were responsible for setting the level of taxes. The Senate was always dominated by the old families that had taken responsibility for government since the beginning. Nevertheless, there was room for the occasional novus homō (’new man’) of talent (and the necessary means^*) to break into the ranks from time to time.

最高两个职位的持有者，领事和执政官，可能期望海外总督行使权力prō cōnsule，“代表领事”，或prō praetōre，“代表执政官”，任期结束后的几年。这些军官承担了罗马的许多对外战争。在国家紧急状态下，领事系统可以暂停六个月，并任命一名（单一）独裁者。尽管从公元前 2 世纪后期开始一直存在问题，过于强大的将军不愿接受制度对他们施加的限制，但这些机构或多或少在罗马收购外国帝国期间发挥了作用，该帝国在很大程度上完成了公元前44年，当朱利叶斯·凯撒被任命为终身独裁者，然后被暗杀，导致共和国垮台。所有的机构都继续存在了五百年，但从那时起，它们总是由一个王子统治，皇帝被称为“上层人物”，终生统治（尽管这通常是残酷的，或仁慈的，简短的）。术语rēx，“国王”，从公元前 510 年就一直被禁止使用，这是一个从公元前 510 年就一直存在的禁忌，但罗马实际上已经恢复了君主制，无论它在掩饰方面多么熟练。

Holders of the top two offices, consuls and praetors, might expect an overseas governorship, to exercise authority prō cōnsule, ‘on behalf of the consul’, or prō praetōre, ‘on behalf of the praetor’, for a period of years after their term of office ended. These officers undertook many of Rome’s foreign wars. In time of national emergency, the consular system could be suspended for six months at a time, and a (single) dictator appointed. Although there were persistent problems from the later second century BC onwards, with over-mighty generals unwilling to accept the limits the system placed on them, these institutions were all more or less functioning during the acquisition of Rome’s foreign empire, which was largely complete by 44 BC, when Julius Caesar was made dictator for life, and then assassinated, leading to the downfall of the Republic. All the institutions continued to exist for another five hundred years, but henceforth they were always dominated by a Princēps, ‘top man’, as the emperor was called, who ruled for life (though this was often cruelly, or mercifully, brief). The term rēx, ‘king’, was still avoided, a taboo surviving from 510 BC, but Rome had in fact returned to being a monarchy, however skilled it might be at dissembling.

^*参议员必须至少具有马术等级，其资格（土地财产）设定为 400,000 塞斯特。以刘易斯和肖特的拉丁词典中 1879 年的估值，并应用此后的通货膨胀率，这将等同于当前（2003 年）价值 186,000 欧元或 315,000 美元。

^* Senators needed to be at least of equestrian rank, for which the qualification (in landed property) was set at 400,000 sestertii. Taking the 1879 valuation in Lewis and Short’s Latin Dictionary, and applying inflation rates since, this would equate to a present (2003) value of €186,000 or $315,000.

这显然是一个非常复杂的系统，它只有在根深蒂固地尊重传统和法律的情况下才能发挥作用。它提供了一个框架，在这个框架中，一个不断扩张的城邦可以有秩序地管理自己，同时将有组织的军队——军队的控制权掌握在既有阶级手中。与魅力型领导相比，罗马人更喜欢可预测的原则，随着他们的影响力增加（事实上，他们纪律严明的军事组织似乎使他们在大多数冲突中处于优势地位），他们将这种政府模式输出到他们征服并入伍的城市。罗马公民的好处一点一点地扩展到整个扩张的帝国，使新臣民（其中一些）具有强烈的忠诚动机。有效，罗马帝国在其时代代表着全球化的好处：良好的沟通、接触世界所能提供的一切，以及（通常）免受专制政府和压迫的自由。采用最喜欢的罗马短语：ōtium cum dignitāte — 光荣的和平，或（等效地）具有良好价值的休闲。

This was evidently a very elaborate system, which could only work because of an ingrained respect for tradition and law. It provided a framework in which an expanding city-state could govern itself in an orderly fashion, while keeping the control of organised force, the army, in the hands of the established classes. The Romans preferred predictable principle to charismatic leadership, and as their influence increased (for in fact their disciplined military organisation seemed to give them the edge in most conflicts) they exported this pattern of government into the cities they conquered and then enlisted. Little by little, the benefits of Roman citizenship were extended throughout the expanding empire, giving the new subjects (some of them) a strong motivation for loyalty. In effect, the Roman empire in its day stood for the benefits of globalisation: good communications, access to all that the world could provide, and freedom (usually) from arbitrary government and oppression. To adopt a favourite Roman phrase: ōtium cum dignitāte—peace with honour, or (equivalently) leisure with good value.

但是这种对传统的尊重并没有延伸到对他们的语言拉丁语的古老残余的特别尊重。虽然罗马人最古老的法典，著名的十二表，是用拉丁文写成的，但不知何故，直到共和国末期，它们的权威版本都没有幸存下来。罗马人对自己的语言没有感情。即使是最接近圣经的西比林书籍，在遇到麻烦时寻求指导，也不是用拉丁文写成的，而是用希腊语六音节诗写的。

But this respect for tradition did not extend to a particular respect for the older remnants of their language, Latin. Although the Romans’ most ancient code of laws, the famous Twelve Tables, was written in Latin, somehow no authoritative version of them survived until the end of the Republic. The Romans were unsentimental about their own language; even their closest equivalent to Holy Writ, the Sibylline Books, consulted for guidance in time of trouble, were not written in Latin, but Greek hexameter verse.

拉丁语只是他们长大的语言。在与外国人打交道时，使用它很实用，因为罗马共和国的坚实基础意味着在谈判中外国人几乎总是处于恳求者的位置。希腊语创造了这种偏好的一个例外，因为随着罗马人将他们对意大利和世界的了解扩展到其海岸之外，他们发现到处都是希腊殖民地，做生意，并且通常表现出一种自信的态度，这种态度源于积极的识字文化，以及与大都市的联系（“母亲城市”）回到地中海东部。随着罗马人发现希腊文化已经发展到了难以想象的高度，他们（起初）乐于将希腊语用于他们自己的智力工作，而不是承担试图建立拉丁语以与之竞争的繁重任务。法比乌斯·皮克多的罗马史（公元前三世纪末）是罗马人已知的第一部文学作品，是用希腊文创作的。尽管早期曾尝试建立一种更传统的罗马文学传统，利维乌斯·安德罗尼克斯和纳维乌斯用土星韵律写他们的拉丁史诗，但他们未能成功。从此以后，几乎所有的拉丁作品都以希腊原作为蓝本。

Latin was simply the language that they had grown up with; when dealing with foreigners, it was practical to use it, since the solid base of the Roman Republic meant that in negotiations foreigners were almost always in the suppliant position. The Greek language created an exception to this preference, since, as the Romans expanded their knowledge of Italy and the world beyond its shores, they discovered Greek colonies everywhere, doing business, and generally projecting a self-confident attitude, derived from an aggressively literate culture, and links with their métropóleis (’mother cities’) back in the eastern Mediterranean. And as the Romans discovered the undreamtof heights to which Greek culture had been developed, they were happy (at first) to use the Greek language for their own intellectual work rather than undertake the onerous task of trying to build up Latin to compete with it. The first known literary production by a Roman, Fabius Pictor’s history of Rome (late third century BC), was in Greek. Although there was an attempt early on to establish a literary tradition that was more traditionally Roman, with Livius Andronicus and Naevius writing their Latin epics in Saturnian metre, they failed to carry the day. Henceforth almost all Latin works were closely modelled on Greek originals.

希腊文化的一个方面在罗马立即引起了共鸣。这是对修辞的尊重，罗马人称之为ars ōrātōria，即说服技巧，在这些城邦（希腊和罗马）中，这些技巧与战斗和军事指挥同样重要，在这些城邦中，决策几乎总是由集会，而不是个人。演讲训练成为罗马高等教育的核心，学生进行辩论（contrōversiae）和政策演讲（suāsōriae ）) 以如今他们发表论文的方式；对拉丁风格的影响是普遍的，在自由制度衰落之后持续了很长时间。即使是爱情诗在拉丁语中听起来也很吓人，最喜欢的技巧是转向想象中的听众。诗歌和演讲被视为非常相似的游戏：在公元二世纪，来自高卢的著名倡导者马库斯·阿珀（“马克·霍格”）指出，通过诗歌为自己取名比通过诗歌获得名声要困难得多。通过演讲，特别是在各省。³⁴

One aspect of Greek culture found an immediate resonance in Rome. This was the respect for rhetoric, what the Romans called ars ōrātōria, the skills of persuasion, which were just as important as those of fighting and military command in these city-states (both Greek and Roman), where decisions were almost always taken by assemblies, not individuals. Training in oratory became the core of Roman higher education, students working up debates (contrōversiae) and policy speeches (suāsōriae) in the way in which nowadays they turn out essays; and the effect on Latin style was pervasive, lasting long after the decline of free institutions. Even love poetry can sound rather hectoring in Latin, a favourite trick being to turn to an imaginary audience. And poems and speeches were seen as very much the same game: in the second century AD Marcus Aper (’Mark Hogg’), a noted advocate from Gaul, was pointing out how much harder it was to get a name for oneself through poetry than through oratory, especially in the provinces.³⁴

拉丁语在帝国各地传播的不仅仅是最初由公民组成的军队，但越来越多的人从四面八方征召入伍，还有罗马的共同政策，即授予士兵退伍后定居的土地。（我们已经注意到军队在将他们最早的诗人之一恩尼乌斯拉丁化中所起的作用，恩尼乌斯最初是一位讲奥斯坎语的人；以及战略性地放置的殖民地如何最终将西萨尔皮高卢变成了意大利的另一部分。）这在地中海东部，那里的通用语，希腊语，已经根深蒂固，无法动摇。但在高卢和伊比利亚，罗马殖民地似乎最终导致了凯尔特语的衰落，并被拉丁语取代。

Latin was spread round the empire not least by the army, originally made up of citizens but into which increasingly men were enlisted from all over, and also by the common Roman policy of granting soldiers land on which to settle after their discharge. (We have already noted the role played by the army in Latinising one of their earliest poets, Ennius, originally an Oscan speaker; and how strategically placed colonies ultimately converted Cisalpine Gaul into just another part of Italy.) This never had a major effect in the eastern Mediterranean, where the lingua franca, Greek, was just too well established ever to be shaken. But in Gaul and Iberia the Roman colonies seem to have led to the eventual decline and replacement of their Celtic languages by Latin.

高卢人的遗弃

The desertion of Gaulish

高卢语的铭文在罗马征服一百年后就全部消失了，尽管有零星的轶事表明这种口语还存在了几百年。公元二世纪，圣爱任纽从小亚细亚向西来到卢格杜努姆（里昂）担任主教，据报道，当他到达那里时必须学习“野蛮的语言”。³⁵在三世纪，伟大的律师乌尔比安指出，某些宣誓声明可以用高卢语进行。³⁶然后，在那个世纪末，历史学家 Lampridius 提到，一位德鲁伊教士曾用高卢语预言亚历山大·西弗勒斯（222-35 年在位）的死亡。在 Sulpicius Severus (363-425) 的对话中，一位不会说拉丁语的高卢人被告知：“用凯尔特语与我们交谈，或者如果您愿意，用高卢语与我们交谈”。甚至在 5 世纪，Sidonius Apollinaris ³⁷宣称，位于高卢中南部的一个部落 Arverni 的贵族最近才学会了拉丁语，并摆脱了“高卢语的粗俗语言”（sermōnis Gallicī squamam）。

Inscriptions in Gaulish had all died out a hundred years after the Roman conquest, although there are scattered anecdotes indicating some survival of the spoken language for a couple of hundred more years. In the second century St Irenaeus, who came west from Asia Minor to take up a bishopric in Lugdunum (Lyons), reports having to learn ‘a barbarous tongue’ when he arrived there.³⁵ In the third century, the great lawyer Ulpian stated that certain sworn statements could be made in Gaulish.³⁶ Then, towards the end of that century, the historian Lampridius mentions that a Druidess had used Gaulish to foretell the death of Alexander Severus (who reigned 222-35). And in a dialogue of Sulpicius Severus (363-425), a Gaul who does not speak Latin well is told: ‘speak to us in Celtic, or if you prefer, in Gaulish’. And even in the fifth century, Sidonius Apollinaris³⁷ declares that the nobility of the Arverni, a tribe in central southern Gaul, had just recently learnt Latin and cast off the ‘rough scales of Gaulish speech’ (sermōnis Gallicī squāmam).

但从语言后代的证据（遗憾的是它们没有后代），很明显高卢语和凯尔特比利亚语实际上是由罗马人接管并引入拉丁语而结束的。尽管卢锡安注意到高卢人对口才的尊重，但古典文化对凯尔特语言传统的价值没有正面评价，因此它们被允许失效。

But from the evidence of the languages’ progeny (the sorry fact that they had none), it is clear that Gaulish and Celtiberian were effectively finished by the Roman takeover, and its introduction of Latin. Despite the Gaulish respect for eloquence noted by Lucian, Classical culture had nothing positive to say about the value of the Celtic language traditions, and they were allowed to lapse.

这种彻底的损失令人惊讶，因为五百年后，如此多的神话被用爱尔兰语和威尔士语记录下来，重述了诸如白银之手努阿达 (Gaulish Nodens )、长臂卢格或 Lieu Skillful等神的冒险手——( Lugus )、Brigid the High ( Brigindona或Brigantia )、Goibhniu 或 Gofannon the Smith ( Gobannio )、Morrigan 或 Rhiannon the Great Queen ( Rigantona )，别忘了 Ogma ( Ogmios) 本人；幸存的图像（例如，在 Gundestrup 发现的宏伟大锅上）表明，其他神，如有角的 Cernunnos，有复杂的神话。这表明，如果高卢人有意愿的话，一定有大量引人入胜且不熟悉的主题可以重述。

This total loss is surprising, since five hundred and more years later so many myths were written down in Irish and Welsh, retelling the adventures of gods such as Nuada of the Silver Hand (Gaulish Nodens), Lugh of the Long Arm—or Lieu Skilful Hand—(Lugus), Brigid the High (Brigindona or Brigantia), Goibhniu or Gofannon the Smith (Gobannio), Morrigan or Rhiannon the Great Queen (Rigantona), and not forgetting Ogma (Ogmios) himself; and surviving iconography (for example, on the magnificent cauldron found at Gundestrup) shows that other gods, such as the horned Cernunnos, had complicated myths. This demonstrates that there must have been a wealth of fascinating and unfamiliar subject matter that the Gauls could have retold if they had had the will.

这种损失并非不可避免，因为拉丁语在融入著名的希腊语方面所经历的转变表明，一种古老的语言很可能在不倾覆的情况下融入另一种文化。^*希腊语在东方的生存本身表明，面对自信的传统，即使是拉丁语也不是不可战胜的。但是，无论是高卢人还是凯尔特比利亚人，都没有尝试用他们自己的凯尔特语来重塑罗马文化。相反，他们似乎欣然采用了新的罗马语和拉丁语方式，因为正是西欧地区在古代世界讲凯尔特语，现在有拉丁语衍生的语言：法语、奥西唐语、西班牙语、加泰罗尼亚语、葡萄牙语以及其他一些源自拉丁语的较小语言。当我们将罗马社会的性质与高卢人和凯尔特伯利亚人先前所知道的情况进行对比时，这更加令人惊讶。一个公民的、集中的城市社会取代了过去更分散、有时更流动的乡村生活。显然，对于凯尔特人来说，感觉像是进步。罗马人一定赢得了新生一代的忠诚，因为维辛托里克斯是高卢最后一次独立斗争的组织者，从未被援引为英雄的灵感（直到 1900 年后拿破仑三世接替他），而且只有几个在罗马征服高卢之后的一代人中，相当容易平息的起义。高卢在短短八年的闪电战中落入凯撒之手。相比之下，罗马用了将近两个世纪的时间才完全控制了西班牙（从 206 年驱逐迦太基人到公元前 19 年奥古斯都的坎塔布连战争结束）。尽管如此，西班牙也几乎在同一时间安静下来，并最终接受了它的命运高卢最后一次独立斗争的组织者，从未被援引为英雄的灵感（直到 1900 年后拿破仑三世接任他），在罗马征服高卢之后的一代人中，只有几次相当容易平息的起义高卢。高卢在短短八年的闪电战中落入凯撒之手。相比之下，罗马用了将近两个世纪的时间才完全控制了西班牙（从 206 年驱逐迦太基人到公元前 19 年奥古斯都的坎塔布连战争结束）。尽管如此，西班牙也几乎在同一时间安静下来，并最终接受了它的命运高卢最后一次独立斗争的组织者，从未被援引为英雄的灵感（直到 1900 年后拿破仑三世接任他），在罗马征服高卢之后的一代人中，只有几次相当容易平息的起义高卢。高卢在短短八年的闪电战中落入凯撒之手。相比之下，罗马用了将近两个世纪的时间才完全控制了西班牙（从 206 年驱逐迦太基人到公元前 19 年奥古斯都的坎塔布连战争结束）。尽管如此，西班牙也几乎在同一时间安静下来，并最终接受了它的命运在罗马征服高卢之后的一代。高卢在短短八年的闪电战中落入凯撒之手。相比之下，罗马用了将近两个世纪的时间才完全控制了西班牙（从 206 年驱逐迦太基人到公元前 19 年奥古斯都的坎塔布连战争结束）。尽管如此，西班牙也几乎在同一时间安静下来，并最终接受了它的命运在罗马征服高卢之后的一代。高卢在短短八年的闪电战中落入凯撒之手。相比之下，罗马用了将近两个世纪的时间才完全控制了西班牙（从 206 年驱逐迦太基人到公元前 19 年奥古斯都的坎塔布连战争结束）。尽管如此，西班牙也几乎在同一时间安静下来，并最终接受了它的命运Pāx Romāna。

The loss was not inevitable, for the transformation that Latin had undergone to incorporate prestigious Greek shows that it was quite possible for one ancient language to take on board another’s culture without being capsized;^* and the survival of Greek in the east itself shows that even Latin was not invincible, in the face of a self-confident tradition. But neither Gauls nor Celtiberians made any attempt that we know of to recast Roman culture in their own Celtic terms. Rather, they seem to have adopted the new Roman, and Latin-speaking, ways with alacrity, since it is precisely the areas of western Europe that spoke Celtic in the ancient world which now have Latin-derived languages: French, Occitan, Spanish, Catalan, Portuguese, as well as a few other smaller languages derived from Latin. This is doubly surprising when we contrast the nature of Roman society with what the Gauls and Celtiberians had previously known. A civic, centralised, urban society replaced the more scattered, and sometimes more mobile, village life of the past. Evidently, for the Celts, it felt like progress. The Romans must have won the loyalty of the rising generation, for Vercingetorix, the organiser of Gaul’s last struggle for independence, was never invoked as a heroic inspiration (until Napoleon III took him up 1900 years later), and there were only a couple of revolts, fairly easily put down, in the generation following the Roman conquest of Gaul. Gaul had fallen to Caesar in a blitzkrieg taking just eight years. By contrast, it had taken Rome almost two centuries to completely establish its control of Spain (from the expulsion of the Carthaginians in 206 to Augustus’s Cantabrian Wars ending in 19 BC). Nevertheless, Spain too quietened down about the same time, and at last accepted as its fate the Pāx Romāna.

^*几乎在同一时间，亚美尼亚人也在做同样的事情，注入了波斯语。

^* And just about the same time, Armenian was doing much the same thing with an infusion of Persian.

巴斯克人和英国人之间的拉丁语

Latin among the Basques and the Britons

当古代西欧的居民被带入罗马帝国时，投降，或者甚至是热情的接受，是大多数人的选择。但值得花一点时间考虑两个未采用此选项的情况。

Surrender, then, or perhaps even enthusiastic take-up, was the majority option when the inhabitants of ancient western Europe were brought into the Roman empire. But it is worthwhile sparing a moment to consider two cases where this option was not taken.

一种是巴斯克语，大概是凯撒时代西南部高卢^* （以及伊比利亚瓦斯科涅人）的阿基塔尼亚人的语言，它在拉丁语的涌入以取代其高卢人和凯尔特比利亚邻国后幸存下来，因为它在历史所引发的其他一切事物中幸存下来在过去的两千年里。它是欧洲语言历史的特例，出类拔萃，因为它早于所有印欧语言。有巴斯克人在罗马军队服役的记录（事实上，一群与强大的将军马里乌斯一起旅行让他在公元前 86 年在罗马进行了短暂的恐怖统治；³⁸其他人已知曾在英国的哈德良长城服役），但他们的身份被证明等于对罗马统治的挑战。他们借用了“橄榄”和“油”( oliva, olio ) 和“雕像”( estau ) 等词，表明他们接受了罗马生活的某些方面，这些方面对他们来说是新的，但在其他方面没有显示出 500在罗马帝国存在多年。

One was Basque, presumably the language of the Aquitanians of southwest Gaul^* (and the Vascones in Iberia) in Caesar’s time, which survived the influx of Latin to replace its Gaulish and Celtiberian neighbours, as it has survived everything else that history has thrown at it in the last two thousand years. It is the special case, par excellence, of European language history, since it pre-dates all the Indo-European languages. There are records of Basques serving in the Roman army (indeed, a group of them travelling with the over-mighty general Marius allowed him to mount a brief reign of terror in Rome in 86 BC;³⁸ others are known to have served on Hadrian’s Wall in Britain), but their identity proved equal to the challenge of Roman rule. They borrowed the words for ‘olive’ and ‘oil’ (oliva, olio), and ‘statue’ (estatu), showing the acceptance of certain aspects of Roman life that had been new to them, but otherwise show no effect from five hundred years of presence in the Roman empire.

更复杂的情况是英国的语言生存。我们已经从地名的证据中看到，在罗马入侵时，这里使用的语言要么很像高卢语，要么是它的一种方言。个人名字讲述了同样的故事：在英国著名国王和王后的名字中，我们有Cassi-vellaunos（'橡树统治者'）、Tascio-vanos（'獾杀手'）、Cuno-belinos（'the dog of the神 Belinos ——莎士比亚的 Cymbeline），Caratacos（“心爱的”），Boudicca（“维多利亚”——参见爱尔兰语búadach，“胜利”）。

The more complicated case is that of language survival in Britain. We have already seen from the evidence of place names that a language either very like Gaulish, or a dialect of it, was spoken here at the time of the Roman invasions. Personal names tell the same story: among the names of noted kings and queens among the Britons we have Cassi-vellaunos (’oak-dominator’), Tascio-vanos (’badger-slayer’), Cuno-belinos (’dog of the god Belinos’—Shakepeare’s Cymbeline), Caratacos (’beloved’), Boudicca (’Victoria’—cf. Irish búadach, ‘triumphant’).

^*阿基坦铭文中提到的名字似乎有巴斯克词根，例如 Cison、Andere、Nescato 和 Bihoxvs 旁边有巴斯克gizon、“男人”、andere、“女士”、neskato、“女孩”和bihotz、“心”（Gorrochategui 1995： 38).

^* Names mentioned in Aquitanian inscriptions appear to have Basque roots, e.g. Cison, Andere, Nescato and Bihoxvs beside Basque gizon, ‘man’, andere, ‘lady’, neskato, ‘girl’, and bihotz, ‘heart’ (Gorrochategui 1995: 38).

在征服公元 43 年并导致全面永久占领之后，罗马人有意识地努力在英国精英中传播拉丁语，甚至罗马教育。塔西佗对阿格里科拉（77 至 84 年担任英国总督，碰巧是他的岳父）的教育计划嗤之以鼻：

After the conquest of AD 43, which led to full-scale permanent occupation, the Romans made a conscious effort to spread Latin, and indeed Roman education, among the British elite. Tacitus comments cynically on the education plans of Agricola (governor of Britain from 77 to 84 and, as it happened, his father-in-law):

他指导酋长的儿子们学习文科，并表达了对英国本土智慧胜过对高卢人的研究的偏好，以便在以前完全拒绝罗马语言的人们中培养雄辩的渴望。所以他们穿上了我们的衣服，穿着长袍。渐渐地，他们陷入了颓废，有柱廊、浴室和别致的派对。这被这些无辜者称为文明生活 [ humanitās ]，而这实际上是他们奴役的一部分。³⁹

he instructed the sons of the chiefs in liberal arts, and expressed a preference for the native wit of the British over the studies of the Gauls, so as to plant a desire for eloquence in people who had previously rejected the Roman language altogether. So they took to our dress, and wearing the toga. Gradually they were drawn off into decadence, with colonnades and baths and chic parties. That was called a civilized life [humānitās] by these innocents, whereas it was really part of their enslavement.³⁹

具有讽刺意味的是，这些研究是在阿格里科拉（Agrícola）最终以惨烈的屠杀摧毁安格尔西岛的德鲁伊学习中心之后的冬天开始的。

In a bitter irony, these studies were initiated in the winter after Agrícola had finally obliterated, with much carnage, the centre of Druidical learning on the Isle of Anglesey.

尽管他们是从同一种语言开始的，但我们可以从罗马人的奇怪评论中看出，英国人在采用拉丁语方面与大陆高卢人相提并论，但并不完全符合。Juvenal（与塔西佗同时代的公元二世纪）在讽刺世界变得疯狂的方式中写道：

Although they had started from the same language, we can detect, from the odd remark made by Romans, that the British were bracketed with, but not quite up to, the continental Gauls in their adoption of Latin. In a satire on the way the world had gone mad, Juvenal (a contemporary of Tacitus in the second century AD) wrote:

今天全世界都有希腊和罗马的雅典；雄辩的高卢人教导英国人要成为倡导者，而图勒正在谈论聘请一位演讲老师。⁴⁰

Today the whole world has its Greek and Roman Athens; the eloquent Gauls have taught the British to be advocates, and Thüle is talking of hiring an oratory teacher.⁴⁰

在这里提到Thüle，就罗马人而言，这可能是北极，这表明尤文纳尔正在考虑极端情况。这是罗马建制派的屈尊俯就，显示了旧帝国主义和近代帝国主义之间的许多共同点：征服者很可能告诉臣民他们唯一的希望在于使自己文明化，但当他们试图在这方面有所作为时，他们绝不会认真对待愿望。

The mention of Thüle here, which as far as the Romans were concerned might have been the North Pole, shows that Juvenal is thinking in terms of extremes. This is the condescension of the Roman establishment, showing much in common between old and more recent imperialisms: the conquerors might well tell subject minorities that their only hope lay in civilising themselves, but would never take them seriously when they tried to make good on this aspiration.

有直接证据表明拉丁语确实传播到了正式和政府用途之外。带有潦草拉丁涂鸦的奇怪瓷砖出现在网站上，最有趣的是在伦敦的纽盖特： AVSTALIS DIBVS XIII VAGATUR SIB COTIDIM，“Gus 每天都在徘徊 13 天”，这是古代告密的一个例子。罗马人在巴斯开发的疗养胜地和度假中心的水域产生了一百多个仪式诅咒和誓言，用粗略的拉丁文（有时倒写）写成： DOCIMEDIS PERDIDIT MANICTLIA DVA QVI ILLAS INVOLA VI VT MENTES S VA PERDET OCVLOS S VS IN FANO VBI DESTINA，'Docimedes 丢了一双手套。愿与他们一起逃走的人在[女神]决定的寺庙中失去理智和眼睛。

There is direct evidence that Latin did spread beyond formal and government uses. Odd tiles with scribbled Latin graffiti have turned up on sites, most amusingly at Newgate in London: AVSTALIS DIBVS XIII VAGATUR SIB COTIDIM, ‘Gus has been wandering off every day for thirteen days’, an example of ancient whistle-blowing. The waters at the health resort and holiday centre that the Romans developed at Bath have yielded over a hundred ritual curses and oath tokens, written in rough Latin (sometimes backwards): DOCIMEDIS PERDIDIT MANICTLIA DVA QVI ILLAS INVOLA VI VT MENTES S VA PERDET OCVLOS S VS IN FANO VBI DESTINA, ‘Docimedes has lost a pair of gloves. May whoever has made off with them lose his wits and his eyes in the temple where [the goddess] decides.’

威尔士语，在这种口语化的拉丁语中使用的英国语言的现代后裔，保留了从它借来的六百多个单词，包括诸如mur、ffenestr、gwydr、cegin、cyllell、ffwrn、sebon等家喻户晓的术语。 ysbwng（墙壁、窗户、玻璃、厨房、刀、烤箱、肥皂、海绵）和ceirios、castan、lili、rhos、fioled（樱桃、栗子、百合、玫瑰、紫罗兰）。在诸如法律和基督教等更多知识领域中还有更多的词。

And Welsh, that modern descendant of the British language which was being spoken in and among this colloquial Latin, has preserved over six hundred words borrowed from it, including such household terms as mur, ffenestr, gwydr, cegin, cyllell, ffwrn, sebon, ysbwng (wall, window, glass, kitchen, knife, oven, soap, sponge) and ceirios, castan, lili, rhos, fioled (cherry, chestnut, lily, rose, violet). There are many more words in more intellectual domains such as law and Christianity.

在现代，根据这些借词的一些语音特性，有人认为，在英国使用的拉丁语比在罗马帝国的其他地方更保守。⁴¹可以想象，这可能表明它在普通货币中的地位较低，而是一种僵硬而正式的表达方式。5 世纪初在苏格兰边境长大的圣帕特里克抱怨说，他的拉丁语总是很弱，因为他在 16 岁时被爱尔兰袭击者俘虏，错过了关键的教育年限。显然，即使在他富裕的家庭中，拉丁语也不是一种日常的表达方式。

In the modern era it has been argued, from some phonetic properties of these borrowings, that Latin as spoken in Britain was more conservative than in other parts of the Roman empire.⁴¹ Conceivably, this could suggest that it was less well established in ordinary currency, remaining instead a stiff and formal means of expression. St Patrick, who grew up on the Scottish borders in the early fifth century, complained that his Latin was always weak, because having been captured by Irish raiders when he was sixteen, he had missed out on the crucial years of education. Evidently Latin was not an everyday means of expression even in his well-to-do family.

但无论这里可能发现了一丝真相，我们对书面记录的依赖扭曲了我们对英国人必须继续扮演的角色的认识。这种没有书面的英国人是相当令人惊讶的，并且没有得到解释。高卢语经常在欧洲大陆上被记录下来，但英国人显然不是：在英国，只有两处罗马时期的铭文是用拉丁语以外的其他语言发现的。它们是巴斯水域锡/铅板上的两个铭文，似乎在凯尔特语中，但根本无法辨认。⁴²

But whatever the glimmer of truth that may have been detected here, our reliance on written records distorts our sense of the role that must have gone on being played by British. This absence of written British is quite surprising, and has not been explained. Gaulish was often written down on the Continent, but British was evidently not: in Britain, only two inscriptions from the Roman period in a language other than Latin have ever been discovered. They are two of the inscriptions on tin/lead sheet from the waters of Bath, and seem to be in something like Celtic, but are not decipherable at all.⁴²

拉丁语在罗马征服后作为学习语言继续存在：在不列颠和其他地方一样，直到文艺复兴和 16 至 18 世纪的启蒙运动逐渐使欧洲方言的使用被接受用于严肃的事实写作之前，它基本上没有受到挑战。但不知何故，在五世纪的某个时候，在罗马人从英国撤军到撒克逊人征服英格兰之间，它作为英国人民的一种语言消失了。

Latin persisted after the Roman conquest as the language of learning: in Britain, as elsewhere, essentially unchallenged until the Renaissance and the Enlightenment of the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries gradually made the use of European vernaculars acceptable for serious factual writing. But somehow, some time in the fifth century, between the Roman withdrawal from Britain and the Saxon conquest of England, it got lost as a language of the British people.

没有必要像某些人那样满足于无法解释的原因，例如在此期间可以看到的普遍撤退，从城市撤退，这可以通过渡槽等发达服务的破败来证明，以及部分在东方入侵之前整个帝国的衰落。这可能确实发生了，并且可能削弱了英国最有可能使用拉丁语的地区。但它并没有区分高卢和英国的情况：我们仍然需要解释为什么只有在英国，拉丁语仍然是城市的语言，让英国人在该国强大，而拉丁语则传播到了土地的每一个角落在高卢的大部分地区。

There is no point in contenting ourselves, as some have, with non-explanations, such as a general retreat, visible in the period, from the cities, something that is evidenced by a run-down in developed services such as aqueducts, and part of the decline of the empire as a whole before the incursions from the east. This may indeed have happened, and may have weakened the areas in Britain where Latin was most likely to be used. But it does not discriminate between the situation in Gaul and that in Britain: we would still need to explain why only in Britain did Latin remain a language of the cities, leaving British strong in the country, whereas Latin spread to every corner of the land in most of Gaul.

当我们考虑英国本身的情况时，我们将回到这一点，在现在英国的大部分地区。但无论结果多么弱的英国人与英语竞争，必须记住，英国人在这个岛上比拉丁语活得更久，即使它从未被视为一种值得写下来的语言。在 400 年代初期，最后一批罗马驻军从英国撤离以保卫意大利后，没有任何罗曼语在英国拥有自己的生命。

We shall return to this when we consider what became of British itself, over most of what is now England. But however weak British turned out to be in competition with English, it must be remembered that British had outlived Latin in this island, even if it had never been seen as a language worth writing down. There is no trace of any Romance language assuming a life of its own in Britain after the departure of the last Roman garrisons from Britain to defend Italy in the early 400s.

Einfall：日耳曼和斯拉夫的进步

Einfall: Germanic and Slavic advances

einfallen: (a) 倒塌，塌陷；(b) in ein Land ~ 入侵（一个国家）；(c) (夜) 坠落， (冬天) 进入；(d) (光束)入射；(e) （猎鸟）进来，安顿下来；(f) 加入，进来（在一段音乐中），闯入（谈话）；(g) （思想）发生在某人身上……

einfallen: (a) to collapse, to cave in; (b) in ein Land ~ to invade (a country); (c) (night) to fall, (winter) to set in; (d) (beams of light) to be incident; (e) (game birds) to come in, settle; (f) to join in, come in (on a piece of music), break in (to a conversation); (g) (thought) occur to somebody…

柯林斯德语词典

Collins German Dictionary

einfallen:... 拉丁语incidere 的借译。

einfallen:… loan translation of Latin incidere.

Reklams Etymologisches Wörterbuch von Lutz Mackensen

日耳曼人的入侵——不可抗拒且无效

The Germanic invasions—irresistible and ineffectual

罗马对不列颠的占领，在它到来之时，是决定性而突然的。西哥特人的领袖阿拉里克威胁要入侵意大利。401 年，身为破坏者但帝国总司令的斯蒂利科将驻军从英国撤出，以加强帝国的心脏地带。这使得英国本身对日耳曼人沿着其面向欧洲的“撒克逊海岸”不断增加的入侵毫无防备。410年，英国人向皇帝发出请求增援：他的答复是命令他们自卫；他有点超现实地补充说，当地军队的集结不会被视为对罗马的敌意。那是他们最后一次听到。在一代人的时间里，英国没有一个省份可以保卫。撒克逊人来了。

The end to the Roman occupation of Britain, when it came, was determinate and sudden. Alaric, leader of the Visigoths, was threatening to invade Italy. In 401 Stilicho, himself a Vandal but the empire’s commander-in-chief, withdrew the garrison from Britain to reinforce the empire’s heartland. This left Britain itself defenceless against the steadily increasing incursions of Germani along its ‘Saxon shore’, the coast facing Europe. In 410 the Britons sent an appeal to the emperor for reinforcement: his reply was to order them to look to their own defence; somewhat surreally he added that the raising of local forces would not be taken as hostility to Rome. That was the last they heard. Within a generation, there was no British province to defend. The Saxons had come to stay.

西罗马帝国的终结很快就到来了。406 年 12 月 31 日，冰冻的莱茵河发生了大规模穿越：来自莱茵河东侧的 Suebi，以及最初来自更远东的汪达尔人，以及被驱逐出庞蒂克草原的阿兰人（根本不是说德语，而是伊朗人）由匈奴人），然后横穿高卢进入西班牙。汪达尔人继续前进，越过直布罗陀海峡（当时仍被称为大力神之柱），并于 439 年在北非的迦太基建立（他们在那里建立了海军并成为地中海的新势力）。

The end of the Roman empire in the west was soon to follow. On 31 December 406 there had been a mass crossing of the frozen Rhine: Suebi from the east side of the Rhine, together with Vandals originally from farther east, and Alans (not German speakers at all, but Iranians, driven out of the Pontic steppes by the Huns), then cut a swath across Gaul and entered Spain. The Vandals kept going, crossed the Strait of Gibraltar (then still known as the Pillars of Hercules), and by 439 were established at Carthage in North Africa (where they built a navy and became the new power in the Mediterranean).

阿拉里克于 410 年成功进入罗马（尽管政府中心已迁至拉文纳），并犯下了洗劫罗马的终极恐怖，但不久就去世了。西哥特人随后继续推进，将他们带到法国南部并进入伊比利亚，将之前的苏埃比人、阿兰人和汪达尔人压缩到其角落。他们在那里建立了一个持续 250 年的新王国，首先从图卢兹统治，然后是托莱多。^*最终，在 711 年，他们的统治被欧洲全新的事物——穆斯林（讲阿拉伯语）从南方入侵而终止。

Alaric had succeeded in entering Rome in 410 (although the centre of government had moved to Ravenna), and committed the ultimate horror of sacking it, but died shortly after. The Visigoths then continued an advance that took them across southern France and into Iberia, constricting into its corners the preceding Suebi, Alans and Vandals. There they founded a new kingdom that lasted 250 years, ruling first from Toulouse, and later Toledo.^* Ultimately, in 711, their reign was terminated by something completely new for Europe, a Muslim (Arabic-speaking) invasion from the south.

但在东方，阿拉里克之后的一代人目睹了从 435 年到 453 年讲突厥语的匈奴国王阿提拉将匈奴人的领地西移至整个德国。† 他在 451 年被高卢挡住，当他他死后不久，他的帝国解体为西部的日耳曼部落和东部的斯拉夫地区，匈奴人仅在黑海附近占主导地位。

But back in the east, the generation following Alaric had seen Attila, king of the Turkic-speaking Huns from 435 to 453, bring the Hunnish domain west to include all of Germany.† He was held off from Gaul in 451, and when he died soon after, his empire disintegrated into a mosaic of German tribes in the west, and a Slav area in the east, with the Huns dominant only back round the Black Sea.

到 476 年，罗马的政治中心已经沦陷，最后一位皇帝，少年罗穆卢斯·奥古斯都被奥多亚瑟人道地废黜，奥多亚瑟曾经是阿提拉的德语追随者，但最近成为了帝国自己的指挥官之一。不同的日耳曼部落随后以令人眼花缭乱的速度在旧帝国的尸体上蔓延和定居。五十年内，法兰克人（他们在现代比利时地区定居了两百年，甚至被帝国用作边境巡逻队）控制了高卢的大部分地区，从北方蔓延，勃艮第人控制着一个大，但在减少，在南部地区。东哥特人很快被同样的日耳曼伦巴第人取代，占领了意大利、高卢西南部和亚得里亚海东部海岸的达尔马提亚。此后，欧洲西部开始安定下来。

By 476 the political centre of Rome had fallen, and the last emperor, the juvenile Romulus Augustulus, had been humanely deposed by Odoacer, who had once been a German-speaking follower of Attila, but most recently one of the empire’s own commanders. Different tribes of Germani then spread and settled with bewildering speed across the corpse of the old empire. Within fifty years, the Franks (who for two hundred years had been settled in the area of modern Belgium, even employed by the empire as border patrols) had assumed control of most of Gaul, spreading from the north, with the Burgundians holding a large, but diminishing, area in the south. The Ostrogoths, soon to be displaced by the equally Germanic Lombards, held Italy, the south-west of Gaul and Dalmatia on the eastern Adriatic coast. After this the west of Europe began to settle down; but the east of Europe had yet to undergo incursions in turn from Avars (from 550) and Bulgars swiftly followed by Khazars (from 650) and Magyars (from 750).§

令人惊讶的是，这场在欧洲西部持续了 150 年的政治和人口动荡对语言的影响微乎其微。当然，在 400 年到 850 年之间，乌拉尔以西的乌拉尔西部肯定已经听到过多种新语言，即使是短暂的。但在易北河以西，与 50 年左右凯撒征服高卢所带来的基本情况相比，可能几乎没有什么变化。公元前，除了日耳曼语、撒克逊语、德语和哥特语的消失的回声，它们迅速穿过高卢的中部平原，在更远的南部和西部消失了。

Amazingly, the linguistic effects of this political and demographic turmoil, which lasted 150 years in the west of Europe, were slight. Certainly a polyphony of new languages must have been heard, if briefly, west of the Urals between 400 and 850. But west of the Elbe there can have been precious little change from the state of affairs essentially brought about by Caesar’s conquest of Gaul around 50 BC, other than the vanishing echoes of Germanic languages, Saxon, German and Gothic, as they passed rapidly across the central plains of Gaul and out of hearing in the farther reaches to the south and west.

^*他们的优势在于与巴斯克人的无休止斗争：每个国王都让骄傲但显然空虚的人在他的史册中吹嘘“domuit Vascones - 他驯服了巴斯克人”。

^* Their ascendancy was notable for unending struggle against the Basques: each king making the proud, but apparently empty, boast in his annals ’domuit Vascones–he tamed the Basques’.

† 奇怪的是，Attila实际上是他在哥特语中的昵称，意思是“爸爸”。

† Strangely, Attila is really his nickname in Gothic, and means ‘Dad’.

§ 其中，只有马扎尔人说的语言是清楚的：它是匈牙利语，与西伯利亚北部的乌拉尔语有关。至于其他人，阿瓦尔语可能是蒙古语、保加利亚语和可萨突厥语。古阿瓦尔语似乎与现在所称的阿瓦尔语不同，后者是高加索东北部的一种语言，在达吉斯坦和阿塞拜疆使用，与突厥语完全无关。直到今天，保加利亚人仍可能在西伯利亚分散的地方生存，被称为楚瓦什人。（这个名字与Tabgach相同，这是一个以 4 世纪征服中国北方而闻名的民族。）（见第 4 章，“从黄河到长江的语言”，第 140 页。）里海到基辅一个世纪（c.650-750），并且主要以他们在 861 年选择大规模皈依犹太教而闻名。今天的卡莱姆人是他们的后裔。另一个突厥团体，金帐汗国的鞑靼人，在十三世纪迁徙过来。

§ Of these, only the language spoken by the Magyars is clear: it was Hungarian, related to the Uralian languages of northern Siberia. As for the others, Avar was probably a Mongol and Bulgar and Khazar Turkic languages. Old Avar does not seem to have been the same as what is now known as Avar, which is a language of the north-east Caucasus, spoken in Daghestan and Azerbaijan, and quite unrelated to Turkic. Bulgar may survive in scattered pockets across Siberia to this day, known as Chuvash. (This name is identical with Tabgach, the name of a people famous for their fourth-century conquest of northern China.) (See Chapter 4, ‘Language from Huang-he to Yangtze’, p. 140.) The Khazars ruled from the Caspian Sea to Kiev for a century (c.650-750), and are chiefly famous for their choice of mass conversion to Judaism in 861. Today’s Karaim are their descendants. Another Turkic group, the Tatars of the Golden Horde, moved across in the thirteenth century.

当奔腾的马蹄尘土散去，有盖马车的吱吱声消失了，中世纪欧洲新近自封的皇室宫殿上的镀金已经干涸，语言界限变得异常熟悉。日耳曼人的边缘可能在帝国的边界仍然被保卫的很长一段时间内向西滑动了一点，尤其是因为邻近的德国人越来越多地被邀请穿过它，作为foederati，“条约人民”，或laeti，“快乐的人”，为了罗马社会的利益，在军队或土地上服役。但是，日耳曼语和浪漫语之间的界限仍然是从莱茵河口的西端向东南方向划定的。高卢部分地区在德国统治下的反复沦陷，并最终在法兰克人的统治下稳固地定居，并没有将其翻译或进一步旋转。

When the dust from galloping hoofs had cleared, the creak of covered wagons had died away, and the gilt had dried on the palaces of the newly self-appointed royal families of medieval Europe, language boundaries were eerily familiar. The edge of Germanic had possibly slipped a little to the west during the long period when the empire’s borders had still been defended, not least because neighbouring Germans had increasingly been invited across it, as foederati, ‘treaty people’, or laeti, ‘joyous ones’, to serve in the army, or on the land, for the benefit of Roman society. But the line between Germanic and Romance was still drawn from the western end of the mouths of the Rhine in a south-eastward direction. And the repeated falling of parts of Gaul under German domination, and ultimately being firmly settled under the Franks, did not serve to translate it or rotate it further.

法兰克人统治未能取代高卢语言的失败与其他新的德意志王国相似。在东哥特人和伦巴第人统治下的意大利，在汪达尔人、苏埃比人、阿兰人和西哥特人的继承统治下的伊比利亚，在汪达尔人统治下的北非沿海地区，罗马帝国建立的语言仍然存在。^*尽管西哥特人统治了西班牙 250 年，但人们甚至无法发现从这一时期借入西班牙语的大量哥特语单词。西班牙历史语言学家 Menéndez Pidal 写道：

The failure of Frankish domination to replace the language of Gaul was paralleled in the other new German kingdoms. In Italy under the Ostrogoths and Lombards, in Iberia under a succession of Vandals, Suebi, Alans and Visigoths, in coastal North Africa under the Vandals, the language established under the Roman empire persisted.^* Despite the fact that the Visigoths ruled Spain for 250 years, one cannot even detect a significant number of Gothic words borrowed into Spanish from this period. Menéndez Pidal, the Spanish historical linguist, writes:

看来，西班牙的日耳曼元素一般而言并非如预期的那样源自半岛的西哥特人统治：入侵者的数量相对较少，影响很大；此外，西哥特人在到达西班牙之前已经与罗马人密切接触了两个世纪，罗马人现在是盟友，现在是敌人，在达契亚、莫西亚、意大利本身和高卢，并且深深地渗透着罗马文化。⁴³

It appears that the Germanic elements in Spanish do not proceed, in general, from the Visigoth domination of the peninsula, as might have been expected: the number of invaders was relatively slight to have much influence; moreover, the Visigoths, before reaching Spain had lived for two centuries in intimate contact with the Romans, now as allies now as enemies, in Dacia, Moesia, in Italy itself and in Gaul, and were very much permeated with Roman culture.⁴³

^*拉丁人在北非过着迷人的生活，在汪达尔人的统治下度过了一个世纪（428-533），然后由从君士坦丁堡复兴的罗马帝国控制，直到 696 年。最著名的居民圣奥古斯丁（354-430）的职业生涯，河马的主教，在讲拉丁语的环境之外是不可想象的。他在他的一些布道中发表的言论提供了证据，证明与迦太基的古老语言布匿语的双语可能一直持续到四世纪（Sznycer 1996）。显然，普通人继续说柏柏尔语（直到今天）。但是，八世纪阿拉伯人的接管，在柏柏尔语腹地皈依伊斯兰教的支持下，在改变该地区的工作语言方面的影响力将比汪达尔人（甚至可能是罗马人，

^* Latin bore a charmed life in North Africa, for a century (428-533) under the Vandals, and then controlled by the Roman empire resurgent from Constantinople until 696. The career of the most famous resident, St Augustine (354-430), bishop of Hippo, would have been unthinkable outside a Latin-speaking milieu. Remarks he makes in some of his sermons provide evidence that bilingualism with Punic, the old language of Carthage, may have persisted until the fourth century (Sznycer 1996). Evidently the common people continued to speak Berber (as they do to this day). But the Arab takeover in the eighth century, backed up by the conversion to Islam of the Berber-speaking hinterland, would be much more quickly influential in changing the region’s working language than the Vandals had been (or perhaps even the Romans, in the 750 years since the destruction of the independent Carthage).

我们的解释必须是事后的。毫无疑问，大多数前进的德国人会与男人作战，毫无疑问，他们会从他们最终定居的人群中带走新娘。远离德国的新家中的语言将由当地母亲和她的家人设定。但同样的说法也适用于 500 年前的罗马入侵者高卢，或者甚至是千年后西班牙征服后的墨西哥和秘鲁。然而，征服者的语言毫无疑问地通过它为成为新经济秩序的一部分提供的机会传播开来，很快就开始胜出。显然，征服者在这里除了将旧秩序置于新的管理之下之外别无其他愿望。但是在击败了它的捍卫者之后，他们最终依靠受害者来提供他们所寻求的生活。^*

Our explanations have to be post hoc. No doubt the majority of advancing Germans would have been fighting men, and no doubt they would have taken brides from the populations among whom they eventually settled. The language in the new homes, so far from Germany, would have been set by the local mother and her family. But the same could have been said about the Roman invaders of Gaul five hundred years before, or indeed Mexico and Peru after the Spanish conquests a millennium later. Yet there, the conquerors’ language, spreading no doubt through the opportunities it gave to be part of the new economic order, soon began to win out. Here, apparently, the conquerors had no wish other than to put the old order under new management. But after beating its defenders, they ultimately depended on their victims to provide the life they sought. It is a tale more familiar in China than anything in the history of the West.^*

从那时起，口语拉丁语被称为 Romance，表明新兴的通俗拉丁方言现在可以自由地相互独立发展（尽管在法语的前身中幸存下来的第一个白话文件只能追溯到 842 年）。†艾伦的入侵标志着帝国民防的最终彻底失败。随之而来的社会错位的影响之一是教育机会的崩溃。事实上，有证据表明，自上个世纪的动荡以来，各地的文盲率一直在增长。保存下来的铭文数量在三世纪中叶下降，在意大利严重下降，在上莫西亚（现代波斯尼亚）等边境地区急剧下降，大约在 400 年左右消失。⁴⁴奥古斯丁于 5 世纪初在北非写作，将一个能阅读的奴隶的故事描述为一个奇迹。⁴⁵在六世纪中叶，阿雷拉特的凯撒留斯（阿尔勒，马赛附近）认识到，不仅rūsticī，甚至negōtiātōres（商人和商人）也可能无法阅读。⁴⁶如果没有广泛的教育，对古典拉丁语规范的认识将不再成为口头传播的障碍。

Spoken Latin is from this point on called Romance, signalling that the emerging dialects of Vulgar Latin were now free to develop independently of one another (although the first vernacular document that survives in a precursor of French dates only from 842).† The German and Alan invasions marked the final, total failure of the empire’s civil defence. One of the effects of the social dislocation that came in its train would have been a breakdown in the availability of education. In fact, there is evidence that illiteracy had been growing everywhere since the instability of the preceding century. Numbers of preserved inscriptions decline in the mid-third century, severely in Italy, drastically in a border region such as Upper Moesia (modern Bosnia), dying out everywhere around 400.⁴⁴ Augustine, writing in North Africa in the early fifth century, recounts as a miracle the story of a slave who could read.⁴⁵ In the middle of the sixth century, Caesarius of Arelate (Arles, near Marseilles) recognises that not only rūsticī but even negōtiātōres (merchants and businessmen) may be unable to read.⁴⁶ Without widespread education, consciousness of the norms of classical Latin would no longer act as a brake on oral transmission.

除了学术传统和记忆力的削弱之外，另外两种力量将助长拉丁语作为单一语言的分裂。一个是，在整个拉丁语范围内，拉丁语的使用者都处于有影响力的位置，但他们的父母长大后会说其他东西，通常是日耳曼语。另一个源于中央集权制度的崩溃和封建社会的兴起：个人和家庭更多地被组织成个人等级，从国王和他的贵族支持者到小农和他的农奴，每个环节都受到个人的约束。忠诚的敬意。这意味着地方变得更加内向：人们越来越多地呆在原地，只与邻居联系；结果是罗马语音更快地分离为地方方言和语言。

Besides the weakening of scholarly tradition and memory, two other forces will have fostered the break-up of Latin as a single language. One is that, all over its range, Latin had speakers who were in positions of influence but whose parents had grown up speaking something else, most often a Germanic language. The other stemmed from the breakdown of the centralised systematic administration, and the rise of feudal society: individuals and families were organised much more into personal hierarchies, from the king and his baronial supporters down to the smallholder and his serfs, each link bound by personal loyalties of homage. This meant that localities became more inward: increasingly, people stayed put, in contact only with their neighbours; and the result was a faster separation of Roman speech into local dialects and languages.

^*最新的例子是满族，他们从 1644 年到 1911 年统治中国，但完全被他们的臣民所吸收。他们的语言现在处于灭绝的边缘。（见第 4 章，“从黄河到长江的语言”，第 143 页。）

^* Just the latest example is the Manchu, who ruled China from 1644 to 1911, but were totally absorbed by their subject population. Their language is now on the edge of extinction. (See Chapter 4, ‘Language from Huang-he to Yangtze’, p. 143.)

† “斯特拉斯堡誓言”，德国人路德维希和秃头查尔斯之间的条约。具有讽刺意味的是，它只是在法国、德国和意大利大部分地区恢复单一政府之后才出现的。（见第 8 章，第 317 页。）

† The ‘Strasburg Oaths’, a treaty between Ludwig the German and Charles the Bald. Ironically, it comes only after the restoration of a single government across most of France, German and Italy. (See Chapter 8, p. 317.)

巴尔干半岛的斯拉夫黎明

Slavonic dawn in the Balkans

但是，如果从语言的角度来看，德国人向西的Völkerwanderung的净影响为零，那么他们从东方入侵的同胞斯拉夫人（塔西佗的Veneti）的运气要好得多。5 世纪中叶，匈奴人汹涌而过，然后撤退到黑海，留下威尼蒂人及其亲属永久迁入东部平原（pol ^y e) 被汪达尔人和伦巴第人等撤离的波兰。东罗马帝国或多或少成功地抵抗了随后的阿瓦尔人和保加利亚人的涌入。但他们不仅将剩余的日耳曼人（Gepids、Ostrogoths 和 Lombards）赶出更偏南的地区，即喀尔巴阡山脉和巴尔干半岛；他们还用于掩护斯拉夫人向南的推进。公元六世纪，斯拉夫人占领了从亚得里亚海沿岸的阿奎莱亚到君士坦丁堡的主干道，这条道路将帝国的这一部分单独留在东方，与讲拉丁语的意大利紧密相连。通过这种方式，他们最终进入了罗马帝国的巴尔干领土，包括——正如我们所见（见第 6 章，“衰落的暗示”，第 261 页）——希腊本身。在文明世界的传统中心，它们将被居民传播和吸收；但在更北的地方，它们的相对数量要大得多。到了 7 世纪，斯拉夫人已经在语言上占据了东欧大部分地区，直到今天。^*

But if, from the language point of view, the net effect of the Germans’ westward Völkerwanderung was nil, their fellow victims of incursion from the east, the Slavs (Tacitus’s Veneti), had far better luck. In the mid-fifth century, the Huns surged through and past them, then withdrew to the Black Sea, leaving the Veneti and their kin to move permanently into the eastern plains (pol^ye) of Poland vacated by the Vandals and Lombards, among others. The following surges of Avars and Bulgars were more or less successfully resisted by the eastern Roman empire. But they served not only to flush the remaining Germans (Gepids, Ostrogoths and Lombards) out of the more southerly areas, the Carpathians and the Balkans; they also served to cover the Slavs’ push southward. In the sixth century, the Slavs took possession of the arterial route from Aquileia on the Adriatic to Constantinople, a road that had kept this part of the empire, alone in the east, strongly linked to Latin-speaking Italy. In this way they finally moved into the Balkan territories of the Roman empire, including—as we have seen (see Chapter 6, ‘Intimations of decline’, p. 261 )—Greece itself. In that traditional centre of the civilised world they were to be diffused and assimilated by the residents; but farther north, their relative numbers were far more overwhelming. By the seventh century the Slavs had been left in linguistic possession of most of eastern Europe, where they are to this day.^*

问题自然产生：为什么斯拉夫征服者的语言得以确立，而德国人的语言却基本消失了？但没有明显的答案。拉丁语至少作为罗马尼亚语幸存下来。这可能表明，就像在西欧一样，斯拉夫入侵者在他们面临更有组织的文化的地区放弃了他们的语言。但地理位置几乎不适合。达尔马提亚和默西亚（前南斯拉夫和保加利亚）是罗马的长期行省，自从图拉真在公元 106-7 年征服了整个巴尔干地区以来就没有受到挑战；达契亚（现代罗马尼亚）在 271 年因战略原因被遗弃，当时讲日耳曼语的 Gepids 和西哥特人接管了。确实，达契亚最初是由图拉真殖民者大量定居的。⁴⁷直到 20 世纪初，在达尔马提亚海岸上下游都有幸存的讲罗曼语的人（希腊语称为Rhômšnoi ）。但这种解释似乎是说拉丁语的人口在接下来的几个世纪里从莫西亚向北迁移到达契亚。Bláxoi hodîtai，“Vlach 游牧民族”，直到 11 世纪，一直是帝国北部进军的一道风景线。⁴⁸

The question naturally arises: why did the Slavic conquerors’ language establish itself, while that of the Germans largely disappeared? But there is no evident answer. Latin survived as Romanian at least; and this might suggest that, as in western Europe, the Slavic invaders had abandoned their language in an area where they were confronted with a more organised culture. But the geography hardly fits. It was Dalmatia and Moesia (former Yugoslavia, and Bulgaria) that were long-term Roman provinces, unchallenged since Trajan had conquered the whole area of the Balkans in AD 106-7; Dacia (modern Romania) had been abandoned for strategic reasons in 271, when Germanic-speaking Gepids and Visigoths had taken over. It is true that Dacia had at first been heavily settled with colonists by Trajan.⁴⁷ And there were surviving Romance speakers (known to the Greeks as Rhômšnoi) up and down the Dalmatian coast until the beginning of the twentieth century. But the explanation seems to be that the Latin-speaking population drifted northward from Moesia into Dacia over the next few centuries; Bláxoi hodîtai, ‘Vlach nomads’, were a feature of the scenery on the northern marches of the empire up until the eleventh century.⁴⁸

^*他们在 10 世纪最后例外地承认了马扎尔人，在斯拉夫中欧中部创造了匈牙利人的口袋。

^* They made a late exception to admit the Magyars in the tenth century, creating the Hungarian pocket in the midst of Slavic central Europe.

无论中间的历史如何，巴尔干地区的罗马文化，总是某种前哨，似乎还没有强大到足以在新的斯拉夫主人的统治下复兴。

Whatever the intervening history, the Roman culture of the Balkan area, always something of an outpost, does not seem to have been strong enough ever to revive under the new Slavic masters.

逆境：英语的出现

Against the odds: The advent of English

也许在罗马帝国的另一端也发生了类似的事情，因为在这一时期面对入侵，英国也失去了拉丁语。它也失去了英国。这一语言替代事件，也是英语的起源，在当时是空前的，也是日耳曼征服者唯一一次能够保留自己的语言。

Perhaps something similar happened at the opposite end of the Roman dominions, for Britain too lost its Latin in the face of invasions in this period. It also lost its British. This event of language replacement, which is also the origin of the English language, was unparalleled in its age—the one and only time that Germanic conquerors were able to hold on to their own language.

从表面上看，英国的命运应该与高卢或伊比利亚，甚至意大利的命运一样。来自欧洲西北海岸的日耳曼入侵者在公元五世纪进入了罗马帝国的一个摇摇欲坠的省份，并且从未回家。根据西欧的经验，这应该会导致几个世纪的动荡，然后才能建立一个或多或少稳定的王国或（未能统一）一系列国家，最终会说一些新的拉丁语变体. 事实上，发生的事情是入侵者的逐渐推进和定居（我们可能过于简单地称他们为“撒克逊人” ^*），从东南到西北，这个过程可以说从未完成，但至少在六世纪末覆盖了直到奔宁山脉和达特穆尔的低地地区，以及现代英格兰和苏格兰东南部的大部分地区第七节结束。逐渐地，在同一时期，区域王国的数量减少到三个，诺森比亚、麦西亚和威塞克斯。

Prima facie, the fate of Britain should have been just like that of Gaul or Iberia, or indeed Italy. Germanic invaders, in this case from the north-western coast of Europe, entered a reeling province of the Roman empire in the fifth century AD, and never went home. In light of the experience of western Europe, this should have resulted in a few centuries of turmoil before the establishment of a more or less stable kingdom or (failing unification) an array of states, which would have ended up speaking some new variant of Latin. In fact what happened was a gradual advance and settlement of the invaders (whom we may term oversimply ‘Saxons’^*), from the south-east towards the north-west, a process arguably never completed but at least covering the lowland areas up to the Pennines and Dartmoor by the end of the sixth century, and most of modern England and south-eastern Scotland by the end of the seventh. Gradually, over the same period, the number of regional kingdoms reduced to three, Northumbria, Mercia and Wessex.

从语言上讲，中间阶段是模糊的，但拉丁语作为一种流行语言的胜利，类似于在大陆上总是发生的事情，甚至看起来都不可能。撒克逊人从来没有接管英国社会的感觉。更像是外星入侵者逐步建立桥头堡，然后向外扩散，按照自己的方式建立新秩序的经典故事，就像欧洲帝国主义在美洲。没有那个时期的英国记录，但留下拉丁文的记录（特别是 Gildas 的De Excidio Britonum，'The Ruin of the British'，c .540，以及 Nennius 的Excerpta汇编直到c.800）描绘了撒克逊人作为驱逐舰的敌对画面。西撒克逊人从 9 世纪开始就用他们自己的语言识字（这本身就是对日耳曼入侵者的好奇心），后来的北欧人。两者都不太注意他们的英国前辈。

Linguistically, the intermediate stages are obscure, but the triumph of Latin as a popular language, analogously to what always happened on the Continent, never even looked possible. There is never any sense of a takeover of British society by Saxons; it is more the classic story of alien invaders gradually establishing a bridgehead, then spreading out, and building a new order on their own terms, like European imperialists in the Americas. There are no records in British of the period, but the records left in Latin (notably Gildas’s De Excidio Britonum, ‘The Ruin of the British’, c.540, and Nennius’s compilation of Excerpta up to c.800) paint a hostile picture of the Saxons as destroyers. West Saxons were literate from the ninth century in their own language (itself a curiosity for Germanic invaders), the Norsemen from a little later. Neither pay much heed to their British predecessors.

这怎么可能？毕竟，不列颠人和高卢人一样，是四百年罗马文明的继承者，他们的军事实力是臭名昭著的。事实上，在过去的 50 年里，来自不列颠的掌权者（388 年的马克西姆斯，407 年的君士坦丁）曾两次成功率领军队进入欧洲大陆。鉴于主要部队已经撤退到意大利，让撒克逊人成为他们的桥头堡，在英国人之后的几代人中，他们应该仍然拥有深入的专业知识，可以在他们仍然控制的 90% 的国家重新集结，或者赶回或强迫与收入者妥协。

How could this be? The Britons, after all, were heirs to four hundred years of Roman civilisation, just like the Gauls, and were if anything notorious for their military prowess; indeed, potentates from Britain (Maximus in 388, Constantine in 407) had twice led successful forces on to the Continent in the previous fifty years. Granted that the major forces had already been withdrawn to Italy, allowing the Saxons to make their bridgehead, in the generations that followed the Britons should still have had expertise in depth to regroup in the 90 per cent of the country they still controlled, and either drive back, or force a compromise with, the incomers.

^*实际上，关于这些入侵者是谁的来源存在隐含争议。显然他们说的是低地德语方言，但吉尔达斯（凯尔特人，写作于 550 年之前）称他们为撒克逊人（或者更准确地说是Saxones ferocissimi illi nefandi nominis Saxones deo hominibusque invisi，“那些凶恶的撒克逊人，他们的名字无法形容，对上帝和人都充满仇恨” , xxiii.l)，而普罗科皮乌斯（一个希腊语——较少个人参与——也在 550 年前写作，并且可能在法兰克人前往拜占庭的任务中使用了来自安格列斯的信息）说他们是安格列人和弗里斯兰人（哥特战争，iv.20）。在他于 731 年出版的历史中，尊者比德称他们为盎格鲁人、撒克逊人和朱特人（i. 15）。撒克逊人和法兰克人（以他们最喜欢的武器命名，海克斯或刀和弗兰卡或标枪）不属于塔西佗所知道的部落，但他们会住在他分别在威悉河和莱茵河河口放置乔西和通格里的地方。

^* There is actually an implicit dispute in the sources on who these invaders were. Evidently they were speakers of a Low German dialect, but Gildas ( a Celt, writing before 550) calls them Saxons ( or more exactly Saxones ferocissimi illi nefandi nominis Saxones deo hominibusque invisi, ‘those ferocious Saxons of unspeakable name hateful to God and men’, xxiii.l), while Procopius (a Greek—less personally involved—writing also before 550, and probably using information from Angles on a Frankish mission to Byzantium) says they were Angles and Frisians (Gothic War, iv.20). It is the Venerable Bede, in his history published in 731, who calls them Angles, Saxons and Jutes ( i. 15 ). The Saxons and Franks (named for their favourite weapons, the seax or knife and the franca or javelin) were not among the tribes known to Tacitus, but would have lived where he places the Chauci and the Tungri, at the mouths of the Weser and Rhine respectively.

取而代之的是，我们看到了稳定的后退，以及英语在全国范围内的广泛传播，混合了安格、撒克逊、弗里斯兰语，也许还有低地德语的尤特语变体。事实上，与日耳曼语传播的唯一相似之处是日耳曼入侵者在北海岛屿和冰岛遇到处女地时发生的事情。维京人的语言——古诺尔斯语当然在那里传播开来，因为它没有竞争对手。城市化低地的英国人会莫名其妙地消失吗？无需再解释这些日耳曼语在英国的完全消失，尤其是英语。

Instead we see a steady fall-back, and the unmixed spread across the country of English, a mixture of Angle, Saxon, Frisian and perhaps Jutish varieties of Low German. The only parallel, in fact, to this spread of a Germanic language is what happened when the Germanic invaders encountered virgin territory, in the islands of the North Sea and in Iceland. There of course the Vikings’ language, Old Norse, spread, because it had no competition. Could the Britons of the urbanised lowlands somehow have just melted away? Nothing less is needed to explain the complete walkover within Britain of those Germanic languages, and above all of English.

David Keys 最近的一项理论说他们可能有。⁴⁹六世纪中叶（接近 550 年）是鼠疫从地中海沿贸易路线进入英国的时期。值得注意的是，它所击中的将是英国（岛屿的西部和中心），而不是英格兰（东南部），因为只有英国与帝国保持着贸易联系。而且它不太可能传播到撒克逊人，因为他们没有与英国人结盟，而且居住在已建立的罗马城镇之外，可能生活密度较低。根据阿尔斯特年鉴，它几乎与袭击爱尔兰的mortālitās magna同时发生，摧毁了贵族（毫无疑问，所有其他阶级）。根据坎布里亚年鉴，威尔士格温内德的国王 Maelgwn 也在 547 或 549 年死于瘟疫。对这种可怕疾病及其造成的人口减少的民间记忆将留在荒地的亚瑟王传说中，将饥荒与军事失败相结合，以及腹股沟区域（国王）的神秘伤口 - 这是人类的特征之一鼠疫。

A recent theory, from David Keys, says that they may have.⁴⁹ The mid-sixth century (close to 550) was the time when bubonic plague entered Britain, along trade routes from the Mediterranean. Significantly, it would have been Britain (the west and centre of the island) which it hit, rather than England (the south-east), because only Britain maintained trade links with the empire. And it would be less likely to spread to the Saxons since they did not consort with Britons and, living outside the established Roman towns and cities, may have lived at a lower density. It would have been virtually simultaneous with the mortālitās magna that hit Ireland, according to the Annals of Ulster, devastating the aristocracy (and no doubt every other class). Maelgwn, king of Gwynedd in Wales, also died of plague in 547 or 549, according to the Annales Cambriae. A folk memory of this dreadful disease, and the depopulation it caused, would remain in the Arthurian legend of the Waste Land, combining famine with military defeat, and a mysterious wound (to the king) in the groin area—one of the characteristics of bubonic plague.

甚至有一点基因证据也惊人地证明了这一点。最近的一项研究比较了从安格尔西到弗里斯兰的一条线样本中的 Y 染色体 DNA 模式，发现威尔士人到今天与英格兰中部的人明显不同，但英国和弗里斯兰人的样本非常相似，以至于他们指出 50-100%（男性）人口的共同起源；这可能是来自弗里斯兰的大规模移民造成的。⁵⁰通常假设该岛的罗马时期人口已达到 3 至 400 万，除了流行病之外，似乎几乎不可能有任何事情将英国人从英格兰中部的祖先中消灭。

There is even a little genetic evidence that strikingly bears this out. Comparing the pattern of Y-chromosome DNA from samples in a line across from Anglesey to Friesland, a recent study found that the Welshmen were to this day clearly distinct from those in central England, but that the English and Frisian samples were so similar that they pointed to a common origin of 50-100 per cent of the (male) population; this could have resulted from a mass migration from Friesland.⁵⁰ On the usual assumption that the Roman-period population of the island had reached 3 to 4 million, it seems hardly possible that anything other than an epidemic could have so eliminated the Britons from the ancestry of central England.

所以英语取代了。岛上的东部和中部地区并没有长久独占：在 8 世纪后期，一股新的力量进入了这个系统，一群新的日耳曼入侵者，北欧人或维京人，来自斯堪的纳维亚半岛。他们从沿海袭击发展到在苏格兰西部和诺森比亚东部定居，再到通过条约与撒克逊人瓜分该岛（约0.886年），最后在 1013 年彻底征服了整个王国。这是由 Sveinn Forkbeard 继承的，由他的儿子 Knútr（更为人所知的是 Canute）继任。

So English supervened. It did not long have the eastern and central regions of the island to itself: in the late eighth century a new force entered the system, a new set of Germanic invaders, the Norsemen or Vikings, from Scandinavia. They progressed from coastal raids to settlement in the west of Scotland and the east of Northumbria to a partition of the island with the Saxons by treaty (c.886), and finally in 1013 to outright conquest of the whole kingdom. This was by Sveinn Forkbeard, succeeded by his son Knútr, better known as Canute.

与英英之间的分歧不同，盎格鲁-撒克逊和维京之间的关系，如果最初是敌对的，从长远来看是相当渗透的。理解这一点的一种方式是将维京人视为典型的日耳曼入侵者，他们赢得了大部分战斗但失去了和平，因为他们定居下来——也许是与英国妻子——并在很大程度上学习了他们的臣民或受害者的语言. 然而，由于他们所适应的语言是近亲（尽管其背后有二十代人的独立发展），所以双语和一定程度的相互理解很容易。结果是将挪威借词大量注入英语，对语法也产生了很大的影响。在现代英语中，take, get, keep, leg, sky, skin and裙子); ⁵¹正是这两种语言的这种混合产生了一组奇怪的不相关的第三人称代词he、it、she和they。^*

Unlike the British-English divide, relations between Anglo-Saxon and Viking, if initially hostile, proved fairly permeable in the longer term. One way of understanding this is to see the Vikings as classic Germanic invaders, military raiders who won most of the battles but lost the peace, in that they settled down—perhaps with English wives—and largely picked up their subjects’ or victims’ language. Nevertheless, since the language into which they were settling was a close-ish relative (though with a good twenty generations of separate development behind it), there was easy scope for bilingualism and a degree of mutual understanding. The result was an abundant infusion of Norse loan words into English, and quite a lot of impact on the grammar too. In modern English, some 7 per cent of the basic vocabulary is of distinctly Norse origin (including such words as take, get, keep, leg, sky, skin and skirt);⁵¹ and it is this mix of the two languages which gave rise to the bizarrely unrelated set of third-person pronouns he, it, she and they.^*

西欧征服的早期时代就这样结束了，德国人向西转移，斯拉夫人向南转移。德国人只有在征服了大部分或完全空无一人的领土时才能保留他们的语言——英国被瘟疫蹂躏，冰岛以前无人居住。他们在罗马帝国西部心脏地带的征服基本上没有语言影响。拉丁语在欧洲大陆的西部和南部仍然很强大；在那里，罗马征服的语言影响从未消失。斯拉夫人，也许是因为他们入侵的文明程度较低，因此人口较少的地区在他们定居在巴尔干半岛的地区产生了更大的影响。但他们也被吸收或消灭在他们占领的古代文明地区，希腊和安纳托利亚的部分地区。

The early era of western European conquests thus closed with a kaleidoscopic shifting of Germans westward, and of Slavs southward. The Germans were able to retain their language only when they conquered territory that was largely, or totally, empty—Britain devastated by plague, and Iceland previously uninhabited. Their conquests in the western heartlands of the Roman empire had essentially no linguistic impact. Latin remained strong in the west and south of the continent; there, the linguistic effects of Roman conquest were never undone. The Slavs, perhaps because they were invading less civilised—and hence less highly populated—regions had much greater effect where they settled in the Balkans; but they too were absorbed or eliminated in the areas of ancient civilisation that they overran, parts of Greece and Anatolia.

长期的影响是从那时起就熟悉的欧洲语言划分：南部和西部的浪漫，北部和中部的日耳曼语，东部大部分地区的斯拉夫语，以及最东南部的希腊语。5 世纪的主要事件实际上是西北部的英国从浪漫地区（或者可能仍然是凯尔特人）转向日耳曼地区。这个岛上发生了相当多的变化：日耳曼人在接下来的一千年里进一步传播到凯尔特人的最后堡垒中，再加上后来试图重申浪漫主义对日耳曼人的影响，以及诺曼人对英格兰的征服。但是这些事件的故事必须等到我们转向英语本身的发展。

The long-term effect was a linguistic partition of Europe that has been familiar ever since: Romance in the south and west, Germanic in the north and centre, Slavic in most of the east, and Greek in the extreme south-east. The main event in the fifth century was in fact the switch of Britain in the northwest from the Romance (or perhaps still Celtic) to the Germanic zone. There was considerably more change to come in this island: the further spread of Germanic into the last redoubts of Celtic over the next thousand years, compounded by a late attempt at a reassertion of Romance over Germanic, and the Norman conquest of England. But the tale of these events must wait until we turn to the growth of English itself.

^*将古英语中的这些代词 ( hē, hit, hēo, hīe ) 与古挪威语 ( hann, that, hon, their/thau/thær — 使用英语 th 表示挪威语ō)。在古英语和挪威语中保存完好的完全不同的词尾系统之间的混淆也可能导致名词格标记的崩溃。

^* Compare these pronouns in Old English (hē, hit, hēo, hīe) with Old Norse (hann, that, hon, their/thau/thær—using English th for the Norse ō). Mix-ups between rather different systems of endings, well preserved in both Old English and Norse, may also have caused the breakdown of case marking for nouns.

^*（这些星号表示语言学家重建的形式，但实际上在某些文本中并未发现。） P 的缺失并不像看起来那么奇怪。它似乎也影响了伊比利亚的土著语言，甚至早期的巴斯克语，也是现代阿拉伯语的典型代表。但是凯尔特人并没有长时间保持完全无P的语言。至少它的一些变体，包括大多数高卢语方言和英国方言（导致现代威尔士语、康沃尔语和布列塔尼语），后来开始将声音 qu- 发音为 p。因此它出现在四和五的词中（现代威尔士语中的pedwar和pump ，可能是^* petuar和^* pinpe在高卢语中，根据一些窑记录的证据，在第 22 页的注释 22 中提到。566）。因此，如果初始 qu- 是原始语言中疑问词的标记（参见拉丁语的保守quis、quid、quando、“谁、什么、何时”），则初始 p- 在这种凯尔特语变体中具有此作用语言（参见威尔士语pwy、pa、pam、“谁、哪个、为什么”，大概在高卢语中大致相同）。其他凯尔特语也改变了 qu-，但只是将其简化为 k- 音。因此，爱尔兰语ceilhir, cóic（'四，五'）和cé, cad, cá（'谁，什么，在哪里'）。有什么证据表明 Celtiberian 在这方面更像是爱尔兰语而不是高卢语。

^* (These asterisks show forms that have been reconstructed by linguists, but are not actually found in some text.) This absence of P is not as strange as it might seem. It also seems to have afflicted the indigenous language of Iberia, and even early Basque, and is typical too of modern Arabic. But Celtic did not remain a totally P-less language for long. At least some of its variants, including most dialects of Gaulish, and also British (leading to modern Welsh, Cornish and Breton), later started to pronounce the sound qu- as p. Hence its presence in the words for four and five (pedwar and pump in modern Welsh, probably ^*petuar and ^*pinpe in Gaulish, on the evidence of some kiln records, mentioned in note 22 on p. 566). As a result, where initial qu- had been the mark of question words in the original language (cf. Latin’s conservative quis, quid, quando, ‘who, what, when’), initial p- has this role in this variety of Celtic language (cf. Welsh pwy, pa, pam, ‘who, which, why’, and presumably much the same in Gaulish). The other Celtic languages also changed the qu-, but just simplified it to a k- sound. Hence Irish ceilhir, cóic (’four, five’), and cé, cad, cá (’who, what, where’). What evidence there is for Celtiberian suggests it was more like Irish than Gaulish in this respect.

^*已知最早的伊特鲁里亚铭文可追溯到大约一个世纪前，即公元前0.700 年。伊特鲁里亚人自己已经从希腊语那里学会了如何写作，尽管可能是通过更远的南方，在那不勒斯湾的库迈附近的接触。

^* The earliest known Etruscan inscriptions date from about a century earlier, c.700 BC. The Etruscans had themselves learnt how to write from the Greeks, though probably through contacts much farther south, round Cumae in the Bay of Naples.

^*对比 Lusitanian，说得更远一些：我们只知道这种语言的两个词，但这两个词足以使其失去凯尔特语的资格：porcom tavrom，“猪牛”。第一个有一个P；第二个的 V 和 R 顺序错误：比较 Gaulish tarvos。旧爱尔兰柏油，中威尔士柏油。

^* Contrast Lusitanian, spoken farther south: we know hardly more than two words of this language, but those two words are enough to disqualify it as Celtic: porcom tavrom, ‘pig bull’. The first has a P; the second has its V and R in the wrong order: compare Gaulish tarvos. Old Irish tarb, Middle Welsh tarw.

^*相比之下，日耳曼语的“青铜”与拉丁语具有相同的基本词根：哥特语 aiz、古英语ār、古高地德语ēr与拉丁语aes，这表明该技术在斜体和日耳曼语部落分道扬镳。

^* By contrast, Germanic has the same underlying root for ‘bronze’ as Latin: Gothic aiz, Old English ār, Old High German ēr versus Latin aes, suggesting that this technology was already an established acquisition before the common ancestors of the Italic- and Germanic-speaking tribes went their separate ways.

8

拉丁语的第一次死亡

8

The First Death of Latin

Philosophantem rhetorem intellegunt pauci，loquentem rusticum multi。

Philosophantem rhetorem intellegunt pauci, loquentem rusticum multi.

修辞学家的哲学思想为少数人所理解，而普通人则为许多人所理解。

The rhetorician philosophising is understood by few, but the plain man speaking by many.

图尔的格雷戈里，法兰克历史的序言（公元575年）¹

Gregory of Tours, Preface to Historia Francorum (C.AD 575)¹

德国入侵后西欧的历史是关于征服部落建立的王国如何成为不同国家的故事。人们说的拉丁语方言差异扩大了，广泛的旅行变得不那么普遍，因为道路系统腐烂，公共秩序在远离城市的地方变得无法执行。不再有一支具有共同传统的罗马军队，也不再有可能被转移到任何地方的军队。读写能力得以幸存的地方，主要是在教会中，书面拉丁文也得以幸存。但这还不足以维持任何口语标准。口语和书面语之间的差距扩大了，但人们对真正发生的事情没有任何感觉，即口语正在发生变化。拉丁语拼写逐渐变得越来越不规则和反常：

The history of western Europe after the German invasions is the tale of how the kingdoms established by the conquering tribes went on to become distinct nations. Dialectal differences in the Latin that people spoke widened, and wide-ranging travel became less common, as the road system decayed and public order became unenforceable far from cities. No longer was there a Roman army with a common tradition, and troops that might expect to be transferred anywhere. Where literacy survived, principally in the Church, so did written Latin. But this was not enough to maintain any spoken standard. The gap between spoken and written language widened, but without people having any sense of what was really happening, namely that the spoken language was changing. Little by little Latin spelling came to seem more and more irregular and perverse: but this obscurity was acceptable, even desirable, as reading and writing were the preserve of a small elite, mostly clerics and lawyers.

这一时期，即公元第一个千年的后半期，为我们提供了主要证据，证明西欧、基督教、传统中的通用语言发生了什么，当它开始失去货币时，当人们虽然还在说这种语言时，开始忽略了其广阔的范围，而首先生活在当地社区。哥特人和德意志人瓜分了帝国的领土三百年后，西班牙、法国和意大利的人民在相遇时很难理解对方的讲话。博学的人，唯一会意识到这个问题的人，开始将任何人的普通演讲称为习语，与grammatica的普遍性形成对比，后者是中世纪拉丁语的常用词。^*

This period, the second half of the first millennium AD, gives us our main evidence of what happens to a universal language in the western European, Christian, tradition, when it begins to lose currency, when people, although still speaking it, begin to lose sight of its vast scope, and live above all in their local communities. Three hundred years after the Goths and Germans had divided up the territories of the empire, it had become extremely difficult for the people of Spain, France and Italy, when they did meet, to understand one another’s speech. The learned, the only ones who would be conscious of the problem, came to call anyone’s ordinary speech an idioma, to be contrasted with the universality of grammatica, which was the normal word for Latin in the Middle Ages.^*

查理曼大帝的欧洲，公元 8 世纪

Charlemagne’s Europe, 8th Century AD

从五世纪初期到八世纪中叶，西欧的大国代代相传，从而确立了普遍王国或公民永远不可能属于这个世界的想法。但随后，从 8 世纪后期开始，法兰克国王的权力与罗马教皇结盟，在一个世纪的时间里，法国、德国西部和意大利的大部分地区都统一了。主持这一荣耀高峰的法兰克国王是查理曼大帝，他从 768 年到 814 年在位。他的抱负既是文化上的，也是政治上的。781 年，他邀请约克大教堂学校的负责人阿尔昆担任首都亚琛的新学院院长。这个会众的成果被称为加洛林文艺复兴。在此过程中，^†和拉丁语的发音。

From the early fifth to the mid-eighth centuries, the powers in western Europe shifted from generation to generation, allowing the idea to establish itself that universal kingdoms or citizenships could never be of this world. But then, from the late eighth century, the power of the Frankish king grew, in alliance with the papacy, and for a century the areas of France, western Germany and most of Italy were united. The Frankish king who presided over the height of this glory was Charlemagne, who reigned from 768 to 814. His aspirations were cultural as well as political. In 781 he invited Alcuin, the head of the cathedral school at York, to become head of a new academy of scholars at Aachen, his capital. The fruit of this congregation has become known as the Carolingian Renaissance. In the course of it, and along with many other reforms in education, Alcuin established new standards for the spelling^† and pronunciation of Latin.

Alcuin作为说北方国家英语的人，将拉丁语当作一门外语，从书本上学习；在这一点上，他可能与亚琛的大多数学者合而为一，其中许多人来自查理曼帝国东部讲德语的地区。他成功地为拉丁语建立了一个共同的发音，接近我们现在所认为的“现代发音”，这是在真实的古代模型上重建语言声音的明智尝试；正如他为他的作品命名的那样：

Alcuin, as a speaker of North-Country English, approached Latin as a foreign language, to be learnt ab initio from books; in this he would have been at one with perhaps the majority of the scholars at Aachen, many of whom would have come from the German-speaking east of Charlemagne’s empire. He succeeded in establishing a common pronunciation for Latin, close to what we now think of as ‘the modern pronunciation’, which was an intelligent attempt to reconstruct the sound of the language on an authentic ancient model; as he entitled his work:

Mē legat antīquās vult qui prōferre loquēlas;

Mē quī nōn sequitur vult sine lēge loquī。

Mē legat antīquās vult qui prōferre loquēlas;

Mē quī nōn sequitur vult sine lēge loquī.

让他读我谁愿意继续古老的说话方式；不听从我的人，想在没有法律的情况下说话。²

Let him read me who wishes to carry on the ancient modes of speech; He who does not follow me wishes to speak without law.²

这涉及到一个实际的转变，这对讲罗曼语的学者来说是最大的。在朗读文本时，他们现在不得不有意识地偏离语言的传统白话发音：例如，viridiārium，“果园”，不能再像他们自然说话时那样发音为verger 。³实际转变最终导致了概念转变。渐渐地，他们开始以不同的方式看待这种写作风格：为说罗曼语成语的人写作，语法不仅是自然的，而且是唯一正确的写作方式；一旦被赋予了独特的发音风格，它就成为一种独立的语言，就像他们的说德语的同胞（以及说英语和爱尔兰语的学者在大洋彼岸）一样。

This involved a practical shift which was greatest for the Romance-speaking scholars. When reading out a text, they now had consciously to deviate from their traditional, vernacular pronunciation of the language: for example, viridiārium, ‘orchard’, could no longer come out as verger, as it would when they were speaking naturally.³ The practical shift ultimately led to a conceptual one. Gradually, they began to see this written style differently: grammatica was not just the natural, indeed the only correct, way to write for speakers of a Romance idioma; once given a distinct style of pronunciation, it was a separate language, just as it was for their German-speaking fellow-citizens (and the English- and Irish-speaking scholars across the seas).

一旦书面拉丁语已经成为一种独特的（如果还不是外语）语言，就开始出现需要写下一些明确记录白话声音的东西的场合。这方面已知最早的例子是所谓的 842 年斯特拉斯堡誓言，当时查理曼大帝的孙子德国人路德维希和秃头查尔斯两兄弟不得不在各自的追随者面前宣誓相互支持，但在由于他们的听众说不同的语言，德语和浪漫语，情况变得更加复杂。查理曼大帝的另一个孙子 Nithard 为我们逐字记录了他们的话，⁴罗曼语版本提供了第一个幸存的罗曼语文本，而不是拉丁语。似乎这些文字在说出来之前就已经定下来了。除了正确的拉丁语之外，写下其他任何东西都是非常不寻常的，为了解释它，假设目的是为两兄弟每人提供一张婴儿床单。⁵任何讲罗曼语的人当然可以用普通人可能理解的发音向普通人朗读拉丁文：他只会读出拉丁文建议的白话词。但是，如果要求讲德语的人这样做，那就完全不同了。因此，路德维希得到了相当于 9 世纪提词器的东西。

Once written Latin had become established as a distinct, if not yet foreign, language, occasions began to arise when there was a need to write down something that would explicitly record the sounds of a vernacular. The earliest known example of this is the so-called Strasburg Oaths of 842, when two brothers, Ludwig the German and Charles the Bald, grandsons of Charlemagne, had to swear to support each other in the hearing of their respective followers, but in a situation complicated by the fact that their audiences spoke different languages, German and Romance. Their words have been recorded for us verbatim by Nithard, yet another grandson of Charlemagne,⁴ and the Romance version provides the first surviving text in Romance rather than Latin. It seems that the texts had been set down before they were uttered. It was highly unusual for anything other than proper Latin to be written down, and to explain it, it is assumed that the purpose was to offer each of the two brothers a crib sheet.⁵ Any Romance speaker could of course read out a Latin text to the common people in a pronunciation that they might understand: he would just come out with the vernacular words suggested by the Latin text. But it was a very different matter if a German speaker were to be asked to do this. And so Ludwig was offered the ninth-century equivalent of a teleprompter.

前几个短语将表明，说浪漫不再只是改变常规拉丁语的一些细节的问题：

The first few phrases will show that speaking Romance was no longer just a matter of changing a few details of regular Latin:

Pro Deo amur et pro christian poblo et nostro commun salvament, d'ist di in avant, in quant Deus savir et podir me dunat, si salvarai eo cist meon fradre Karlo et in ajudha et in cadhuna cosa, si cum om per dreit son fradra萨尔瓦差异… ^*

Pro Deo amur et pro christian poblo et nostro commun salvament, d’ist di in avant, in quant Deus savir et podir me dunat, si salvarai eo cist meon fradre Karlo et in ajudha et in cadhuna cosa, si cum om per dreit son fradra salvar dift…^*

在正确的拉丁语中，不能比这更接近：

In proper Latin, one cannot get much closer to this than:

Pro Dei amore et pro christiano populo et nostro community salvamento, de hoc die in posterum, in quanto Deus sapientiam et potentiam mihi donabit, sic servabo ego hunc meum fratrem Carolum et in adiummento et in re quaque, ut quis iure suum fratrem servare debet…

Pro Dei amore et pro christiano populo et nostro communi salvamento, de hoc die in posterum, in quanto Deus sapientiam et potentiam mihi donabit, sic servabo ego hunc meum fratrem Carolum et in adiumento et in re quaque, ut quis iure suum fratrem servare debet…

这种在书面语和口语之间转换的需要是阿尔昆的改革没有解决的主要问题。他提供了一种通用的拉丁语口语和书面形式，可以将西方基督教世界的文人团结起来，从多尼戈尔到达尔马提亚。但代价是现在普通的浪漫教区居民在教堂礼拜期间无法理解他们自己的牧师。在这个时代，为了确保正统，不仅礼仪，甚至布道都倾向于从书面的拉丁文本中背诵或阅读，而不是即兴发表。结果，在 813 年法国中部的图尔理事会，以及 847 年在德国美因茨的理事会上，都明确规定了一个例外，以保证人民的持续理解：'......并且每个人都应该努力转移同样的布道到简单的罗曼语或德语 [rusticam Romanam linguam aut Thiotiscam ]，让所有人更容易理解所说的内容。⁶

This need for transition between written and spoken language was the major problem left unsolved by Alcuin’s reforms. He had provided a common spoken and written form of Latin that would unite the literate across western Christendom, from Donegal to Dalmatia. But the cost was that now ordinary Romance parishioners could not understand their own priests during church services; and in this era, to ensure orthodoxy, not only liturgy but even the sermons tended to be recited or read from a written Latin text, rather than delivered extempore. As a result, at the Council of Tours in central France in 813, as at the Council of Mainz in Germany in 847, an explicit exception is made, to guarantee the continued understanding of the people: ‘…And that each should work to transfer the same homilies into plain Romance or German language [rusticam Romanam linguam aut Thiotiscam], so that all can more easily understand what is said.’⁶

保存文件一千年往往不会没有认真的意图，因此当所有严肃的记录仍然以拉丁语保存时，几乎没有白话语言的记录也就不足为奇了。有一份来自西班牙修道院的奶酪储藏室清单可追溯至 10 世纪晚期，因为它被潦草地写在捐赠文件的背面，所以得以保存。⁷但在 9 世纪、10 世纪和 11 世纪，白话语言的音标通常以小片段的形式出现在拉丁文文件中。意大利有逐字声明，记录为宣誓，以验证属于蒙特卡西诺修道院的土地的所有权。从 11 世纪后期开始，罗马圣克莱门特教堂的壁画上有一个生动的标题，说明了一次著名但徒劳的迫害圣克莱门特的企图，当时袭击他的人奇迹般地被误导，误认为他是一个专栏。他们的领袖向他的部下喊道：

Preservation of documents for a thousand years tends not to happen without serious intent, and so not surprisingly there is little record of the vernacular languages when all the serious records were still being kept in Latin. There is a cheese-larder list from a Spanish monastery datable to the late tenth century, preserved because it had been scribbled on the back of a document of donation.⁷ But in the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries, phonetic transcriptions of vernacular languages are usually found as little snippets in Latin documents. There are verbatim statements in Italian, recorded as sworn, to validate ownership for lands belonging to Montecassino monasteries. There is a vivid caption to a fresco on the wall of St Clement’s church in Rome from the late eleventh century, illustrating a famous but futile attempt at persecution of St Clement, when his attackers were miraculously deluded into mistaking him for a column. Their leader shouts to his men:

Filli delle pute，特质。戈斯马里，阿尔贝特尔，特雷特。Fàlite dereto colo palo, Carvoncelle

Filli delle pute, traite. Gosmari, Albertel, traite. Fàlite dereto colo palo, Carvoncelle

妓女们，拉！戈斯马里奥，阿尔贝泰罗，拉！用棍子向后推，卡文切洛！

Sons of whores, pull! Gosmario, Albertello, pull! Push back with the stick, Carvoncello!

而圣人用（不合语法的）拉丁语评论：

while the saint comments in (ungrammatical) Latin:

Duritiam cordis vestris saxa traere meruistis

你的心的硬度是你应得的。

Hardness of heart yours rocks to pull you have deserved.

只有当严肃的文学作品开始出现在白话文中，侵入书面语言所占据的传统领域时，“乡土”语言的真实地位才开始变得清晰。这首先发生在浪漫世界的另一端，在诺曼底和英格兰，诺曼人开始写下他们听到吟游诗人唱的那种民谣和情歌。来自 11 世纪后期的Chanson de Roland是这些作品中最古老和最好的，讲述了查理曼大帝时期与摩尔人作战的英勇后卫行动的故事。它在最后一行签名：

Only when serious works of literature started to appear in the vernacular, invading the traditional ground held by the written language, did the real status of the ‘rustic’ languages begin to become clear. And this happened first at the other end of the Romance-speaking world, in Normandy and England, where the Normans started writing down ballads and lays of the kind that they heard the minstrels sing. The Chanson de Roland, from the late eleventh century, is the oldest and best of these works, telling the tale of a heroic rearguard action fought against the Moors in the time of Charlemagne. It is signed in its last line:

Ci falt la geste que Turoldus 拒绝

Ci falt la geste que Turoldus declinet

Turoldus重述的冒险到此结束

Here ends the adventure that Turoldus retold

似乎没有理由不将这个 Turold 与出现在 Bayeux Tapestry 中的一个特别命名的角色识别出来，向征服者威廉传递信息。

and there seems no reason not to identify this Turold with a specially named character who appears in the Bayeux Tapestry, delivering a message to William the Conqueror.

在 12 世纪和 13 世纪，罗曼语诗歌开始在整个西欧、普罗旺斯、法国北部、加利西亚、卡斯蒂利亚和加泰罗尼亚以及意大利被记录下来。突破出现在拉丁语从未强烈代表过的领域，在宫廷爱情的庆祝中——现代意义上的“浪漫”一词并非巧合——以及侠义和战争的英雄故事。拉丁语越来越多地成为修道院、学校和大学的学习语言。

In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, poetry in the Romance languages begins to be written down all over western Europe, in Provence, in northern France, in Galicia, Castile and Catalonia, and in Italy. The breakthrough came in areas that Latin had never strongly represented, in the celebration of courtly love—the modern sense of the word ‘romance’ is no coincidence—and in heroic tales of chivalry and war. Latin was increasingly hived off as a learned language for monasteries, schools and universities.

这些新语言发展的第一位理论家正是意大利著名诗人但丁·阿利吉耶里（Dante Alighieri），他生活于 1265 年至 1321 年。在他的De vulgari eloquentia中，他认识到拉丁语grammatica本质上是保留下来的古老的罗曼语语言形式. ^*

The first theorist of these new linguistic developments is none other than the leading Italian poet, Dante Alighieri, who lived from 1265 to 1321. In his De vulgari eloquentia he recognised that Latin, grammatica, was in essence the preserved older form of the Romance languages.^*

他似乎很难让他的听众相信这些祖先的差异是逐渐变化的可预测结果，就像达尔文在五个世纪后发现的那样，具有不同的主题和时间尺度。

He seems to have had as much difficulty in convincing his audience that these ancestral differences were the predictable result of gradual change as Darwin was to find, with a different subject matter and timescale, five centuries later.

我们说的话也不应该比看到一个我们看不到的年轻人长大了更奇怪：因为逐渐移动的东西我们根本不认识，而它的变化需要越长的时间才能被认识我们认为它更稳定。因此，如果与野兽相距甚远的人的意见是，一个给定的城市总是以相同的语言存在，我们并不感到惊讶，因为一个城市的语言变化只会在很长一段时间内逐渐发生，就其本质而言，人的生命也是非常短暂的。因此，如前所述，如果超过一个人的语言随着时间的推移而不断变化，并且决不会停滞不前，那么它就必须以不同的方式发生变化，与保持不变的语言完全分开，就像风俗和服饰在不同时期发生变化一样。各种方式，这些既不是自然也不是社会所证实的，而是出于人类的愉悦和当地的口味。这是该学院的发明者的动机grammatica：因为grammatica只不过是不同时代和地点的语言的同一性。⁸

Nor should what we say appear any more strange than to see a young person grown up, whom we do not see grow up: for what moves gradually is not at all recognized by us, and the longer something needs for its change to be recognized the more stable we think it is. So we are not surprised if the opinion of men, who are little distant from brutes, is that a given city has existed always with the same language, since the change in language in a city happens gradually only over a very long succession of time, and the life of men is also, by its very nature, very short. Therefore if over one people the language changes, as has been said, successively over time, and can in no way stand still, it is necessary that it should vary in various ways quite separately from what remains constant, just as customs and dress vary in various ways, which are confirmed neither by nature or society, but arise at human pleasure and to local taste. This was the motive of the inventors of the faculty of grammatica: for grammatica is nothing but the identity of speech unalterable for diverse times and places.⁸

除了这部拉丁文作品外，但丁还用意大利语写了另一部作品，即Convivio或“宴会”——不是一首诗，而是一部旨在解释他早期的一些诗歌的散文作品，但同时教育那些不懂拉丁文的人：“我的动力来自于对耻辱的恐惧，而我的动力来自于提供其他人真正无法提供的教学的愿望。” ⁹

Besides this work in Latin, Dante wrote another one, the Convivio or ‘Banquet’, in Italian—not a poem, but a prose work aimed at explaining some of his earlier poems, but at the same time educating people who could not read Latin: ‘I was motivated by the fear of infamy, and I was motivated by the desire to give teaching such as others truly cannot.’⁹

这是拉丁语对知识信息的垄断结束的开始。从此以后，就没有为它保留的话语领域或语言功能了。拉丁文，语法书的语言，曾经被认为是永恒的，但现在被认为是人造的，面临着来自口语的日益激烈的竞争，致力于写作。它开始死亡。

This was the beginning of the end of Latin’s monopoly on learned information. Henceforth, there would be no field of discourse or function of speech reserved for it. Latin, the language of the grammar books, once felt to be eternal but now recognised as artificial, faced ever increasing competition from spoken languages being committed to writing. It began to die.

^* idioma这个词是从希腊语idíōma中借用到拉丁语的，“特殊性”，而grammatica当然是每个人都学习拉丁语的学校科目的名称，

^* The word idioma was a borrowing into Latin from Greek idíōma, ‘peculiarity’, while grammatica was of course the name of the school subject in which everyone learnt their Latin,

^†大写字母和小写字母之间的系统区别是阿尔昆创立的，这种区别在罗马文字（例如本书中使用的英语）中一直延续到今天。

^† It was Alcuin who instituted the systematic difference between capital and lower-case letters, which has lasted in Roman scripts (such as the English used in this book) to this day.

^*为了上帝的爱和基督徒人民以及我们共同的救恩，从今天开始，只要上帝赐予我知识和力量，我将让我的兄弟查尔斯在帮助和一切事情上都像当一个正确的人他的兄弟一样应该保持……

^* For God’s love and the Christian people and our common salvation, from this day forward, insofar as God gives me knowledge and power, I shall so keep this my brother Charles both in aid and in every thing as when a man in right his brother should keep…

^*但丁 ( De vulgari eloquentia , viii.l) 将希腊语与日耳曼语以及罗曼语区分开来。他的标准（“是”这个词——日耳曼语中的jo）倾向于将罗曼语语言分成至少三组（ oc、oil、sì），但他指出它们有大量的基本词汇共同点： 'quia multa per eadem vocabula nominare videntur, ut Deum, caelum, amorem, mare, terram, est, vivit, moritur, amat, alia fere omnia'; “因为他们似乎用相同的词来命名许多事物：上帝、天空、爱、海洋、地球、是、生、死、爱，以及几乎所有其他事物。”

令人惊讶的是，但丁看到了 oc作为标记西班牙浪漫，而不是法国南部的普罗旺斯（无论如何称为Langue d'oc）。也许他受到普罗旺斯与加泰罗尼亚语的相似性的影响。

^* Dante (De vulgari eloquentia, viii.l) distinguishes Greek from the Germanic languages, and also from the Romance. His criterion (the word for ‘yes’—jo in Germanic) would tend to split up the Romance languages into at least three groups (oc, oil, sì), but he notes that they have a large amount of basic vocabulary in common: ’quia multa per eadem vocabula nominare videntur, ut Deum, caelum, amorem, mare, terram, est, vivit, moritur, amat, alia fere omnia’; ‘because they seem to name many things with the same words: God, sky, love, sea, earth, is, lives, dies, loves, and almost everything else.’

Surprisingly, Dante sees oc as marking Spanish Romance, not the Provençal of southern France (known anyway as Langue d’oc). Perhaps he was affected by Provençal’s similarity to Catalan.

第三部分：海上语言

PART III: LANGUAGES BY SEA

谁能知道我们可以

将我们的舌宝发泄到什么陌生的海岸

，我们最荣耀的收获将被送到，

用我们的储备来丰富未知的国家？

在尚未成型的西方世界中，有哪些世界

可以用我们的口音来精致？

And who, in time, knows whither we may vent

The treasure of our tongue, to what strange shores

This gain of our best glory shall be sent,

To enrich unknowing nations with our stores?

What worlds in the yet unformèd Occident

May come refined with accents that are ours?

来自塞缪尔丹尼尔，Musophilus（1599）

from Samuel Daniel, Musophilus (1599)

大卫：什么消息？haue 你没有听到任何船的到来吗？

DAVID: What newes? haue you heard nothing of the coming of any ship?

亚伯拉罕：我听到了军械的轰鸣声，这是船只来袭的征兆。

D.: 我听说有一艘船来自吉塞拉特。

ABRAHAM: I heard the thundering of Ordnance, which is a signe of ships coming.

D.: And I heard that a shippe was come from Guiserat.

A.：她带来了什么Marchandizes？

D.：她装满了大米、杏仁和鳐鱼，还带来了许多各式各样的衣服，以及大量的轰炸。

答：是这样吗？当然，这个消息是非常受欢迎的。

D.：我听说它是这样肯定的。

A.: And what Marchandizes doth she bring?

D.: She is laden with rice, almonds and raysons, she bringeth also many cloathes of all sortes, and very much bombace.

A.: Is this so? surely this news is very much desired.

D.: I heard it so affirmed for a truth.

DAOEDT：阿帕奇加巴尔？泰达加巴巴鲁德里巴朗卡帕尔？

DAOEDT: Appa ach gabar? tieda ga-barbarou derribarang cappal?

EBRAHIM：Souda beta denga'r boenij Bedil，iang itoe alamat derri cappal dagang。

EBRAHIM: Souda beta denga’r boenij bedil, iang itoe alamat derri cappal dagang.

D.: Lagihamba deng'ar catta iang satoe cappal derri Guiserat souda datan。

D.: Lagihamba deng’ar catta iang satoe cappal derri Guiserat souda datan.

E.: Appa peruiniága debaua dia?

D.: Ini ber'isi, ken bras, ken gorma, zebibt; lagi bauadia bania káyin alus derri samoe' aieni: lagicapas bania。

D.: Ini ber’isi, ken bras, ken gorma, zebibt; lagi bauadia bania káyin alus derri samoe’ aieni: lagicapas bania.

E.: Begitou? itoe gabar bania baick。

E.: Begitou? itoe gabar bania baick.

D.: Ia beta deng'ar catta sach begitoe。

D.: Ia beta deng’ar catta sach begitoe.

奥古斯丁·斯波尔丁，英语和 Malaiane 语言的对话，1614 年，第 1-2 页¹

Augustine Spaulding, Dialogues in the English and Malaiane Languages, 1614, pp. 1-2¹

9

拉丁语的第二次死亡

9

The Second Death of Latin

西欧人发现他们的船只可以穿越海洋，并将它们直接带到遥远的土地，无论是为了贸易还是彻底的征服和剥削，开启了全球语言传播史的新纪元。事实证明，欧洲航运目的地的语言社区常常无法对冒险的入侵者进行有效的军事或政治抵抗。当这种情况发生时，受害者经常被消灭，并且总是被迫屈服于新的精英。通过新精英的统治而传播的语言比以往任何时候都更加普遍。今天的结果很明显，在世界人口排名前十的语言中出现了六种殖民语言。^*

The discovery by the western Europeans that their ships could cross oceans, and bring them directly to distant lands, whether for trade or outright conquest and exploitation, opens a new era in the global history of language spread. All too often, the language communities at the destinations of European shipping proved unable to mount effective military, or political, resistance to the adventuring invaders. When this happened, the victims were frequently decimated, and always forced to submit to a new elite. The spread of languages through the dominance of the new elites was far more pervasive than anything that had been seen before. The results are evident today in the presence of six colonising languages in the list of the world’s top ten languages by population.^*

正如我们刚才所看到的，这些殖民语言中的罗曼语半数的存在，要归功于罗马帝国在其西部地区因日耳曼人的征服而瓦解后所发生的变化。相互可理解性的下降，以及对拉丁语或语法的重新定义，不再只是他们的书面形式，而是一种与他们分开的语言，导致他们发展为另一种社区的载体。这个社区的知识分子较少，但通常与教会一样丰富的文化，后者继续依赖拉丁语，口语和书面语。¹

The Romance half of these colonising languages, as we have just seen, owed their very existence to the changes that came over the Roman empire after its western regions were dissolved by the Germanic conquests; the decline in mutual intelligibility, and the redefinition of Latin or grammatica, to be no longer just their written form but a language separate from them, had led to their development as vehicles of a different sort of community. This community was less intellectual, but often as rich culturally as the Church, which continued to rely on Latin, spoken and written.¹

然而，在这些语言开始在世界范围内加速发展之前，出现了划时代的发展，强调并加强了西欧扫盲的传播。它扩大了拉丁语和白话语言（包括罗曼语）之间的竞争范围，并大大提高了竞争的赌注。其结果是拉丁语作为西方基督教世界的通用语的废黜：实际上它在两千年后死亡，作为任何真正的交流和创新的语言。

Yet before these languages began their accelerated progress round the world, there came an epoch-making development, which emphasised and reinforced the spread of literacy in western Europe. It widened the range of competition between Latin and the vernacular languages, including the Romance ones, and massively raised the stakes in the contest. The result was the dethronement of Latin as the lingua franca of western Christendom: in effect its death, after two millennia, as a language of any real communication and innovation.

这一事件是印刷书籍大众市场的兴起。就像我们这个时代重组世界的信息革命一样，它本质上是新技术传播的经济效应。约翰内斯·古腾堡于 1450 年在美因茨出版了他的圣经版本。很快，出版社在整个欧洲兴起，到 1475 年，大部分拉丁文经典作品都可以印刷。²到 1500 年，已印制了 2000 万册，估计相当于西欧每 5 人拥有一本书。³

The event was the rise of a mass market in printed books. Like the information revolution reorganising the world in our own time, it was in essence the economic effect of the spread of a new technology. Johannes Gutenberg published his edition of the Bible in Mainz in 1450. Very soon, publishing houses sprang up all over Europe, and by 1475 most of the classic works in Latin were available in print.² By 1500, 20 million printed volumes had been produced, estimated to correspond to one book for every five people in western Europe.³

几乎同时发生了宗教改革，以及反对罗马教皇确立的基督教的新教教会的兴起。当然，这并非巧合，而是表明新的图书出版革命打破了以前严密保护的传播媒体渠道。马丁路德的作品从 1517 年被钉在维滕贝格教堂门上的 95 篇论文开始戏剧化，并以德文翻译印刷和发行。他很快就翻译了整本圣经。1520 年代和 1530 年代德语出版社的产量是过去 20 年的三倍；1517 年至 1525 年间，路德的著作占所有德语出版物的 33%。⁴

Almost at once comes the Reformation, and the rise of Protestant churches opposed to the established Christianity of the Pope in Rome. This, of course, was no coincidence, but a sign that the new book-publishing revolution had broken open the previously well-guarded access to media of communication. Martin Luther’s works, starting theatrically with his ninety-five theses nailed to the church door in Wittenberg in 1517, were printed and distributed in German translation. His translation of the whole Bible soon followed. The output of German-language publishing houses over the 1520s and 1530s was three times the total of the previous twenty years; Luther’s works accounted for 33 per cent of all German-language publications between 1517 and 1525.⁴

新的、未经过滤的信息的浪潮对某些人来说太多了。1535 年在法国，弗朗索瓦一世国王简短地宣布印刷任何书籍都是死刑。梵蒂冈更谨慎地设立了禁止图书馆索引，第一次如此命名是在 1559 年。但流动没有被阻止。重要的影响是，长距离和高层次的话语渠道正在从法庭和大学的口头传播（以手稿信息为中介）转变为批量生产文本的书面传播。拉丁语作为旧式通讯工具的统治地位一直保持不变，但在庞大数量的重压下，它现在让给了新式通讯。书籍可以用拉丁文和任何其他语言印刷，而那些用国际语言编写的书籍可能会获得更广泛的流通；但图书贸易的经济性仍然存在，他们为本土语言的书籍清理货架，这些书籍将在靠近生产点的地方大量销售。⁵

The tide of new, unfiltered, information was too much for some. In France in 1535, King François I—briefly, and without effect—declared the printing of any books at all a capital offence. The Vatican, more circumspectly, set up the Index Librorum Prohibitorum, first so named in 1559. But the flow was not stemmed. The important effect was that the channels of long-distance and high-level discourse were switching from oral diffusion at court and university, mediated through manuscript messages, to written distribution of mass-produced texts. Latin had retained its domination as the vehicle of the old-style communications, but under the weight of sheer volume it now yielded to the new. Books might be printed in Latin as well as any other language, and those that were might be expected to enjoy a wider circulation for being written in an international language; but the economics of the book trade remaindered them, clearing its shelves for books in vernacular languages, which would sell in large quantities nearer to the point of production.⁵

正在发生的事情是西欧民族国家权力不断增长的一个方面：一个为不同国王政府提供共同背景的国际知识精英被一个更有发言权和影响力的资产阶级取代，他们控制了他们的地方君主制，并使他们为他们更世俗的目的服务。这样做的一个语言效果是用民族白话代替拉丁语，不仅是为了当地目的，甚至在最新研究的层面上也是如此。

What was happening was one facet of the growing power of the nation-state in western Europe: the replacement of an international intellectual elite, which provided a common background for different kings’ governments, by a much more vocal and influential bourgeoisie, taking control of their local monarchies and making them serve their more worldly purposes. One linguistic effect of this was to replace Latin with national vernaculars, not just for local purposes but even at the level of the latest research.

从理论上讲，拉丁语仍然是高级知识话语的优越载体：作为一门语言，它拥有词汇，经过一千多年的思考和争论；作为一个社区，它具有影响力，因为来自欧洲西部各地的学者习惯于在其中交谈、思考和写作。相比之下，每一种方言都必须从小得多的基础上一点一点地建立起同等的力量。

Latin remained, in theory, a superior vehicle for high-level intellectual discourse: as a language, it had the vocabulary, built up over more than a thousand years of thought and disputation; and as a community, it had the reach, since scholars from all over the west of Europe were accustomed to talking, thinking and writing in it. Each vernacular, by contrast, had to build up equivalent strengths little by little from a much smaller base.

但是，无论哪里有骚乱或市场，当地人都有数字的力量站在他们一边。16 世纪和 17 世纪的宗教争论和战争表明，知识问题容易引发销售热潮、骚乱和内战，就像争端或王朝冲突一样。直到 20 世纪，传播媒体才能深入到足以让国际语言有效地与街头白话竞争的程度。现代英语在广播中找到了解决书籍出版对中世纪拉丁语构成威胁的答案。

But wherever there was a riot, or a market, the vernaculars had the force of numbers on their side; and the religious controversies and wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries showed that intellectual issues were as apt to generate sales booms, riots and civil wars as disputations or dynastic conflicts. It was not until the twentieth century that communications media could penetrate deeply enough for an international language to compete effectively with vernaculars on the street. Modern English has found in broadcasting the answer to the threat that book publishing posed for medieval Latin.

以拉丁语进行的思想生活逐渐消失。花了大约一个世纪的时间。弗朗西斯培根在 1605 年用英语出版了他的《学习进步》，希望将其翻译成拉丁语“敲响钟声以召集其他智慧……并尽可能地听到钟声”。直到 1623 年，它才真正以拉丁语出现，当时他评论道：“因为这些现代语言有时会在书籍中扮演 bank-rowtes [破产者]；既然我在这个时代失去了很多时间，我很高兴上帝允许我与后代一起恢复它。

Intellectual life conducted in Latin gradually fell away. It took about a century to go. Francis Bacon, publishing his Advancement of Learning in English in 1605, wanted to have it translated into Latin ‘to ring a bell to call other wits together … and have that bell heard as far as can be’. It did not actually come out in Latin until 1623, when he remarked: ‘For these modern languages will at one time or another play the bank-rowtes [bankrupts] with books; and since I have lost much time with this age, I would be glad as God shall give me leave to recover it with posterity.’

英格兰最后一部以拉丁文出版的主要学术著作是 1687 年的牛顿《原理》。从那时起，科学的开展通常变得不那么方便，使用多种语言。这是现代世界为让科学家和知识分子更紧密地与整个社会保持联系所付出的代价。^*

The last major intellectual work in England to be published in Latin was Newton’s Principia in 1687. Since then, science has in general had to be conducted less conveniently, in a variety of languages. It is the price the modern world has paid to keep scientists and intellectuals more closely in touch with society at large.^*

这第二次死亡比拉丁语的第一次更深刻。这与五百年前的白话运动不同，当时拉丁语刚刚失去了作为罗曼语的书面伪装的用途。他们从拉丁语开始，在语音和结构上有所不同。试图通过拉丁语覆盖以书面形式访问是一项艰苦的工作，而且越来越没有意义。但即使它为白话文学让路，拉丁语仍保留了重要用途：它仍然是知识话语的载体，超越了浪漫主义中产生（和欣赏）的流行主题。现在，拉丁语根本不再用于任何新的思维。

This second death was more profound than Latin’s first. It was not like the vernacular movements of five hundred years before, when Latin had just lost its use as a written disguise for Romance languages. They had moved on from Latin, and apart, in phonetics and structure; trying to access in written form through a Latin overlay was hard work, and increasingly pointless. But even as it made way for vernacular literature, Latin had retained a significant use: it was still the vehicle for the intellectual discourse that went beyond the popular themes being produced (and appreciated) in Romance. Now, Latin was ceasing to be used in any new thinking at all.

将拉丁语生命的最后阶段与其他经典语言希腊语、汉语和梵语进行比较，会很有启发性。毕竟，这些语言中的每一种都代表了一个大到足以分裂成许多流行变体的地区的单一语言理想。但只有拉丁语在很大程度上被其子语言集所取代。

It is revealing to compare the final stages in the life of Latin with those of its fellow classic languages, Greek, Chinese and Sanskrit. Each of these languages, after all, represented the unitary linguistic ideals of an area large enough to split into a number of popular varieties. But only Latin ended up largely replaced by the set of its daughter languages.

希腊语从未在其传播的地区扎下深厚的根基。当这些地区被其他人征服时，希腊语不再是他们的统治精英，希腊语基本上迷失在他们中间。结果是希腊最终被限制在一个相对较小的地区，主要是在一个单一的威权政府之下。当政府权力减弱然后不复存在时，在拉丁语，尤其是土耳其语的征服之后，保持语言统一的古典规范被削弱了；但是当统一政府回归时，事实证明，逐渐地，为整个语言转向一个新的、单一的标准是可能的。

Greek never put down deep roots in the regions to which it spread; and when these regions were conquered by others, so that Greeks ceased to be their governing elite, Greek was essentially lost in them. The result was that Greek ended up confined to a relatively small region, mostly under a single, authoritarian government. When the government was reduced in power and then ceased to exist, after the Latin and especially the Turkish conquests, the classical norms that had kept the language united were weakened; but when unitary government was returned, it proved possible, gradually, to move to a new, single, standard for the whole language.

对于所有讲相关方言（或子语言）的社区，中文一直保持其作为政治和知识的高层次焦点的角色。与希腊语不同，它在整个东南部省份失去了语言统一性。但政治团结大体上是牢固的。其书写系统的语音不明确，在一定程度上使其忽略了其标准核心与那些方言之间的紧急差异。同样的模棱两可使它在上个世纪将其语言规范从古典文言转换为北京白话在不失去整个华语社区的忠诚的情况下。因此，象形文字系统使汉语摆脱了“第一次死亡”，而没有阻止其子语言的数量出现分化。

Chinese has retained its role as the high-level focus, political and intellectual, for all the communities that speak related dialects (or daughter languages). Unlike Greek, it has lost linguistic unity, all over its south-eastern provinces; but political unity by and large has held firm. The phonetic inexplicitness of its writing system has, to an extent, allowed it to ignore emergent differences between its standard core and those dialects. This same ambiguity has enabled it, in the last century, to switch its linguistic norm from classical wényán to Beijing báihuà without losing the allegiance of the whole set of Chinese-speaking communities. The logographic writing system, then, has enabled Chinese to escape the ‘first death’, without preventing numbers of its daughter languages from diverging.

梵语和拉丁语一样，产生了（或与之密切相关）许多子语言；这标志着它的历史和拉丁语的一个主要共同特点，即长期以来在其语言区域内的政治统一性的瓦解。因此，梵语分享了我们所说的拉丁语的“第一次死亡”。与拉丁语一样，这导致子语言将自己确立为流行主题的独立文学语言。但它长期以来一直保持其作为高级知识中心的作用，因此在某种意义上，对于这些独立的语言来说，它是语言理想。尽管英语受到海外影响，消除了其高级世俗角色，但它从未被取代为大多数印度人的主要宗教工具。

Sanskrit, like Latin, has given rise to (or been closely associated with) a number of daughter languages; this marks the major common feature of its history and Latin’s, namely the breakdown of political unity over its speech area for a long time. As such Sanskrit shared what we have called the ‘first death’ of Latin. As in the case of Latin, this led to the daughter languages establishing themselves as independent literary languages for popular themes. But it long retained its role as high-level intellectual centre, and hence in some sense linguistic ideal, for these independent languages. Despite the impact of English from overseas, eliminating its high-level secular role, it has never been replaced as the focal religious vehicle for the majority of Indians.

这段历史上的下一个故事是拉丁语子语言的惊人传播。我们很快就会谈到这一点。毕竟，这是拉丁语社区真实的、持续的故事。然而，在某种程度上，拉丁语作为一种活的语言确实找到了新的伪装。

The next tale in this history is the phenomenal spread of Latin’s daughter languages; to this we shall very soon pass. This, after all, is the real, continuing, story of the Latin speech community. And yet, in a way, Latin as a living language did find a new disguise.

在 13 至 15 世纪，在君士坦丁堡及其帝国沦陷后拜占庭学者涌入的帮助下，西欧受到了对古希腊语和拉丁语的新的和更直接的知识的启发。西方人一千年来第一次开始阅读希腊语，并热切地学习了与阿提克主义相关的文体学说（见第 6 章，“中年危机：尝试新的开始”，第 254 页） . 也许是通过接触，也许是因为自觉古典研究的性质，许多人开始对他们的拉丁语产生相应的语言势利，想要回到最古老的来源。只有西塞罗的工作才行。并不是所有的人文主义者都发现了这个错误：特别是 16 世纪早期的荷兰古典主义作家伊拉斯谟（Erasmus）写了一篇Dialogus Ciceronianus讽刺了这一愿望，设想了一个名为 Nosoponus （“在疾病下工作”）的角色，他努力找出每个动词的哪些变形形式实际上在西塞罗的作品中找到，而哪些（更重要的是）没有。对于这样的人来说，甚至他的梦想也仅限于西塞罗（'Nec aliud simulachrum in somnisoccurit praeterquam Ciceronis...'）；天真的目击者 Hypologus 评论说他看起来更像是一个幽灵而不是一个人（'Larvae similior videtur quam homini'）。

In the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries, western Europe had been enlightened by a new and more direct knowledge of ancient Greek and Latin, aided by the influx of Byzantine scholars after the fall of Constantinople and its empire. Westerners began for the first time in a thousand years to have a reading knowledge of Greek, and eagerly lapped up the associated stylistic doctrines of Atticism (see Chapter 6, ‘Mid-life crisis: Attempt at a new beginning’, p. 254). Perhaps by contact, perhaps because of the nature of self-consciously classical studies, many began to develop a corresponding linguistic snobbery about their Latin, wanting to go back to the most ancient sources. Only Cicero’s work would do. Not all humanists caught this bug: in particular Erasmus, a witty Dutch classicist writing in the early sixteenth century, wrote a Dialogus Ciceronianus to satirise the aspiration, envisioning a character called Nosoponus (’labouring under a disease’) exerting himself to work out which inflected forms of each verb were actually found in Cicero’s work, and which (more importantly) were not. For such a man, even his dreams were restricted to Cicero (’Nec aliud simulachrum in somnis occurrit praeterquam Ciceronis…’); the naive witness Hypologus comments that he looks more like a ghost than a man (’Larvae similior videtur quam homini’).

当这种对表达细节的投入确立了自己的可敬性时，就可以将表达方式视为远比内容重要，而对所说内容的了解远高于创新和努力的能力进步。因此，正如西方希腊学者的最高愿望是阅读文本（也许还可以写一个拼贴——但仅限于古典风格），现在人们开始认为，如果他们成为该语言的专家，他们将保留拉丁语的价值以及它现存的早期文学，仅是为了它们自己。一种语言的主要用途，即思考和感受、表达思想和交流思想，完全从属于这种“古典主义”。^*

When this kind of devotion to the details of expression established itself as respectable, it became possible to see the style of expression as far more important than the content, and the knowledge of what had been said as far superior to the ability to innovate and strive for progress. So just as the highest aspiration for Greek scholars in the West was to read the texts (and perhaps write a pastiche—but only in classical style), now people came to think they were preserving the value of Latin if they became experts in the language and its extant early literature, for their own sake alone. The primary uses of a language, to think and feel, to express ideas and to communicate them, became purely subordinate to this ‘classicism’.^*

如果拉丁人接受他们最喜欢的诗人之一的辞职判决会更好：

It would have been better if Latinists had accepted the resigned verdict of one of their favourite poets:

Soles occidere et redire possunt:

Nobis cum semel occidit brevis lux

Nox est perpetua una dormienda。

Soles occidere et redire possunt:

Nobis cum semel occidit brevis lux

Nox est perpetua una dormienda.

太阳可以落下，又可以回来：

对我们来说，当短暂的光落下时，

有一个永恒的夜晚要睡觉。

Suns can set and can come back again:

For us when once the short light has set

There is one night perpetual to be slept.

卡图卢斯

Catullus

^*见第 13 章。六种是英语、西班牙语、俄语、葡萄牙语、德语和法语。第七个是荷兰人，在人口联盟中排名第 21。第 10 章、第 11 章和第 12 章回顾了他们的帝国生涯。

^* See Chapter 13. The six are English, Spanish, Russian, Portuguese, German and French. There was a seventh, Dutch, which holds position 21 in the population league. Their imperial careers are reviewed in Chapters 10, 11 and 12.

^*对比 Alcuin，他在 9 世纪宣传他的拉丁语新标准，并朝着完全相反的方向努力：因为当时的重要任务是让知识界重新与自身及其古老的传统保持联系。

^* Contrast Alcuin, propagating his new standard for Latin in the ninth century, and working in quite the opposite direction: for the important mission then was to put the intellectual world back in touch with itself, and its own ancient traditions.

^*1960年代英国公立学校的古典流派教育中，我至今仍熟悉这种向后看的精神。它体现在学校教科书的一千个序言中。考虑一下 Ainger 和 Wintle（1890 年，1963 年第 17 次印象：iii）的这一点：“拉丁诗歌创作……是那种以无私的爱爱老作家，并乐于将现代思想和现代表达装进古代韵律的服饰。或者 Pym 和 Silver（1952 年），他们说有一章“说明了过去 200 年中英国拉丁语的持续活力”，当时它只包含墓志铭，一些议会演讲（英文）暗示拉丁文学，教皇通谕的一部分，关于 1947 年燃料危机的一首诗（诚然诙谐），以及一些来自学校和牛津大学的笑话奖作品。这本书的名字。Alive on Men's Lips是一个极具讽刺意味的谎言，因为它只是对 Ennius 墓志铭中的一句话的翻译，'vivu' per ora virŭm'，死于公元前二世纪。

^* This backward-looking spirit is still familiar to me from an education in the classical stream of an English public school in the 1960s. It is expressed in a thousand prefaces to school textbooks. Consider this from Ainger and Wintle (1890, 17th impression 1963: iii): ‘Latin verse composition … is the proof and the flower of that scholarship which loves the old writers with an unselfish love, and delights to clothe modern thoughts and modern expressions in the dress of ancient metre and rhythm.’ Or Pym and Silver (1952), who state that a chapter ‘illustrates the continuing vitality of the Latin language in England during the last two hundred years’ when all it contains is epitaphs, a couple of parliamentary speeches (in English) which allude to Latin literature, a section of a papal encyclical, a poem (admittedly witty) on the fuel crisis of 1947, and a number of jokey prize compositions from schools and the University of Oxford. The book’s very title. Alive on Men’s Lips, is a highly ironic lie, since it is simply a translation of a phrase from the epitaph of Ennius, ’vivu’ per ora virŭm’, dead in the second century BC.

10

位伟大的篡位者：新世界的西班牙语

10

Usurpers of Greatness: Spanish in the New World

Quando bien comigo pienso mui esclarecida Reina: i pongo deláte los ojos el antiguedad de todas las cosas: que para nuestra recordacion & memoria quedaron escriptas: una cosa hállo & sáco por结论 mui cierta: que siempre la lengua fue compaõera del imperio: & de tal manera lo siguió: que junta mente començarõ。信用证。& 弗洛里锡隆。& despues jŭta fue la caida de entrambos。

Quando bien comigo pienso mui esclarecida Reina: i pongo deláte los ojos el antiguedad de todas las cosas: que para nuestra recordacion & memoria quedaron escriptas: una cosa hállo & sáco por conclusion mui cierta: que siempre la lengua fue compaõera del imperio: & de tal manera lo siguió: que junta mente començarõ. crecieron. & florecieron. & despues jŭta fue la caida de entrambos.

最杰出的女王，当我仔细考虑，并把所有为我们记录和记忆而被记录下来的事物的古老性摆在我面前时，我发现并得出一个最确定的结论，那就是语言始终是帝国的伴侣，并以这样一种方式追随它，他们共同开始、成长、繁荣；后来联合是双方的秋天。

When I consider well, most illustrious Queen, and set before my eyes the antiquity of all the things which remain written down for our record and memory, one thing I find and draw as a most certain conclusion, that always language was the companion of empire, and followed it in such a way that jointly they began, grew, flourished; and afterwards joint was the fall of both.

Antonio de Nebrija ，1492 年他的Gramatica de la lengua castellana序言的开场白

Antonio de Nebrija, opening words of the preface to his Gramatica de la lengua castellana, 1492

征服者的肖像

Portrait of a conquistador

欧洲语言开始全球传播之际，正值印刷机和出版商断言在逐渐枯竭的拉丁语体上存在白话、西班牙语、葡萄牙语、法语和意大利语、英语、荷兰语和德语. 传播的语言是西罗马帝国继承国的语言。因此，他们受过教育的精英们对广阔的多国帝国的理想，甚至是浪漫主义并不陌生。他们是在罗马和亚历山大的历史上长大的。他们的想象充满了骑士精神、征服和冒险在陌生土地上的故事、Amadís de Gaula（15 世纪流行浪漫的英雄，1508 年在萨拉戈萨出版）、他的儿子 Esplandián（1510 年）以及许多，好多其它的。^*历史即将让他们的梦想成真。

The beginnings of the global spread of European languages came just as printing presses and publishers were asserting the existence of vernaculars, Spanish, Portuguese, French and Italian, English, Dutch and German, over the body of a Latin that was gradually being drained of life. The languages that spread were those of the successor states of the western Roman empire; and so their educated elites were no strangers to the ideal, and indeed the romance, of vast, multinational empires. They had been brought up on the histories of Rome and Alexander; and they were filling their imaginations with tales of chivalry, conquest and adventure in strange lands, of Amadís de Gaula (hero of a popular romance of the fifteenth century, published in Zaragoza in 1508), his son Esplandián (1510), and many, many others.^* History was about to make their dreams come true.

这个将在征服和殖民新大陆中发挥主导作用的国家已经感觉到自己进入了一个黄金时代。一个世纪以来不确定的阴谋在西班牙相互竞争的王国——北部和中部的卡斯蒂利亚以及东部的阿拉贡的和平联盟中得到了解决：卡斯蒂利亚于 1474 年来到伊莎贝拉，阿拉贡于 1479 年来到费尔南多；王子们已经结婚，他们如此被教皇接受，以至于他们继续被授予“Reyes Católicos”的称号。他们将共同统治另外 25 年，在此期间，他们完成了基督教对西班牙的征服。最后一个摩尔人王国格拉纳达于 1492 年的第二天陷落，但十年战争已将西班牙的国库拉到了极限。

The country that would play the leading role in the conquest and colonisation of the New World already felt itself entering a golden age. A century of uncertain intrigue had been resolved in the peaceful union of Spain’s competing kingdoms, Castile in the north and centre, and Aragon in the east: Castile had come to Isabella in 1474, and Aragon to Fernando in 1479; princes already joined in marriage, they were so acceptable to the Pope that they went on to be granted the title of ’Reyes Católicos’. They were to reign together for another twenty-five years, during which they completed the Christian conquest of Spain. The last Moorish kingdom, Granada, fell on the second day of 1492, but the ten-year war had stretched the Spanish treasury to its limit.

在语言上，西班牙是三种主要罗曼语系的联盟，西部是加利西亚语（gallego），中部是卡斯蒂利亚语（castellano），东部是加泰罗尼亚语（català）。^†作为一种语言，加泰罗尼亚语与法国南部使用的奥克西唐语或普罗旺斯语更为相似。可以在五世纪控制伊比利亚的不同日耳曼人群体中看到西班牙三人的部分起源，西北部的苏维人，中部和南部的西哥特人。^§无论如何，卡斯蒂利亚在 1230 年吞并了西部王国（由莱昂统治），确立了自己作为该地区最强大的国家的地位。与此同时，阿拉贡也开始统治西部，与加泰罗尼亚建立了相当平等的伙伴关系。 1140。

Linguistically, Spain was an alliance of three major Romance languages, Galician (gallego) in the west, Castilian (castellano) in the centre, and Catalan (català) in the east.^† Catalan is much more similar, as a language, to Occitan or Provençal, as spoken in southern France. It is possible to see part of the origins of the Spanish three in the different Germanic groups who took control of Iberia in the fifth century, the Suevi in the north-west, Visigoths in the centre and south.^§ At any rate, Castile established itself as the most powerful state in the region, having absorbed the western kingdom (ruled from León) in 1230. Aragon, in parallel, had come to dominate the west, uniting in a fairly equal partnership with Catalonia in 1140.

卡斯蒂利亚和阿拉贡联合的语言效果，以阿拉贡为小伙伴，使卡斯蒂利亚成为整个西班牙的法律标准，就在 17 世纪初文学开花之前。随着基督徒继续取代安达卢西亚南部的摩尔人，他们将说这种卡斯蒂利亚语的人重新定居在西班牙南部。此后，尽管加利西亚语和加泰罗尼亚语保持独立，仍然有自己的文学传统，但卡斯蒂利亚语成为“西班牙语”的代名词，直到今天。

The linguistic effect of the union of Castile and Aragon, with Aragon as the junior partner, was to make Castilian the de jure standard for the whole of Spain, just before the flowering of literature in the early seventeenth century. And as Christians went on to replace Moors in the southern reaches of Andalusia, they recolonised the south of Spain with speakers of this Castilian. Henceforth, although Galician and Catalan retained their independence and still have their own literary traditions, Castilian became a synonym for ‘the Spanish language’, as it is to this day.

西班牙对基督教的态度强调高级权威作为正统信仰的保证，并在 15 和 16 世纪带领整个基督教世界大力推行这种信仰。宗教裁判所成立于 1480 年，并于 1492 年采取了非常措施，将所有犹太人逐出王国。然后，在 1502 年，所有的伊斯兰教信仰活动都被突然禁止，尽管在十年前穆斯林投降格拉纳达的条款中已经明确保证了这一点。西班牙的统治圈有一种感觉，即真相只能在继承的传统中找到。同样，政治理想是教皇与国王、教会与国家之间的目标完全一致。

The Spanish approach to Christianity emphasised high-level authority as a guarantee of orthodoxy, and led all Christendom in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in vigorously prosecuting this belief. The Inquisition had been founded in 1480, and in 1492 the extraordinary measure was taken of expelling all Jews from the kingdom. Then, in 1502, all practice of Islamic faith was abruptly banned, although it had been explicitly guaranteed in the terms of the Muslims’ surrender of Granada ten years before. There was a sense in the ruling circles of Spain that the truth was only to be found in inherited tradition; likewise the political ideal was for total unity of purpose between Pope and King, Church and State.

这将对美洲的语言政策产生一些奇怪的影响。自由思考被认为是有害的，而且确实具有传染性。其结果是，当西班牙开始负责美洲的教育时，当地学生应该学习拉丁语而不是卡斯蒂利亚语。白话文学永远不能保证不受欺骗性影响。但是，在讲外语的人中传播西班牙文明时，世俗和神圣的语言优先级也变得明显不同：没有什么比西班牙语的象征力量更能代表帝国——但它更容易、更快、更可靠以一种母语传播理解，从而传播信仰。

This was to have some strange effects on language policy in the Americas. Free thinking was seen as pernicious and indeed contagious; and a consequence of this was the preference, when Spain became responsible for education in the Americas, that native students should learn Latin, rather than Castilian; vernacular literature could never be guaranteed free of deceptive influences. But in spreading Spanish civilisation among foreign-language speakers, it would also become clear that the linguistic priorities of the secular and the sacred diverged: nothing matched the symbolic power of the Spanish language to signify empire—but it was easier, quicker and more reliable to spread understanding, and hence faith, in one of the native languages.

信仰和正义的政府可能是一回事：但获得财富是另一回事。这里有创新的空间。事实上，卡斯蒂利亚授权的新的出发点的影响是如此深远，甚至超越了 15 世纪最狂野的浪漫史。葡萄牙人在这一时期向南和向东探索，找到了一条环绕非洲到印度和香料群岛的路线。他们于 1488 年绕过开普敦，并在随后的远征中到达传说中的东方，1499 年印度，1511 年马六甲（马六甲），1514 年广州（广州）。但在 1492 年的同一重要年份，西班牙热那亚冒险家克里斯托弗·哥伦布（Christopher Columbus）提供了一条通往同一目的地的更具推测性的道路，向西行驶。伊莎贝拉王后支持他，结果与预想的大相径庭：

Faith and righteous government might be one thing: but the getting of wealth was another. Here there was scope for innovation. Indeed, the new departure that Castile authorised was so far reaching in its consequences that it transcended even the wildest fifteenth-century romance. The Portuguese were exploring south and eastward in this period, finding a route round Africa to India and the spice islands; they had rounded the Cape in 1488, and were to reach the fabled orient on follow-up expeditions, India in 1499, Melaka (Malacca) in 1511, Guangzhou (Canton) in 1514. But in that same cardinal year of 1492, the Spanish were offered, by the Genoese adventurer Christopher Columbus, a more speculative path to the same destination, travelling due west. Queen Isabella backed him, and the result was quite different from what had been hoped: not an economic back door to the Orient, but a whole new set of worlds to conquer, ultimately a far richer prize.

史无前例的帝国

An unprecedented empire

卡利班到普洛斯彼罗：

Caliban to Prospero:

你教我语言；而我的好处

不是，我知道如何诅咒：红色瘟疫摆脱了你，

让我学会了你的语言！

You taught me language; and my profit on’t

Is, I know how to curse: the red plague rid you,

For learning me your language!

莎士比亚，暴风雨(1611)，i.2.1，1.321

Shakespeare, The Tempest (1611), i.2.1, 1.321

值得注意的是，在我们基督徒来到秘鲁之前，秘鲁的印第安人有一些特定的咒骂方式，与我们不同。他们没有自信的誓言，例如“上帝”或“天堂”，只有诅咒或诅咒……例如，“如果我不说真话，愿太阳杀死我”他们说mana checcanta õiptiy, indi guaõuchiuancmancha...曾经我问某省的一位酋长是否是基督徒，他说：“我还不是一个基督徒，但我正在做一个开始。” 我问他对成为基督徒有什么了解，他说：“我知道如何向上帝发誓，会打牌，我开始偷窃了。”

It is of note that the Indians of Peru, before we Christians had come to them, had certain and particular modes of swearing, distinct from ours. They had no assertive oaths, such as ‘by God’ or ‘by heaven’ but only execration or curses… e.g. ‘if I am not telling the truth, may the sun kill me’ they said mana checcanta õiptiy, indi guaõuchiuancmancha… Once when I asked a chieftain in a certain province if he was a Christian, he said ‘I am not yet quite one, but I am making a beginning.’ I asked him what he knew of being Christian, and he said: ‘I know how to swear to God, and play cards a bit, and I am beginning to steal.’

Fray Domingo Santo Tomás,

Arte de la Lengua General … del Perú (1560), ch. 二十三

Fray Domingo Santo Tomás,

Arte de la Lengua General … del Perú (1560), ch. Xxiii

西班牙语向美洲的传播是有记录的人类历史上全新发展的第一个语言效应。西班牙人和葡萄牙人在 15 世纪后期发现，一种新技术，即远洋船，由帆提供动力，并由磁罗盘和对盛行风的不断发展的知识引导，可以让他们直接进入遥远的地方世界的。尽管这对这些航行国家来说是一个惊喜，但对于已经生活在他们爆发的世界部分地区的人民来说，震惊要大得多。印度洋的阿拉伯人立即失去了对印度和中国贸易的垄断地位；印度人、汉语以及他们之间的所有人都面临着来自贪婪的欧洲人的新军事威胁。但是对于没有自己航海传统的美洲居民来说，

The spread of Spanish into the Americas was the first linguistic effect of a totally new development in recorded human history. The Spanish and the Portuguese discovered, in the late fifteenth century, that a new technology, the ocean-going ship, powered by sail, and guided by the magnetic compass and an evolving knowledge of prevailing winds, could give them direct access to distant parts of the world. Although this came as a surprise to these navigating nations, the shock was much greater to the peoples already living in the parts of the world on to which they burst. The Arabs of the Indian Ocean instantly lost their monopoly of trade with India and China; the Indians, the Chinese and all between them faced a new military threat from rapacious Europeans. But for the inhabitants of the Americas, without a seafaring tradition of their own, and so isolated for millennia from the hazards of long-distance contact, it was a shock that was usually fatal.

西班牙入侵新大陆的惊喜在很多方面都有体现。从克里斯托弗·哥伦布（Christopher Columbus）称为“印第安人”（ indios ）的新学科的永久误称中可以看出西班牙语的不理解。^*在哥伦布的假设以及后来的许多编年史家的假设中也可以看出，充满敌意的加勒比岛民显然是食人族（这个词因此成为“吃人肉的人”的同义词）。^†从未得到证实，这可能是欧洲旅行者关于天涯海角的传说的遗留物；希罗多德说，在斯基泰人之外生活着食肉的Androphagi。斯特拉博也发布了同样的关于斯基泰人自己的故事，甚至是爱尔兰人。¹但欧洲水手们可能一直在误解——为了适应更传统的恐怖——他们发现的第一个证据，证明了他们发现的真实的，但在当时仍然是真正不可思议的土著人祭祀习俗。

The surprise of the Spanish irruption into the New World was registered in many ways. Spanish incomprehension can be seen in the permanent misnomer of their new subjects, called ‘Indians’ (indios) by Christopher Columbus.^* It is also seen in Columbus’s assumption, followed by many later chroniclers, that hostile Caribbean islanders were clearly cannibals (a term that as a result became synonymous with ‘eaters of human flesh’).^† Never substantiated, this may have been a hangover from the traditions of European travellers’ tales about the ends of the earth; Herodotus said that beyond the Scythians lived the flesh-eating Androphagi; and Strabo had retailed the same story about the Scythians themselves, and even the Irish.¹ But the European mariners may have been misinterpreting—to fit with more conventional horror—the first evidence they were finding of the true, but for then still truly inconceivable, indigenous practices of human sacrifice.

最直接地，就我们的目的而言，西班牙语的不理解可以从哥伦布选择带来的希望简化交流的语言学家身上看出：Luis de Torres，他知道希伯来语、亚拉姆语（“迦勒底语”）和一些阿拉伯语，还有 Rodrigo de Jérez ，他可能访问过几内亚的一些葡萄牙殖民地。尽管他可能理性地认为，当他到达中国时，他会遇到阿拉伯商人，但他的选择雄辩地表明，他完全不知道世界其他地方在语言上是什么样的，即使是受过教育的西班牙人也可能遇到的唯一外国人是摩尔人或犹太人。^*事实上，西班牙人继续称美国人的精神中心为“清真寺”：例如，科尔特斯在 1520 年给国王的一封信中写道，墨西哥一座从未见过穆斯林的城市：“我向陛下保证，我从这座城市的一座清真寺中数了数，大约有 430 座塔，它们都属于清真寺。²

Most directly for our purposes, the Spanish incomprehension can be seen in the linguists that Columbus had chosen to bring in the hope of easing communication: Luis de Torres, who knew Hebrew, Aramaic (’Chaldaean’) and some Arabic, and Rodrigo de Jérez, who had perhaps visited some of the Portuguese colonies in Guinea. Although he may rationally have believed he could run into Arab traders when he reached China, his choice is eloquent of the sheer ignorance of what the rest of the world was like linguistically, when the only alien that even an educated Spaniard was likely to meet was a Moor or a Jew.^* And indeed Spaniards went on calling the spiritual centres of the Americans ‘mosques’: for example, in a letter to his king in 1520, Cortés wrote, of a city in Mexico that had never seen a Muslim: ‘And I assure your Majesty that I counted from a mosque some 430 towers in the said city, all of them belonging to mosques.’²

对现在开放的新视野范围的不理解当然不仅限于西班牙人。他们非常明确地将自己视为基督教世界在这些新领域的使者，于是求助于教皇——亚历山大六世，方便地是西班牙人——以确认他们对这些领土的所有权。在信息技术和遗传学未知领域的现代专利热潮中，我们熟悉这种情况。1493 年，教皇在授予西班牙对哥伦布第一次航行中发现的发现的主权后，继续授予它对亚速尔群岛和佛得角群岛以西一百多里格的所有领土的所有权，大约西经 30°，一直明确到印度。如果它成立，这将赋予西班牙对所有美洲的权利。但没有人知道这一点，哥伦布第一次航行一年后。葡萄牙人在这个阶段是唯一的主要竞争对手，他们对教皇的授权非常关心，首先是为了保证他们穿越大西洋到非洲及其他地区的路线。他们成功地与西班牙人谈判，将南北分界线向西移动了 270 里格，实际上是经度 45°，这个理论上的界限在 1494 年的托德西利亚斯条约中得到了同意。在实践中从未明确确定，并且不符合现代边界——例如，巴西向内陆延伸至西经 74°，甚至在海岸上也延伸至 50°——但它确实作为一个方便的经验法则，使葡萄牙拥有先决权1500 年，西班牙和葡萄牙的船只首次访问了巴西的东南海岸，

The incomprehension of the extent of the new horizons now opening up was of course not confined to the Spaniards. Seeing themselves quite explicitly as emissaries of Christendom in these new realms, they turned to the Pope—Alexander VI, conveniently a Spaniard—to validate their title to the territories. It was a situation familiar to us from the modern rush for patents in the uncharted areas of information technology and genetics. In 1493 the Pope, after granting Spain sovereignty over Columbus’s discoveries on his first voyage, went on to award it title to all territories more than a hundred leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands, approximately longitude 30°W, explicitly all the way to India. If it had become established, this would have given Spain rights to all the Americas. But no one could know this, a year after Columbus’s first voyage. The Portuguese were at this stage the only major competitors and were duly concerned about the Pope’s dispensation, above all in order to guarantee their routes through the Atlantic to Africa and beyond. They succeeded in negotiating with the Spaniards to have the north-south demarcation line moved 270 leagues farther west, effectively to longitude 45°, and this notional limit was agreed in the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494. It was never clearly identified in practice, and corresponds to no modern boundary—Brazil, for example, extends inland all the way to longitude 74°W, and even on the coast as far as 50°—but it did serve as a convenient rule of thumb, giving Portugal a prior claim to Brazil, whose south-eastern coast was first visited by both Spanish and Portuguese ships in 1500, but inhibiting its interest in the Amazon until 1637.

在美国方面，人口的毁灭性损失更加残酷地记录了不理解的震惊。在欧洲接触之前，不可能安全地估计生活在美洲的人数。估计在 1300 万到 1.8 亿之间。但到处都有证据表明欧洲人抵达后的最初几年出现了大幅下降。首先，西班牙人抱怨他们殖民的第一批岛屿——古巴和伊斯帕尼奥拉岛的人口减少，而这些数字证实了这一点：1496 年伊斯帕尼奥拉岛的人口普查得出的数字是 110 万，但仅仅 18 年后，人口减少了。1514 个列出了 22,000 个。墨西哥目睹了一系列流行病，首先是西班牙人访问他们的首都特诺奇蒂特兰，这带走了大部分当地人口，并向南蔓延到危地马拉。1580 年代，约瑟夫·德·阿科斯塔 (Joseph de Acosta) 在整个加勒比地区写道：“海岸的居住地……如此浪费和谴责，居住在那里的 30 部分人想要二十九个；其余的印第安人很可能会在短时间内衰败”。³

On the American side, the shock of incomprehension was registered more brutally, by a devastating loss of population. It is impossible to estimate safely the numbers living in the Americas before European contact. Estimates vary between 13 million and 180 million. But everywhere there is evidence of a massive fall in the early years after the Europeans arrived. First of all, the Spaniards complained of depopulation in the first islands they colonised, Cuba and Hispaniola, and the figures bear them out: a census of Hispaniola in 1496 gave a figure of 1.1 million, but just eighteen years later the repartimiento of 1514 listed 22,000. Mexico witnessed a series of epidemics, beginning with the Spanish visit to their capital Tenochtitlán, which carried off most of the native population, and spread southward into Guatemala. Of the whole Caribbean, Joseph de Acosta was writing in the 1580s: ‘the habitation of which coasts is … so wasted and condemned that of thirty parts of the people that inhabit it there wants twenty-nine; and it is likely that the rest of the Indians will in short time decay’.³

16 世纪中叶，埃尔南多·德·索托（Hernando de Soto）带领一支探险队穿越佛罗里达和北美东南部，在现代孟菲斯附近的密西西比河上发现了聚集在小城市的大量印第安人。1682 年，当白人（这次是法国人）再次访问该地区时，该地区空无一人。

Hernando de Soto led an expedition through Florida and the North American south-east in the mid-sixteenth century, finding a thick population of Indians, clustered in small cities, on the Mississippi river near modern Memphis. In 1682, when the area was next visited by white men (this time French), it was deserted.

疾病传播的速度比西班牙征服的先锋还要快：天花于 1525 年到达秘鲁，弗朗西斯科·皮萨罗于 1532 年到达。它已经杀死了怀纳·卡帕克、印加人和他的许多亲属，并促成了西班牙人将要扭转的王朝斗争为自己的利益。此后，与其他地方一样，斑疹伤寒、流感、白喉和麻疹以及更多天花的进一步流行病肆虐人口。

The diseases travelled faster than the spearheads of Spanish conquest: smallpox arrived in Peru in 1525, Francisco Pizarro in 1532. It had already killed Huayna Capac, the Inca, and many of his relations, and precipitated the dynastic struggle that the Spaniards were to turn to their own advantage. Thereafter, as everywhere, further epidemics, of typhus, influenza, diphtheria and measles as well as more smallpox, ravaged the population.

西班牙人不是特别人道的征服者，但他们对种族灭绝没有兴趣。从伊斯帕尼奥拉岛的最初几天开始，他们就希望剥削当地人的劳动力，仅此一点，他们就对人数突然灾难性的崩溃感到沮丧。然而，在任何地方，以前的人口正在消失这一事实将在物质上帮助征服者语言的长期传播，通过主要从土著语言的使用者社区中减去来改变人数的平衡。

The Spanish were not notably humane conquerors, but they had no interest in genocide. From the first days in Hispaniola, they had hoped to exploit the labour of the natives, and for this alone they were dismayed at the sudden and disastrous collapse in their numbers. Yet everywhere, the fact that the previous population was melting away would have materially aided the long-term spread of the conquerors’ language, changing the balance in numbers by subtracting predominantly from the speaker communities of the indigenous languages.

从世界的角度来看，事后诸葛亮，西班牙人进入新世界的三个方面在历史上都是全新的。

From the perspective of the world, with full benefit of hindsight, three aspects of the Spanish advance into the New World stand out as quite new to history.

一个是这是人类种族的第一次直接对抗，来自完全不同的血统，被数万年的独立发展所分割。克里斯托弗·哥伦布和瓜卡纳加里的最后一个共同祖先，他在伊斯帕尼奥拉岛遇到的第一个国王，不可能活到两千代之前，比基督诞生以来所经过的时间长二十多倍。那个共同的祖先应该生活在非洲，所以两个人的血统必须延伸到世界各地才能相遇。从那一刻起，接触将不再受到世界人类住区的这种内在线性的限制：民族将与民族对话，从任何地方到任何地方。

One is that this was the first direct confrontation of races of human beings from quite separate lineages, divided by tens of thousands of years of independent development. The last common ancestor of Christopher Columbus and Guacanagarí, the first king he encountered on Hispaniola, could not have lived less than two thousand generations before, a period over twenty times longer than the time elapsed since the birth of Christ. That common ancestor would have lived in Africa, and so the two men’s lineages had to extend all round the world before they could meet. From that moment onward, contacts would no longer be restricted by this intrinsic linearity in the human settlement of the world: nation would speak unto nation, from anywhere to anywhere.

正如我们所见，这一方面对美国人口遭受的特殊灾难至关重要。事实证明，在美国和西班牙达到顶峰的数千年的发展赋予了欧洲血统一种像秘密武器一样作用的属性：对各种疾病的抵抗力，因为它们是地方性的，很可能传播到任何其他国家。他们接触的人群。这远远超过了武器技术上的优势，这意味着他们可以在与压倒性人数的战斗中获胜，在他们有机会适应文化或长期团结之前就消灭了大片土著人口。最重要的是，正是这种生物学因素解释了为什么当今美国西班牙裔国家的大多数人口到处都是混血儿。

This aspect was fundamental to the special catastrophe that, as we have seen, hit the American population. It turned out that the long millennia of development that had culminated in America and Spain had given the European lineage an attribute that acted like a secret weapon: resistance to a variety of diseases which, since they were endemic, were likely to spread to any other population with which they were in contact. This, far more than the technical superiority in arms which meant they could win battles against overwhelming numbers, eliminated swathes of the native population before they had any chance to adapt culturally, or rally in the long term. It is this biological factor, above all, which explains why the majority population in the Hispanic countries of America nowadays is everywhere mestizo.

西班牙进军的第二个史无前例的方面是，这是第一次通过海上入侵征服外国大陆。海洋帝国当然是古代和中世纪地中海的一个特征（雅典、迦太基和威尼斯脱颖而出），在公元第一个千年，印度人将他们的文明投射到孟加拉湾，尽管没有明显的军事意图。就在西班牙人建立帝国的八十年前，中国海军上将郑和曾航行过印度洋，向斯里兰卡索要贡品，并证明中国有能力到达非洲东海岸，如果它愿意的话。但是以前的帝国并没有通过控制海洋航道获得或维持。现在第一次一个附属领土可能是一个远离其政府的大陆，

The second unprecedented aspect of the Spanish advance is that this was the first conquest of a foreign continent by seaborne invasion. Maritime empires had certainly been a feature of the ancient and medieval Mediterranean (Athens, Carthage and Venice stand out), and in the first millennium AD Indians had projected their civilisation across the Bay of Bengal, though without apparent military intent. Only eighty years before the Spanish founded their empire, China’s Admiral Zheng-He had cruised the Indian Ocean, exacting tribute from Sri Lanka, and demonstrating that China was capable of reaching the eastern coasts of Africa, if it so chose. But no previous empire had been gained or maintained through the control of oceanic seaways. Now for the first time a subject territory could be a continent away from its government, the link maintained through the projection of power by a navy across oceans.

第三，征服新大陆是在许多独立行动中进行的第一次重大入侵，通常由自由企业进行，即使是adelantados——“先遣人员”，正如先驱总司令所熟知的那样，他们的头衔以前是为面向穆斯林的边境省份的州长保留的——所有人都声称代表西班牙国王行事。入侵部队往往规模很小（科尔特斯在墨西哥有 607 人，皮萨罗在秘鲁有 160 人），以至于防守领导人在威胁的性质上被误导，并试图与他们谈判，或至少拖延了他们的防御。观察，他们不受欢迎的西班牙访客。新世界是通过一系列士兵冒险家的拼凑而成的：加勒比地区的哥伦布（1490 年代）、墨西哥的科尔特斯、危地马拉的阿尔瓦拉多、玻利维亚的加西亚、秘鲁的皮萨罗（1520 年代）、新格拉纳达的克萨达（未来的哥伦比亚），阿根廷的门多萨（1530 年代），佛罗里达的德索托，德克萨斯的科罗纳多，加利福尼亚的卡布里洛，智利的瓦尔迪维亚（1540 年代），仅提及最著名或最成功的。每次运动的主要目的都是为了丰富其参与者，即使正式的理由是要求对国王更忠诚，并通过获得皈依真正教会的人来拯救灵魂。

Third, the conquest of the New World was the first major invasion to be undertaken in a number of independent initiatives, often by free enterprise, even if the adelantados—’advance men’, as the pioneer captains-general were known, their title previously reserved for the governors of frontier provinces facing the Muslims—all claimed to be acting on behalf of the king of Spain. The invasion forces tended to be so small (607 with Cortés in Mexico, 160 with Pizarro in Peru) that the defending leaders were misled as to the nature of the threat, and delayed fatally in their defences by attempting to negotiate with, or at least to observe, their unwanted Spanish visitors. The New World was conquered through a patchwork of campaigns of soldier adventurers: Columbus in the Caribbean (1490s), Cortés in Mexico, Alvarado in Guatemala, García in Bolivia, Pizarro in Peru (1520s), Quesada in New Granada (the future Colombia), Mendoza in Argentina (1530s), de Soto in Florida, Coronado in Texas, Cabrillo in California, Valdivia in Chile (1540s), to mention only the most famous or successful. Each campaign was aimed primarily at enriching its participants, even while the formal justification was to demand wider loyalty to the king, and to save souls by gaining converts to the True Church.

事件的这三个方面开创了一个全新的时代，并将成为未来主要语言接触的常见特征，因为欧洲的海洋国家派出舰队到世界上每个拥有海岸线的温带和热带地区，并试图声称他们是殖民地，他们的人民是顾客、臣民和皈依者。这一系列的征服标志着当今完全全球化的世界发展的关键转变，地球上几乎任何地方都在 24 小时内到达其他任何地方。^*

These three aspects of the event usher in a radically new age, and were to become commonplace features of the major language contacts to come, as maritime nations of Europe sent fleets to every temperate and tropical part of the world that possessed a coastline, and attempted to claim them as colonies, and their people as customers, subjects and converts. This sequence of conquests marked the crucial transition in the development of the fully global world of today, where practically anywhere on the planet is within twenty-four hours’ travel of anywhere else.^*

几乎是事后才想到，征服美洲最终确实达到了哥伦布所设定的目的，即与亚洲建立联系。1565 年，在菲利普二世国王的指示下，一支来自墨西哥的远征队穿越太平洋到达宿务岛和吕宋岛，并在后来的菲律宾建立了西班牙统治的开端。太平洋其他较小的西班牙殖民地包括马里亚纳群岛和关岛。西班牙的控制以及在这里传播西班牙语的尝试将持续到美国在赢得美西战争后于 1898 年接管。

Almost as an afterthought, the conquest of the Americas did eventually serve the purpose with which Columbus had set out, a link with Asia. In 1565, on the instructions of King Philip II, an expedition from Mexico crossed the Pacific to the islands of Cebu and Luzon, and established the beginnings of Spanish dominion in what was to be the Philippines. Other smaller Spanish colonies in the Pacific included the Marianas and Guam. Spanish control, and the attempt to spread the Spanish language here, was to last until the USA took over in 1898, after winning the Spanish-American War.

由于这些太平洋殖民地与美洲几乎同时获得，但在很大程度上是香料岛旧世界的一部分，位于印度和中国影响区的边缘，它们提供了一个有用的对比来突出这些特殊特征西班牙语在新世界的进步。西班牙语从未在菲律宾取得广泛或根深蒂固的进步，尽管存在三个多世纪，但在 20 世纪初很快就被英语取代。思考美洲与西班牙语差异的根源将会很有趣，尽管美国在经济上占主导地位，但西班牙语仍在以英语为代价而增长。

Since these Pacific colonies were gained at much the same time as the Americas, but were very much part of the Old World of the spice islands, on the edge of India’s and China’s zones of influence, they provide a useful contrast to highlight the special features of the progress of Spanish in the New World. Spanish never made widespread or deep-seated progress in the Philippines, and despite over three centuries of presence was soon displaced by English in the early twentieth century. It will be interesting to ponder the roots of the difference with Spanish in the Americas, where despite US economic dominance Spanish is still growing at the expense of English.

一开始可以说，征服菲律宾并没有分享征服美洲的所有前所未有的特性。诚然，这是一次海上入侵，它的起源，就像许多对北美的探险探险一样，在墨西哥。但是目标土地是旧大陆的一部分，而不是新大陆的一部分，因此没有遭受灾难性的对欧洲疾病的免疫力缺乏的痛苦，这种疾病摧毁了美国：西班牙人的出现并没有在太平洋本土出现任何崩溃人口。此外，菲律宾的定居并不是由个别团体为了自己的利益分散开来进行探索和开发的。这是一个西班牙政府基金会，首先在宿务设立，然后更永久地在马尼拉设立。此后，扩大西班牙的存在，因此，西班牙语是通过（或多或少）传教士的无私活动而来的。菲律宾缺乏在美洲发现的贵金属，而且从西班牙更难到达，因为唯一几乎不实用的路线是通过墨西哥：该殖民地几乎没有为讲西班牙语的社区提供发展和扩张的实际动力。

One can state at the outset that the conquest of the Philippines did not share in all the unprecedented properties of the conquest of the Americas. It was, admittedly, a seaborne invasion, and its point of origin was, like many expeditions of exploration into North America, in Mexico. But the land targeted was part of the Old World, not the New, and hence did not suffer from the disastrous lack of immunity to European diseases which devastated America: the advent of the Spanish was not followed in the Pacific by any collapse in the native population. Furthermore, the settlement of the Philippines did not proceed by individual groups spreading out to explore and exploit in their own interest. It was a Spanish government foundation, set up first at Cebu, and then, more permanently, in Manila. Thereafter, expansion of Spanish presence, and hence the Spanish language, came through the (more or less) disinterested activities of missionaries. The Philippines lacked the precious metals found in the Americas, and were much harder to reach from Spain, since the only barely practical route lay through Mexico: the colony offered little practical incentive for a Spanish-speaking community to grow and expand.

语言障碍的第一个裂缝：

口译员、双语者、语法家

First chinks in the language barrier:

Interpreters, bilinguals, grammarians

德克萨达将军试图找出人们对他的反对。有一个印第安人，他们用两块盐饼俘虏了他，并把他们带到了他们在这个领域的地方，通过谈话，他已经说了几句西班牙语。将军让他请他俘虏的该国的一些印第安人担任翻译。他们用自己的语言回答musca puenunga，这是“许多人”的短语。听到它的西班牙人说：'他们说他们像苍蝇[ moscas]'... [Quesada] 用火绳枪给了他们一个爆炸声。然后当印第安人看到西班牙人没有靠近他们就杀了他们时，他们没有等待片刻就逃跑了。我们的人追击并攻击他们，直到大军分开并消失。在追捕过程中，他们说西班牙人说：“这些比苍蝇还多；但他们像苍蝇一样飞走了；他们的名字[Mosca]是固定的；这次袭击结束了整个战争。

General de Quesada tried to find out what people were arrayed against him. There was an Indian whom they had captured with two cakes of salt and who had led them to where they were in this realm, and who through conversation already spoke a few words of Spanish. The General had him ask some Indians of the country whom he had captured to serve as interpreters. They replied in their language with the words musca puenunga, which is the phrase for ‘many people’. The Spaniards who heard it said: ‘they say they are like flies [moscas]’… [Quesada] gave them a blast from the arquebuses. Then when the Indians saw that without coming up to them the Spaniards were killing them, without waiting a moment they took flight; our men gave chase and attacked them, until the great host came apart and disappeared. In the pursuit they say that the Spanish said: ‘There were more of these than flies; but they have taken flight like flies’; with which the name [Mosca] was fixed for them; and this assault finished off the whole war.

Juan Rodriguez Freyle，格拉纳达新王国的征服和发现，

ch。vi（写于 1636 年，描述 1536 年波哥大地区的事件）

Juan Rodriguez Freyle, Conquest and discovery of the New Kingdom of Granada,

ch. vi (written in 1636, describing events in the region of Bogotá in 1536)

也许是对他在第一次航行中带来的不充分的、因为被误导的语言支持感到失望，哥伦布在他正在探索的岛屿周围航行时绑架了他船上的少数人，然后将他们带回西班牙。“在他看来，他应该带一些印第安人到卡斯蒂利亚，从这个古巴岛或他已经估计的大陆，以便他们可以学习卡斯蒂利亚的语言，并从他们那里了解这片土地的秘密，并为了在信仰的问题上指导他们。⁴

Perhaps disappointed by the inadequate, because misguided, linguistic support he had brought on his first voyage, Columbus had kidnapped a handful of the people in his ships as he sailed onward around the islands he was exploring, and then taken them back to Spain. ‘It appeared to him that he should take to Castile, from this Isle of Cuba or the mainland as he was already reckoning it to be, some Indians so that they might learn the tongue of Castile and to know from them the secrets of the land, and in order to instruct them in the matters of the faith.’⁴

他们中的一些人出现在法庭上，并接受了皇室教父母的洗礼。他们中的大多数人要么死在西班牙，要么一回到印度就逃亡，只有他们中的一个，现在（受洗后）被称为 Diego Colón，担任过翻译。哥伦布起初的印象是，他遇到的所有“印第安人”都说同一种语言。但迭戈在巡演加勒比海其他岛屿时的用处有限，这让他（首先是欧洲人）对这些土地的语言储备真正有多么多样化有所了解。

Several of them were presented at court, and received baptism, with royal godparents, no less. Most of them either died in Spain or took flight as soon as they returned to the Indies, and only one of them, now (after baptism) known as Diego Colón, did service as an interpreter. Columbus had at first been under the impression that all the ‘Indians’ he met spoke the same language; but the limited usefulness of Diego as he toured even the rest of the Caribbean islands gave him, first of the Europeans, an inkling of how diverse the language stock of these lands really was.

这种试图抓住可能的小伙子并将他们培养成翻译的尝试从来没有取得巨大的成功，尽管坚持了三十年左右。当候选人被强行带走时，这引起了不满——泰诺印第安人的土著居民已经在他们自己的文化中经历过被邻居袭击以奴役和献祭的痛苦经历——而且学徒经常死于欧洲不自然的生活环境。

This kind of attempt to capture likely lads and train them up as interpreters was never a great success, although persisted with for thirty years or so. It caused resentment when candidates were taken by force—the native populations of Taino Indians already had bitter experience in their own culture of raids by neighbours for enslavement and human sacrifice—and far too often the apprentices died in the unnatural setting of life in Europe.

更有效的是一个自然过程，一个孤立的西班牙人，遭遇海难或逃离自己的人民，将在印度村庄生活，因此了解他们的语言，然后返回担任翻译。记录在案的此类案件有十几个。⁵事实证明，其中一个对于西班牙第一次进入美洲内陆至关重要，当时科尔特斯在 1519 年渗透到墨西哥帝国的心脏地带。他通过两名口译员的接力进行交流，其中一位是西班牙人 Jerónimo de Aguilar，在尤卡坦海岸的一次海难后在一个玛雅村庄度过了八年，另一位是著名的 Malin-tzin，一位说纳瓦特尔语的女性。 Coatzacoalcos 小时候被交易到附近的玛雅社区西卡兰戈。

More effective was the natural process whereby an isolated Spaniard, shipwrecked or on the run from his own people, would take up life in an Indian village, and so get to know their language, before returning to act as interpreter. There are a good dozen such cases on record.⁵ One of these turned out to be crucial for the first Spanish advance into the interior of America, when in 1519 Cortés penetrated to the heart of the Mexican empire. He communicated through a relay of two interpreters, one of them Jerónimo de Aguilar, a Spaniard who had spent eight years in a Mayan village after a shipwreck on the coast of Yucatán, the other the famous Malin-tzin, a Nahuatl-speaking woman from Coatzacoalcos who had been traded to a nearby Mayan community, Xicalango, in childhood.

作为西班牙语的翻译，许多本土学员仍然相当不足，缺乏了解西班牙人真正兴趣的背景，即使他们像秘鲁人费利皮略一样自我激励，“在没有任何人教他的情况下学习了[西班牙语]语言...... [并且] 是秘鲁拥有的第一位口译员”。⁶

As interpreters of Spanish, many native trainees remained rather inadequate, lacking the background to understand the Spaniards’ real interests, even if they were as self-motivated as the Peruvian Felipillo, who had ‘learnt the [Spanish] language without anyone teaching him … [and] was the first interpreter that Peru had’.⁶

他是征服秘鲁期间的主要翻译，并在卡哈马卡决战之前调解了与印加皇帝阿塔瓦尔帕的第一次关键对话。费利皮略被要求翻译多米尼加修道士弗赖·维森特·巴尔韦德（Fray Vicente Valverde）的严厉而精辟的讲话，该讲话贯穿了基督教的基本教义，教皇和西班牙皇帝查尔斯改变世界的明显职责，以及随之而来的需要阿塔瓦尔帕毫不犹豫地服从他们。

He was the main interpreter during the conquest of Peru, and mediated the first, crucial, conversation with Atahuallpa, the Inca emperor, just before the decisive battle of Cajamarca. Felipillo was called on to translate a harsh and pithy address by the Dominican friar, Fray Vicente Valverde, which ran through the basic doctrines of Christianity, the apparent duty of the Pope and the Spanish emperor Charles to convert the world, and the consequent need for Atahuallpa to submit to them without further ado.

Atahuallpa 的回复是由印加加西拉索转达的，他本人是一名混血双语的西班牙语和印加语克丘亚语的混血儿，同时也是一名受过高等教育的西塞罗修辞学学生，在事件发生后一生都在写作。根据他的说法，翻译的贫乏似乎已经破坏了任何可以保持理解，或者至少是礼貌的机会。Atahuallpa 应该已经详细回答了，首先是对翻译质量差的评论：

Atahuallpa’s reply is transmitted by Inca Garcilaso, himself a mestizo bilingual in Spanish and the Inca language Quechua, but also a highly educated student of Ciceronian rhetoric, writing more than a lifetime after the event. By his account, the poverty of the translation seems to have vitiated any chance that understanding, or at least courtesy, could be maintained. Atahuallpa is supposed to have replied at length, starting with a comment on the poor quality of the interpreting:

既然你否认了我对你的信使提出的所有其他要求，那我会非常满意，你至少应该答应我一个要求，即通过一位熟练而忠实的翻译来解决我的问题。因为人们的风度和社会生活，通过语言比通过风俗更容易理解，因为即使你拥有伟大的美德，如果你不以言语表现出来，我也不容易通过观察和观察来感知它们。经验。如果这对所有民族和国家来说都是必要的，那么对于来自像我们这样不同地区的人来说更是如此。如果我们寻求通过不懂两种语言的口译员和信使进行交易和交谈，就好像我们是在通过驮兽的嘴巴进行交谈。⁷

It would have caused me great satisfaction, since you deny everything else I have requested of your messengers, that you should at least have granted me one request, that of addressing me through a skilled and faithful translator. For the urbanity and social life of men is more readily understood through speech than by customs, since even though you may be endowed with great virtues, if you do not manifest them by words, I shall not easily be able to perceive them by observation and experience. And if this is needful among all peoples and nations, it is much more so between those who come from such widely different regions as we; if we seek to deal and talk through interpreters and messengers who are ignorant of both languages it will be as though we were conversing through the mouths of beasts of burden.⁷

如此详尽的演讲显然要让费利皮略这样一个简单的解释者大吃一惊，但它很可能是加西拉索的小说，符合古典历史写作的最佳传统。尽管如此，加西拉索确实声称西班牙人“无法忍受谈话的长度，已经离开了他们的位置并落在了印第安人身上”。因此，对未知语言的啰嗦的不容忍可能在确实发展的行动中发挥了作用。

A speech of this level of elaboration was evidently going to floor such a simple interpreter as Felipillo, but it is most likely a fiction of Garcilaso’s, in accord with the best traditions of classical history-writing. Nevertheless, Garcilaso does claim that the Spaniards ‘who were unable to brook the length of the discourse, had left their places and fallen on the Indians’. So intolerance of long-windedness in an unknown language perhaps played a role in the action that did develop.

在完成征服并让西班牙人上台后，新的经济秩序几乎没有建立起来，当地居民被分配到土地或矿山工作，这将鼓励西班牙人的广泛传播语。静态种群之间的重复职责将最大限度地减少主人和受试者之间交流的需要。没有什么类似于罗马帝国的兵役，或中世纪欧洲的修道院和大学的传播，这将使西班牙大师的语言在他们的领土上传播开来。无论如何，不断有讲西班牙语的人从西班牙移民到本国，以增加讲西班牙语的人数。然而，组织当地人的工作需要大量的双语者。mancebas ) 并开始与他们一起养家糊口。他们的孩子，被称为混血儿，将从父母那里学习两种语言。“早在1503年，法院就向伊斯帕尼奥拉的州长建议，一些基督徒应该娶一些印度妇女，这样他们就可以相互交流和教导。” ⁸

After the conquests were achieved and Spaniards installed in positions of power, there was little in the new economic order that was established, with native inhabitants of a region assigned to work on the land or in mines, that would have encouraged widespread diffusion of the Spanish language. Repetitive duties among static populations would minimise the need for communication between master and subject. There was nothing analogous to military service in the Roman empire, or the spread of monasteries and universities in medieval Europe, which would diffuse the language of the Spanish masters around their domains. There was, in any case, a constant flow of Spanish speakers emigrating from Spain itself to boost the speaker population. Yet a substantial number of bilinguals would have been needed to organise the work of the natives. They would have arisen naturally as the Spanish immigrants, overwhelmingly male, took Indian wives or mistresses (mancebas) and began to raise families with them. Their children, known as mestizos, would learn both languages from their parents. ‘As early as 1503, the Court recommends to the governor of Hispaniola that some Christians should marry some Indian women, so that they may communicate with and teach one another.’⁸

对由这些跨种族联盟产生的“新种族” Nueva Raza的这种热情，是使西班牙帝国主义与后来的盎格鲁-撒克逊帝国建立者的态度截然不同的一个特征。在著名的征服者中，几乎每个人都有混血儿孩子，经常有几个不同的女人，他们被完全认可为他们父亲的继承人。科尔特斯、皮萨罗、贝纳尔卡萨和阿尔瓦拉多都符合这一传统；的确，教皇克莱门特七世在 1529 年的公牛中正式将科尔特斯的三个儿子合法化，尽管他确实有点缓和了：“美德”的美貌在儿子身上清除了出生的污点，而由于习俗的纯洁性，出身的耻辱是抹去'。

Such enthusiasm for the Nueva Raza, the ‘new race’ generated by these interracial unions, is one feature that strongly distinguishes Spanish imperialism from the attitudes of later Anglo-Saxon empire-builders. Among the famous conquistadores, almost every one had mestizo children, often with several different women, and they were fully recognised as heirs to their fathers. Cortés, Pizarro, Benalcázar and Alvarado all conform to this tradition; indeed, Pope Clement VII officially legitimised three sons of Cortés in a bull of 1529, although he did temporise a little: ‘the virtues’ beauty purges in the sons the stain of the birth, and with the purity of customs the shame of origin is effaced’.

跨种族婚姻如此普遍（很快因从非洲进口黑人奴隶而变得复杂），以至于设计了一种混血儿童术语的分类法，并以著名的插图进行了说明。⁹现代西班牙裔评论员倾向于将这种情况理想化，例如，指的是欧洲西班牙人的混合种族背景，但事实是，试图将每个人都保密，以及名义上的权力和地位纯西班牙家庭（criollos) 在帝国末期之前一直居高不下——实际上只超过了来自西班牙的移民——这表明社会并不像有时声称的那样不受基于种族的压迫。然而，无论是否接受和鼓励各种类型的庄严结合，这些家庭中语言使用的书面证据很少。

So common was interracial matrimony (soon complicated by the import of black slaves from Africa) that a taxonomy of the terms for mixed-race children was devised, and famously illustrated.⁹ Modern Hispanic commentators tend to idealise this state of affairs, referring, for example, to the mixed racial background of the Spanish in Europe, but the facts that the attempt was made to keep everyone classified, and that the power and status of the nominally pure Spanish families (criollos) remained high until the end of the empire—exceeded indeed only by that of immigrants from Spain—suggest that the society was not so free of race-based oppression as is sometimes claimed. However, whatever the level of acceptance and encouragement of the various types of union that were solemnised (or not), there is very little documentary evidence of language usage in these families.

有什么证据来自许多早期混血儿的文学区别不可质疑的事实。他们不仅是口译员，还是西班牙文和拉丁文的文学翻译家和作家。^* Fernando de Alva Ixtilxóchitl，来自科尔特斯的盟友 Tezcoco 的国王，被称为“阿纳瓦克的李维”，是《奇奇梅卡史》的作者。他的儿子 Bartolomé 将 Lope de Vega 的两部当代西班牙戏剧和 Calderón 的另一部改编成 Nahuatl。他们并不孤单。征服新大陆帝国所有地区的编年史很快就被那些征服产生的人用西班牙语写成。¹⁰

What evidence there is comes from the unchallengeable fact of literary distinction in many early mestizos. They were not only interpreters, but also literary translators and authors, in Spanish and in Latin too.^* Fernando de Alva Ixtilxóchitl, from the line of the kings of Tezcoco, Cortés’ allies, was known as the ‘Livy of Anáhuac’, author of the Historia Chichimeca. And his son Bartolomé adapted into Nahuatl two contemporary Spanish plays by Lope de Vega, and another by Calderón. They were not alone; chronicles of the conquest of all parts of the empires of the New World were soon being written up, in Spanish, by the very people produced by that conquest.¹⁰

最杰出的文学混血儿可能是印加加西拉索·德拉维加（1539-1616），他在征服七年后出生于印加首都库斯科，他的父亲是西班牙贵族塞巴斯蒂安·加西拉索·德拉维加和巴尔加斯上尉，他的母亲 Palla Chimpu Ocllo 是最后两个印加人 Huayna Capac 和 Atahuallpa 的第二代堂兄。他在 20 岁出头时移居西班牙，一直住在那里直到去世，因此他的职业生涯几乎没有直接说明秘鲁语言的相对实力。但他是一个熟悉不同语言的人：小时候学过盖丘亚语和西班牙语，年轻时学过拉丁语，后来他学会了足够多的意大利语来翻译一本名为《爱的对话》的书。他接着写了两部自己的长篇历史著作，印加的佛罗里达，关于德索托在佛罗里达的战役，以及两部分的历史，称为印加皇家评论和秘鲁通史。在这最后一部作品中，他对盖丘亚语和西班牙语的相对角色有很多话要说，经常引用另一位著名的文学混血儿布拉斯·瓦莱拉神父（他用拉丁文写过秘鲁历史）的观点。

The most distinguished of the literary mestizos was probably the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega (1539-1616), born in Cuzco, the Inca capital, seven years after the conquest, his father being the Spanish nobleman Captain Sebastián Garcilaso de la Vega y Vargas, and his mother Palla Chimpu Ocllo, second cousin of the two last Incas, Huayna Capac and Atahuallpa. He emigrated to Spain in his early twenties, and lived there until his death, so his career says little directly about the relative strength of languages in Peru. But he was a man familiar with the sense of different languages: having learnt Quechua and Spanish as a child, and Latin in his youth, he had then learnt sufficient Italian to translate a book entitled Dialogues of Love. He went on to write two lengthy historical works of his own, The Florida of the Inca, about de Soto’s campaign through Florida, and a two-part history called Royal Commentaries of the Incas and General History of Peru. In this last work, he has a lot to say about the relative roles of the Quechua and Spanish languages, often quoting the views of another famous literary mestizo, Father Blas Valera (who had written a history of Peru in Latin).

加西拉索和布拉斯瓦莱拉认为，西班牙强权进入秘鲁，伴随着内战和社会混乱，破坏了印加人成功地强加给他们的帝国的方便的语言统一，这应该在基督教信仰的传播中被利用。

It was Garcilaso and Blas Valera’s view that the advent of Spanish power to Peru, with the civil wars and social disruption that it brought in its train, had disrupted the convenient linguistic unity that the Incas had succeeded in imposing over their empire, and which should have been exploited in the propagation of the Christian faith.

许多省份，当西班牙人进入卡哈马卡时，其他印第安人知道这种共同语言，现在已经完全忘记了它，因为随着世界末日和印加帝国，没有人能记住一些对传播圣福音非常方便和必要的东西，因为西班牙人之间发生的战争引起了广泛的遗忘，之后是邪恶的撒旦为了阻止这样一个有利的政权建立而播下的其他原因投入使用……对一些人来说，强制所有印度人学习西班牙语似乎是明智的，这样牧师就不应该把精力浪费在学习印度语上。这种观点不会让任何听到它的人怀疑它是由于努力失败而不是愚蠢的想法......¹¹

Whence it has come about that many provinces, where when the Spaniards entered Cajamarca the rest of the Indians knew this common language, have now forgotten it altogether, because with the end of the world and Empire of the Incas, there was no-one to remember something so convenient and necessary for the preaching of the Holy Gospel, because of the widespread oblivion caused by the wars which arose among the Spaniards, and after that for other causes which the evil Satan has sown to prevent such an advantageous regime from being put into operation … There are some to whom it appears sensible to oblige all the Indians to learn the Spanish language, so that the priests should not waste their efforts on learning the Indian one. This opinion can leave no-one who hears it in any doubt that it arose from failure of endeavour rather than stupid thinking …¹¹

有人声称¹²加西拉索的基本观点是印加人比他们的征服者更了解内布里哈的基本观点，正如我们所见，他开创性的西班牙语语法始于“语言始终是语言的伴侣”这一论点。帝国'。加西拉索当然持有这样一种观点，尽管在知识渊博的语言学家中，这种观点在今天仍然被广泛接受，但共同的语言有助于共同理解和良好的相互关系：“因为词语的相似性和一致性几乎总是倾向于使人们和解，并使他们真正结合和友谊'。¹³

It has been claimed¹² that Garcilaso’s underlying point was that the Incas understood better than their conquerors the fundamental point of Nebrija, whose ground-breaking grammar of Spanish—as we have seen—had begun with the thesis ‘that always language was the companion of empire’. Garcilaso certainly held the view, still widely held today though not among knowledgeable linguists, that a shared language makes for common understanding and good mutual relations: ‘because the likeness and conformity of words almost always tend to reconcile people and bring them to true union and friendship’.¹³

无论意识形态这一点的真相如何，Antonio Nebrija 的作品、拉丁文语法 ( Introductiones Latinae ) 和当代西班牙语 ( Gramatica de la lengua castellana ) 的存在都表明，明确地捕捉一种语言的“艺术”是可能的在页面上。很快涌向新大陆的传教士利用这个示范建立了世界上第一个描述性语言学传统。

Whatever the truth on this point of ideology, the existence of Antonio Nebrija’s works, grammars both of Latin (Introductiones Latinae) and contemporary Spanish (Gramatica de la lengua castellana), demonstrated that it was possible to capture the ‘art’ of a language explicitly on the page. And the missionaries soon flocking to the New World made use of this demonstration to found the world’s first tradition of descriptive linguistics.

进入墨西哥这个教会的新处女地，那里几乎不存在任何社会阶层的双语者，方济各会、多米尼加和奥古斯丁的修道士立即意识到，如果他们要在传播方面取得重大进展，就必须通过人民自己的语言工作信仰。^*这意味着必须学习语言。接触的人口非常多：与 1557 年在墨西哥的 802 名修士相比，有数以百万计的人。¹⁴显然，这是许多代人的工作。既然传教士一定会流通，老传教士退休，新招募的人从西班牙出来——也就是说，传统必须在没有通过抚养孩子自然传播语言的情况下继续下去——必须重新教授语言，一遍又一遍，给每一代新一代的成人学习者。世界历史上第一次出现了对语言学习教科书的明确需求，特别是语法（' Artes '）和字典，以及作为天主教工具的祈祷书和忏悔书的母语版本传教士的贸易。^†

Entering Mexico, this new virgin territory for the Church, where bilinguals hardly existed at any level of society, the Franciscan, Dominican and Augustinian friars immediately realised that they would have to work through the people’s own languages if they were to make serious progress in spreading the faith.^* This meant the languages would have to be learnt. The population to be contacted was vast: many million to set against the 802 friars present in Mexico in 1557.¹⁴ Clearly, this was work for many generations. And since there would necessarily be a circulation of missionaries, with old ones retiring and fresh recruits coming out from Spain—i.e. the tradition had to be carried on without the natural transmission of languages through raising children—the languages would have to be taught afresh, over and over, to each new generation of adult learners. For the first time in the world’s history, there was a clear demand for language-learning textbooks, specifically grammars (’Artes’) and dictionaries, as well as native-language versions of the prayer books and confessionals that were the tools of the Catholic missionary’s trade.^†

而且很方便，现在有了满足需求的技术手段：1535 年在墨西哥城安装了印刷机；他们的第一个已知产品，1539 年问世的Breve y más compendiosa doctrina Christiana是供教会使用的，尽管它的标题是用纳瓦特尔语写的。1546 年，弗赖·阿隆索·德·莫利纳 (Fray Alonso de Molina) 的Doctrina breve traduzida en lengua Mexicana紧随其后，1547 年，安德烈斯·德·奥尔莫斯 (Andres de Olmos) 神父的《墨西哥艺术》( Arte de la lengua mexicana ) 以及随附的一卷《墨西哥词汇》 (Vocabulario de la lengua mexicana) 紧随其后。^§紧随其后的是该国其他语言的书籍，首先是 1548 年在华斯泰克和 1550 年在米斯特克对基督教教义的阐述。秘鲁迫不及待地想要出版，以及盖丘亚语的第一部艺术， Grammatica, o arte de la lengua general de los Indios de los Reynos del Peru，实际上是 1560 年在西班牙巴利亚多利德印刷的。但是当 1583 年在利马（秘鲁）开始印刷时，它的第一批产品包括Catecismo en Lengua Espaõola y Quichua、Catecismo en Lengua Espaõola y Aymara（均为 1583 年）和Doctrina Christiana… traduzido en las dos lenguas generales de este Reyno，Quichua y Aymara（1584 年）。¹⁵

And conveniently enough, there were now the technical means to satisfy the demand: printing presses were installed in Mexico City in 1535; their first known product, the Breve y más compendiosa doctrina Christiana, which came out in 1539, was for ecclesiastical use, and despite its title was written in Nahuatl. In 1546 it was followed by Fray Alonso de Molina’s Doctrina Christiana breve traduzida en lengua Mexicana, and in 1547 by Arte de la lengua mexicana by Father Andres de Olmos, and an accompanying volume, Vocabulario de la lengua mexicana.^§ Volumes in others of the country’s languages followed, beginning with expositions of Christian doctrines in Huastec in 1548 and Mixtec in 1550. Peru could not wait for the press, and the first Arte of the Quechua language, Grammatica, o arte de la lengua general de los Indios de los Reynos del Peru, was actually printed in Spain, in Valladolid, in 1560. But when printing started in Lima (Peru) in 1583, among its first products were Catecismo en Lengua Espaõola y Quichua, Catecismo en Lengua Espaõola y Aymara (both 1583), and Doctrina Christiana… traduzido en las dos lenguas generales de este Reyno, Quichua y Aymara (1584).¹⁵

这只是未知大陆语言的皮毛。在美洲获得的主要用于传教活动的语言知识的最终收获是巨大的。1892 年，Viõaza 伯爵列出了美洲的西班牙语言学家在三个半世纪的研究中确定的 493 种不同语言，以及描述其中 369 种某些方面的重要文件的标题。在此期间，667 位不同的作者创作了 1,188 部作品。¹⁶

This was just scratching the surface of the unknown continent’s languages. The ultimate harvest of linguistic knowledge that was gained in the Americas, primarily to serve missionary activity, was vast. In 1892 the Count of Viõaza listed 493 distinct languages identified by Spanish linguists in the Americas over three and a half centuries of research, and the titles of significant documents describing some aspect of 369 of them. In that period 667 separate authors had produced 1,188 works.¹⁶

回顾西班牙帝国的渗透所揭示的美洲这种巨大的多语种，我们几乎对西班牙人所采取的巨大行动感到不安。因为西班牙语作为来自许多不同传统的人们的第一或第二语言的传播绝非不可避免。

Looking back on this immense multilingualism of the Americas revealed by the penetration of the Spanish empire, we almost quail at the enormity of what the Spaniards took on. For the spread of Spanish as the first or second language of people from so many different traditions was by no means inevitable.

16世纪，甚至17、18世纪西班牙帝国的情况，与19、20世纪的英国大不相同。尽管帝国对西班牙人来说是一个开放的机构，西班牙人继续移民到殖民地，直到这些殖民地在 19 世纪初获得独立，但对于土着农村人口来说却是另一回事，他们会说大约 493 种外来语言。对于他们中的大多数人来说，经常生活在称为reducciones的集体定居点，除了可能通过教会等级制度外，几乎没有流动性，无论是身体上的、经济上的还是社会上的。他们可能会由讲他们语言的牧师照顾，但除此之外，他们与西班牙大师的接触完全隔离。印第安人获得了在下一个世界获得救赎的门票，但没有在这个世界获得任何进步。这种情况更像是中世纪欧洲的情况，而不是宗教改革时期的情况。因此，在混血社区和城镇之外，不可能快速或自动地转向西班牙语。

The situation of Spanish in its empire in the sixteenth century, and even in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, was very different from that of English in the nineteenth or twentieth. Although the empire was an open institution for the Spaniards, who continued to emigrate to the colonies until these achieved independence in the early nineteenth century, it was something else for the indigenous rural population, the speakers of those 493 or so alien languages. For most of them, often living in the collective settlements called reducciones, there was little mobility, physical, economic or social, except perhaps through the Church hierarchy. They might be looked after by priests who spoke their languages, but otherwise they were quite segregated from contact with the Spanish masters. The Indians were offered a ticket to salvation in the next world, but not to any sort of advancement in this one. It was a situation more like that of medieval Europe than that of the Reformation. Hence there could be no rapid, or automatic, shift towards Spanish, outside the mestizo communities and the towns.

人们甚至可以推测，如果某种政治力量在那个时期削弱或取代了西班牙对欧洲大陆的控制，那么西班牙语会很快消失。毕竟，我们可以回忆起第一个千年末东南亚的梵语，或者帕提亚人和穆斯林进步时近东的希腊语发生了什么：这两者都与西班牙的情况相似，顶级语言仍然是少数精英的保留。甚至还有一个比较实验来证明我们的观点，因为西班牙人确实在 19 世纪末被驱逐出他们的太平洋殖民地。

One can even speculate that if some political force had undercut, or superseded, Spanish control of the continent in that period, Spanish would have faded away very fast. After all, we can recall what happened to Sanskrit in South-East Asia at the end of the first millennium, or to Greek in the Near East when the Parthians and then Muslims advanced: both these were in similar situations to Spanish, top-level languages that remained the preserve of a small elite. There is even a comparative experiment to prove our point, since the Spaniards were indeed expelled from their Pacific colonies at the end of the nineteenth century.

但是在我们考虑西班牙语是如何巩固其对美国人口的控制之前，我们需要考虑一些美国语言的不同背景，这些语言在 16 和 17 世纪仍然被广泛使用并且几乎没有失地。

But before we consider how Spanish came to consolidate its hold on the American population, we need to consider the varied backgrounds of some of the American languages that, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, were still widely spoken and hardly losing ground.

过去的挣扎：美国语言是如何传播的

Past struggles: How American languages had spread

正如我们所见，哥伦布早期对大量语言感到沮丧，在他的航行中遇到了语言之间没有相互理解的情况。第一次沿着美国大陆的海岸奔跑，Tierra Firme，他失望地注意到“他们不像我们对阿拉伯人那样更了解彼此”。¹⁷当他在现在的洪都拉斯、尼加拉瓜和巴拿马的海岸航行时，他遇到的民族一定会说巴亚语、米斯基图语、瓜伊米语和库纳语。

Early on, as we have seen, Columbus was dispirited by the vast numbers of languages, with no mutual understanding among their speakers, which he encountered on his voyages. First running along the coast of the American mainland, Tierra Firme, he noted to his disappointment that ‘they no more understand one another than we do the Arabs’.¹⁷ The peoples he met as he cruised down the coasts of what are now Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama must have spoken Paya, Miskitu, Guaimí and Kuna.

当西班牙人从古巴圣地亚哥的一个基地开始探索更北的海岸线时，这个看似无边无际的通天塔并没有得到缓解。Hernández de Córdoba 于 1517 年沿着尤卡坦半岛的北部和东部奔跑，在他的两次登陆中可能只遇到了（尤卡特克）玛雅人：可以肯定的是一种单一的语言，但与西班牙人以前遇到的任何语言都不同——而且还有没有迹象表明有人试图识别或学习该语言的任何内容。^*然后在 1518 年，胡安·德·格里哈尔瓦（Juan de Grijalva）进行了一次更长时间的沿海探索，在尤卡坦州停留了更多，在西卡兰科停留了一次，在那里他会遇到一种不同的玛雅语言，被西班牙人 Chontal de Tabasco 称为——尽管它自己的人现在称它为 Yokot 'an - 然后在 Potonchan 停留，那里的语言应该是 Zapotec，然后在现代 Vera Cruz 地区再停两个，那里的语言是 Totonac。手语暂时仍然是最好的交流方式。

There was no relief from this apparently boundless babel when the Spaniards, from a base in Santiago de Cuba, began to explore the coastline farther north. Hernández de Córdoba, who in 1517 ran along the north and east of the Yucatán, could have encountered only (Yucatec) Maya in his two landfalls: a single language to be sure, but distinct from any the Spanish had previously encountered—and there is no sign that any attempt was made to identify or learn anything of the language.^* Then in 1518 Juan de Grijalva undertook a longer coastal exploration, with more stops in the Yucatán, and one at Xicallanco, where he would have encountered a different Maya language, called by the Spanish Chontal de Tabasco—though its own speakers now call it Yokot’an—and then further stops at Potonchan, where the language would have been Zapotec, followed by two more in the region of modern Vera Cruz, where the language was Totonac. Sign language remained the best means of communication for the time being.

如果西班牙人希望与印第安人建立广泛的联系，这并不是一个令人鼓舞的开始。但它并非没有代表性：当时美洲至少有两千种不同的语言在使用，其中 350 种在墨西哥中部地区和西班牙人首先探索的地峡。¹⁸

This was not an encouraging beginning, if the Spaniards were hoping to establish widespread communications with the Indians; but it was not unrepresentative: at least two thousand distinct languages were being spoken in the Americas at the time, 350 of them in the central regions of Mexico and the isthmus which the Spanish explored first.¹⁸

然而，当西班牙人首先成功地接触并征服了美国已经产生的少数几个伟大的多民族国家时，他们发现内布里哈的格言，实际上是预测理论，“语言永远是帝国的伴侣”得到了充分的证实。新世界。美洲两大古代帝国阿兹特克人和印加人在其领土上广泛使用他们的语言，覆盖了墨西哥中部的大部分地区和安第斯山脉中部和南部直至太平洋。在政治和社会发展方面不那么引人注目，但对于寻求黄金的西班牙人来说仍然非常令人满意，安第斯山脉北部（现在哥伦比亚的中心）的 Chibchan 定居点以一种广泛使用的共同语言为特征，称为 Muisca。^*两种密切相关且可以相互理解的语言。再往南，在寒冷多山的阿劳卡尼亚，马普切人非常好战，直到 19 世纪中叶他们成功地抵抗了西班牙的接管，他们也被一种共同的语言团结起来，称为马普顿贡语。

Nevertheless, when the Spaniards succeeded first in contacting, and then conquering, the few great multinational states that America had already produced, they found that Nebrija’s dictum, indeed predictive theory, ‘that always language was the companion of empire’ was amply borne out in the New World. The two great ancient empires of the Americas, the Aztecs and the Incas, had spread use of their languages throughout their realms, covering most of central Mexico and the central and southern Andes down to the Pacific Ocean. Less spectacular in terms of political and social development, but still highly gratifying to Spaniards in quest of gold, the Chibchan settlements in the northern Andes (at the centre of what is now Colombia) were characterised by a widespread common language, known as Muisca. And when Spain reached the southern region of the Río de la Plata and the Gran Chaco, it found a vast area where everyone spoke Tupinambá or Guaraní,^* two closely related and mutually intelligible languages. Farther south still, in the chilly and mountainous land of Araucania, the Mapuche, so warlike that they were successfully to resist Spanish takeover until the mid-nineteenth century, were also united by a common language, called Mapudungun.

这些广泛使用的语言在很大程度上是例外，在中美洲和南美洲不到 10% 的领土上被人理解；但这个地区人口众多，可能有多达 40% 的人口。广泛使用的语言被证明对入侵力量非常有用，因为当在新帝国作为辅助语言标准化时，它们可以缩短建立有效沟通的漫长而费力的过程。幸运的是，除了一个（Tupinamba）之外，其他所有人都在西班牙人将自己制造的大陆部分地区使用。这种巨大的语言优势可能是西班牙帝国在美洲的经济发展比葡萄牙、法国或英国的经济发展至少早一个世纪的原因之一。

These languages of wide extent were very much the exception, understood over less than 10 per cent of the territory of central and south America; but this territory was very highly populated, with perhaps as much as 40 per cent of the people. The widespread languages were to prove highly useful to an invading power, since when standardised as auxiliary languages in the new empire they could short-circuit the long and laborious process of establishing effective communications. By an amazing stroke of fortune, all but one (Tupinambá) turned out to be spoken in the parts of the continent that the Spanish were to make their own. This jumbo set of linguistic advantages may be one reason why the economic development of Spain’s empire in the Americas began at least a century sooner than those of Portugal, France or Britain. The vast support systems underlying the large-scale mining of gold in Zacatecas in Mexico, and of silver in Potosí in the Andes, would have been impossible without some common language, but the language was not in those days Spanish.

这些大规模的语言并不总是如此普遍。在研究西班牙人对它们的使用之前，有必要考虑一下这些土着语言区域出现的过程。

These large-scale languages had not always been so widespread. Before looking at the use the Spanish made of them, it is worth considering the processes by which these indigenous linguistic areas arose.

纳瓦特尔语的传播

The spread of Nahuatl

Zan iwki nonyaz in oompoliwi šocitl 啊？

Antle notleyo yez 在 kenmanian？

Antle nihtawka yez 在 tlaltikpak？

马内尔·索西特尔，马内尔 kwikatl！

Ken konšiwaz noyollo, yewaya?

在 tlaltikpak 的 nen tonkizako。

Zan iwki nonyaz in oompoliwi šocitl ah?

Antle notleyo yez in kenmanian?

Antle nihtawka yez in tlaltikpak?

Ma nel šocitl, ma nel kwikatl!

Ken konšiwaz noyollo, yewaya?

On nen tonkizako in tlaltikpak.

我要像凋谢的花朵一样去吗？

我的荣耀有一天会化为乌有吗？

我的名声在世上会一文不值吗？

至少鲜花，至少歌曲！

唉，我的心怎么办？

我们这样穿越地球是徒劳的！

Shall I just go like the flowers which were fading?

Will my glory be nothing one day?

Will my fame be nothing in the earth?

At least flowers, at least songs!

Alas, what will my heart do?

In vain do we pass this way across the earth!

Nahuatl 抒情诗（Cantares Mexicanos，对开 10 正页，ll. 23ff。）

Nahuatl lyric (Cantares Mexicanos, folio 10 recto, ll. 23ff.)

首先在壮丽和人口方面，是说纳瓦特尔语的领域。^*这种语言在西班牙时期通常被称为lengua mexicana，因为正如我们所见（见序言），阿兹特克人称自己为墨西哥，他们的土地称为墨西哥。^*但这种语言从来都不是阿兹特克社区独有的。具体来说，当科尔特斯于 1519 年抵达墨西哥山谷时，他们在东部特拉斯卡兰的邻居也在使用纳瓦特尔语，在阿兹特克人的附庸国圈子之外，事实证明，这些邻居已经准备好与他们结盟西班牙人反对他们的纳瓦特尔语同胞。但这只是阿兹特克人之前的纳瓦特尔分布的最后痕迹之一。事实上，有证据表明该语言在墨西哥中部的一般地区至少可以追溯到公元七世纪，当时不朽的城市特奥蒂瓦坎被大火烧毁：当时皮皮尔社区应该已经向南迁移，通过与当时占主导地位的托尔特克文明的一些互动。托尔特克人几乎没有留下具体的痕迹，除了阿兹特克人在他们之后控制墨西哥中部的神圣记忆之外：但是今天留下的皮皮尔后裔，居住在萨尔瓦多的南部，大约有二十人仍然说一种纳瓦特尔语. 直截了当的假设是，纳瓦特尔语是公元第一个千年之交几乎所有生活在墨西哥山谷的人的语言，环绕着当时一个巨大的湖泊：西北岸的阿兹卡波察尔科的 Tepanecs，各州Tezcoco 和 Culhuacán，显然是东部托尔特克人的继任者。还有更远的纳瓦特尔地区，向西在太平洋沿岸的哈利斯科州，向东在特万特佩克地峡，可能是早期帝国的残余，以托尔特克人甚至特奥蒂瓦坎人为中心。

First in terms of magnificence, and also in population, was the realm where Nahuatl was spoken.^* This language was usually known in the Spanish period as lengua mexicana, since the Aztecs, as we have seen (see Prologue), referred to themselves as Mexica, and their land as Mexico.^* But this language had never been exclusive to the Aztec community. Specifically, when Cortés arrived in the valley of Mexico in 1519, Nahuatl was spoken by their neighbours in Tlaxcallan to the east also, outside the circle of the Aztecs’ vassal states, neighbours who, as it turned out, were ready to ally themselves with the Spanish against their fellow-speakers of Nahuatl. But this was just one of the last traces of a distribution of Nahuatl that pre-dated the Aztecs. In fact, there is evidence that the language’s presence in the general area of central Mexico goes back at least to the seventh century AD, when the monumental city of Teotihuacán was destroyed by fire: at that time the Pipil community are supposed to have moved south, through some interaction with the then dominant Toltec civilisation. The Toltecs left little concrete trace except a memory hallowed among the Aztecs who assumed control of central Mexico after them: but of the Pipil descendants who are left today, living far to the south in El Salvador, twenty or so still speak a form of Nahuatl. The straightforward assumption is that Nahuatl was the language of almost all the people living in the Valley of Mexico around the turn of the first millennium AD, encircling what was then a vast lake: the Tepanecs of Atzcapotzalco on the north-western shore, the states of Tezcoco and Culhuacán, apparently successors of the Toltecs, on the eastern. There were also areas of Nahuatl farther afield, westward in Jalisco on the Pacific coast, and eastward in the isthmus of Tehuantepec, perhaps remnants of an earlier empire, centred on the Toltecs or even Teotihuacán.

19 世纪末和 20 世纪初的比较研究表明，纳瓦特尔几乎是一个家族的最南端成员，被称为 Uto-Aztecan 或 Yuta-Nawan，向北延伸到现代俄勒冈州的 Shoshone 和 Paiute 民族。 . 这种重建的语言地理符合阿兹特克人的奠基传说，他们声称来自阿兹特兰（“苍鹭之地”），这是一个在西北部不为人知的岛屿。因此，他们可能在 1256 年来到墨西哥谷之前就已经学会了纳瓦特尔语，最初是流浪者、拾荒者和吃蛇的人。^†然而，他们总是把自己描绘成奇奇梅卡人的一个分支，这是北方著名的狩猎采集游牧民族。如果这个故事是真的，他们一定是很晚才学会纳瓦特尔语的。因为奇奇梅卡语或帕梅语与奥托米语有关，奥托米语也在墨西哥谷的北部和西部使用，但与纳瓦特尔语完全不同。阿兹特克人可能就像法国的诺曼人一样，先定居和学习一门新语言，然后通过征服将其投射出来。

Comparative studies in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries have shown Nahuatl as almost the southernmost member of a family, known as Uto-Aztecan or Yuta-Nawan, which extends in a wide swath as far north as the Shoshone and Paiute peoples in modern Oregon. This reconstructed linguistic geography fits with the Aztecs’ foundation legend, by which they claimed to have come from Aztlan (’heron place’), an island somewhere unknown in the north-west. So they may have learnt their Nahuatl before they came to the Valley of Mexico in 1256, initially as vagrants and scavengers and eaters of snakes.^† Yet they always represented themselves as a branch of the Chichimeca people, renowned hunter-gatherer nomads of the north. If this story is true, they must have learnt their Nahuatl fairly late; for the Chichimeca or Pame language is related to Otomí, also spoken north and west of the Valley of Mexico, but quite unlike Nahuatl. The Aztecs may have been like the Normans in France, settling and learning a new language before projecting it through conquest.

首先蹲在查普尔特佩克西部地区，然后被赶出并与 Culhuacán（另一个声称来自 Chichimeca 的人）一起作为雇佣兵入伍，他们在 Tizaapan 的熔岩床上接受了一个非常低的方坯。

First squatting in the western region of Chapultepec, then chased out and enlisting as mercenaries with Culhuacán (another people who claimed descent from the Chichimeca), they accepted a very lowly billet on the lava beds of Tizaapan.

“很好，”Coxcoxtli [Culhuacan 国王] 说。“他们是怪物，他们是邪恶的。

’Good,’ Coxcoxtli [king of Culhuacan] said. ‘They are monstrous, they are evil.

也许他们会在那里结束，被蛇吞噬，

Perhaps they will meet their end there, devoured by snakes,

因为它是许多蛇的居所。

for it is the dwelling-place of many snakes.’

但当墨西哥人看到这些蛇时，他们喜出望外。

But the Mexicans were overjoyed when they saw the snakes.

他们煮了，烤了，吃了……

They cooked them, they roasted them and they ate them…

25 年后，他们把事情搞砸了，请求一位 Culhuacán 公主，大概是作为新娘，但随后对她犯下了典型的暴行。

After twenty-five years of this, they brought matters to a head, requesting a Culhuacán princess, presumably as a bride, but then committing a characteristic atrocity on her.

然后他们杀死了公主，剥了她的皮，

Then they slew the princess and they flayed her,

在他们剥了她的皮之后，他们用她的皮给一个牧师穿上了衣服。

and after they flayed her, they dressed a priest in her skin.

Huitzilopochtli [左边的蜂鸟，阿兹特克人的部落神] 然后说：

Huitzilopochtli [Humming-bird on the Left, the Aztecs’ tribal god] then said:

“哦，我的酋长们，去召唤阿奇托梅特尔[公主的父亲]。”

’O my chiefs, go and summon Achitometl [the princess’s father].’

墨西哥人走了，他们去召唤他。

The Mexicans went off, they went to summon him.

他们说，‘我们的主啊，我的孙子啊，主啊，国王啊……

They said, ‘O our lord, O my grandson, O lord, O king…

你的祖父，墨西哥人恳求你，他们说，

your grandfathers, the Mexicans beseech you, they say,

'愿他来见，愿他来迎接女神。

’May he come to see, may he come to greet the goddess.

我们邀请他。'...

We invite him.’…

当 Achitometl 抵达 Tizaapan 时，墨西哥人表示欢迎：

And when Achitometl arrived in Tizaapan, the Mexicans said in welcome:

“你已经厌倦了自己，哦，我的孙子，哦主，哦国王。

’You have wearied yourself, O my grandson, O lord, O king.

我们，你的祖父，我们，你的附庸，会让你生病。

We, your grandfathers, we, your vassals, shall cause you to become ill.

愿你看到，愿你问候你的女神。^*

May you see, may you greet your goddess.’^*

“很好，我的祖父们，”他说。

’Very good, O my grandfathers,’ he said.

他拿走了橡胶、柯巴脂、鲜花、烟草和食物，

He took the rubber, the copal, the flowers, the tobacco and the food offering,

他把它们献给她，把它们放在被他们剥皮的假女神面前。

and he offered them to her, he set them down before the false goddess whom they had flayed.

然后 Achitometl 在他的女神面前撕下鹌鹑的头：

Then Achitometl tore off the heads of the quail before his goddess:

他仍然没有看到他正在斩首鹌鹑的人。

he still did not see the person before whom he was decapitating the quail.

然后他献上香，香炉开始燃烧，阿奇托梅特尔看到了一个穿着他女儿皮肤的男人。

Then he made the offering of incense and the incense-burner blazed up, and Achitometl saw a man in his daughter’s skin.

他吓坏了。

He was horror-struck.

他大声喊叫，他向他的领主和附庸大喊，

He cried out, he shouted to his lords and vassals,

他说，‘他们是谁，呃，库尔瓦坎人？

He said, ‘Who are they, eh, O Culhuacans?

你没见过吗？他们剥了我女儿的皮！

Have you not seen? They have flayed my daughter!

他们不能留在这里，恶魔们！

They shall not remain here, the fiends!

我们要杀了他们，我们要屠杀他们！

We shall slay them, we shall massacre them!

恶人将在这里被歼灭！

The evil ones shall be annihilated here!’

费尔南多·阿尔瓦拉多·特佐佐莫克。Crónica Mexicayotl，反式。塞尔玛·D·沙利文

Fernando Alvarado Tezozomoc. Crónica Mexicayotl, trans. Thelma D. Sullivan

阿兹特克人随后被赶入湖中，但他们用箭和盾牌临时制作了木筏，当他们出现在对岸时，他们受到了启发。预言说，他们必须定居在“老鹰尖叫的地方，展翅的地方，老鹰觅食的地方，鱼飞翔的地方，蛇被撕裂的地方”。在远处的仙人掌上，他们看到了鹰吃蛇的景象。一个声音喊道：“哦，墨西哥人，它就在这里！’但没有人能看出是谁在说话。他们知道，湖中央的芦苇丛生但可防御的岛屿应该是他们的家，Tenochtitlán，“仙人掌的地方”。那是ome calli的年份，'2 House'，1325 年。

The Aztecs were then driven into the lake, but they made improvised rafts out of their arrows and shields, and when they emerged on the other side, they were inspired. It was prophesied that they must settle ‘where the eagle screeches, where he spreads his wings, where the eagle feeds, where the fish fly, where the serpent is torn apart’. In the distance, on a prickly-pear cactus, they saw this vision, of an eagle eating a snake. A voice cried out: ‘O Mexicans, it shall be here! ’ But no one could see who spoke. They knew that the reedy, but defensible, islands in the middle of the lake should be their home, Tenochtitlán, ‘place of the prickly-pear’. It was the year ome calli, ‘2 House’, 1325.

1519 年 11 月，入侵的西班牙人到达这里时，这座巨大而神奇的湖城的起源就在这里。一系列侵略战争。首先，在 1427-40 年的 Itzcoatl（“黑曜石蛇”）统治下，他们控制了整个墨西哥山谷，然后在 Motecuhzoma I Ilhuicamina（“天堂射手”）的统治下，他们从侧翼包围了他们抵抗邻国的领土西部，Huetxotzingo 和 Tlaxcala，到达加勒比海岸和南部的中部高地。还有两个长期统治的tlatoani加入帝国，到 16 世纪初，阿兹特克人已经征服了现代墨西哥中部约 100,000 平方公里的领土，从加勒比海到太平洋，包括太平洋沿岸奇特的霍科诺科飞地危地马拉边境。

This was the origin of the vast and miraculous lake city, which so entranced the invading Spaniards when they reached it in November 1519. The Aztecs had regrouped and prospered in their lakeland home for a hundred years, and then begun to expand their domains through a series of aggressive wars. First, under Itzcoatl (’Obsidian-Snake’), 1427-40, they achieved control of the Valley of Mexico as a whole, then under Motecuhzoma I Ilhuicamina (’Heaven-Shooter’) they outflanked the territory of their resistant neighbours to the west, Huetxotzingo and Tlaxcala, to reach the Caribbean coast and the central highlands to the south. Two more long-reigning tlatoani added to the empire, and by the beginning of the sixteenth century the Aztecs had conquered about 100,000 square kilometres of territory in the centre of modern Mexico, from the Caribbean to the Pacific, including the curious enclave of Xoconochco, down the coast on the Pacific border of Guatemala.

在这场血腥扩张的头五个十年里，只有一位部长 Tlacaelel 主持。着眼于未来，他的政策是烧毁所有被征服民族的书籍，以消除对阿兹特克之前的过去的记忆。尽管 Huetxotzingo 和 Tlaxcala 在阿兹特克人的推进中被绕过，他还是强加给他们一个奇怪的协议，要进行持续但正式规定的战争，即šoci-yāōyōtl或“花之战”，定期进行战斗，以便俘虏俘虏献祭。šocitl一词，“花”，在纳瓦特尔意象中具有积极的、空灵的价值（例如，在 kwīkatl 中的 šocitl，“花歌”，意为“诗”，用在本节开头的诗句中），但它与花在祭祀中的作用从来没有自由联系，就像人的血一样。

A single minister, Tlacaelel, presided over the first five decades of this bloody expansion. With an eye to the future, his policy was to burn all the books of conquered peoples to erase memories of a pre-Aztec past. Even though Huetxotzingo and Tlaxcala had been bypassed in the Aztec advance, he imposed on them a curious agreement to conduct continual, but formally regulated, warfare, the šoci-yāōyōtl or ‘flower-war’, a regular engagement to do battle in order to capture prisoners for sacrifice. The word šocitl, ‘flower’, has a positive, ethereal value in Nahuatl imagery (for example, in šocitl in kwīkatl, ‘the flower the song’, meaning ‘poetry’, used in the verse that begins this section), but it is never free of association with the role of flowers in sacrificial offerings, just like human blood.

由于阿兹特克人的这次成功侵略，人们对纳瓦特尔语的熟悉传遍了整个墨西哥中部，但这似乎并没有以牺牲附属民族的语言为代价。相反，阿兹特克人在所有主要城市都安置了官员，尤其是贡品监督员，并确保臣民提供了一支nauatlato军团，“传译员”，保证统治者意愿的有效传递。两名讲纳瓦特尔语的官员是来自托托纳克地区的官员，他们在科尔特斯第一次登陆时会见了他。在此之前，纳瓦特尔语显然是由其他不为人知的人口流动传播的：例如，科尔特斯的翻译 Malin-tzin 是该语言的母语人士，但她是在加勒比海岸以南 50 公里处的夸察夸尔科斯获得的。阿兹特克帝国的边界。

Familiarity with Nahuatl was spread all over central Mexico by this successful aggression of the Aztecs, but it does not seem to have happened at the expense of the languages of tributary peoples. Rather the Aztecs planted officials, especially tribute overseers, in all the major cities, and ensured that the subject peoples provided a corps of nauatlato, ‘interpreters’, to ensure effective transmission of the rulers’ wishes. Two Nahuatl speakers were among the officials from the subject Totonac territory who met Cortés when he first landed. And Nahuatl had clearly been spread by other, unknown, population movements prior to this: Cortés’s interpreter Malin-tzin, for instance, was a native speaker of the language, but she had acquired it in Coatzacoalcos, on the Caribbean coast 50 kilometres south of the border of the Aztec empire.

因此，在西班牙征服之前，纳瓦特尔语充其量应该被视为一个多国和多语言帝国的有效通用语：该帝国包括迄今为止土著居民讲萨波特克语、米斯特克语、塔拉斯坎语、奥托米语、华斯特克语和托托纳克语的地区，没有一个它们中的一些相互关联或与纳瓦特尔有关。但在 15 世纪，臣民土地和特诺奇蒂特兰中心之间的联系一定非常密切，在贡品收集的层面上，以及通过Pochteca网络，“商人”，他们也充当大使和间谍，以及他们在阿兹特克人的等级制度中地位如此之高，以至于他们可以将奴隶与伟大战士提供的战俘一起献给威齐洛波奇特利。

Before the Spanish conquest, Nahuatl should thus be seen as at best an effective lingua franca of a multinational and multilingual empire: the empire included areas where the indigenous population to this day speak Zapotec, Mixtec, Tarascan, Otomí, Huastec and Totonac languages, none of them related to one another or to Nahuatl. But in the fifteenth century, contact between the subject lands and the centre in Tenochtitlán must have been intense, at the level of tribute-gathering, and also through the network of pochteca, ‘merchants’, who also functioned as ambassadors and spies, and were so highly placed in the Aztec hierarchy that they could offer their slaves for sacrifice to Huitzilopochtli along with the war captives offered by great warriors.

盖丘亚语的传播

The spread of Quechua

K' akichanpi millmacháyuj，

nina ráuraj puka runa，

mana õuqaqa atinichu watuyta

chay simiykita。

Imatachus õiwankipas

manapuni yachanichu。^*

K’ akichanpi millmacháyuj,

nina ráuraj puka runa,

mana õuqaqa atinichu

watuyta chay simiykita.

Imatachus õiwankipas

manapuni yachanichu.^*

像火一样燃烧的红人

在下巴上扬起厚厚的羊毛，

我完全无法

理解你奇怪的语言。

Red man who blazes like fire

and on the chin raises thick wool,

it is quite impossible for me

to understand your weird language.

我不知道你在对我说什么，

我无论如何也不知道。

I do not know what you are saying to me,

I cannot know in any way.

（印加人在卡哈马卡战役前向皮萨罗致辞）

Atau Wallpaj p' uchakakuynninpa wankan 阿塔瓦尔帕终结

的悲剧¹⁹

(An Inca addresses Pizarro, before the battle of Cajamarca)

Atau Wallpaj p’ uchakakuynninpa wankan

The Tragedy of the End of Atawallpa¹⁹

在另一个伟大的前哥伦布帝国，即被称为Tawantinsuyu的印加王国，“四个部分”的发展过程中，语言传播是一个复杂得多的过程。当西班牙人到达秘鲁时，它的帝国——以及它的语言——覆盖了安第斯山脉以西的整个高原，从北部的基多到南部的塔尔卡，由一条绵延约 4000 公里的皇家大道连接起来，并在一条现代厄瓜多尔、秘鲁、玻利维亚和智利北部的安第斯和太平洋地带的政府。这种语言被它的使用者称为runa simi，“人类语言”，但当西班牙人到来时，它并没有被接受的术语：印加加西拉索，一个在 16 世纪末联系良好的双语作品，总是提到它作为la lengua cortesana de Cuzco，“库斯科的宫廷语言”。1560 年，多明戈·德·桑托·托马斯 (Domingo de Santo Tomás) 出版的第一个语法将其命名为la lengua general del Perú, llamada, Quichua，遵循了至少 20 年得到证实的传统，²⁰并且这种做法一直存在。qhišwa 一词实际上指的是“温带”或“山谷”，位于海岸和高地之间。当时的普遍看法是，库斯科市（Qusqu，“肚脐”——印加首都）以南的阿普里马克省安达瓦伊拉斯周围的温带地区一直是该语言的中心地带。²¹

Language spread had been a far more complex process in the growth of the other great pre-Columbian empire, the Inca realm known as Tawantinsuyu, ‘Four Portions’. When the Spanish reached Peru, its empire—and its language—covered the whole altiplano to the west of the Andes, from Quito in the north to Talca in the south, linked by a royal road that stretched some 4,000 kilometres, and uniting under one government the Andean and Pacific strips of modern Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia and northern Chile. The language is known by its speakers as runa simi, ‘human speech’, but there was no accepted term for it when the Spanish arrived: Inca Garcilaso, a well-connected bilingual writing at the end of the sixteenth century, refers to it always as la lengua cortesana de Cuzco, ‘the courtly language of Cuzco’. The first published grammar, by Domingo de Santo Tomás, in 1560, names it, however, la lengua general del Perú, llamada, Quichua, following a tradition that had been attested for at least twenty years,²⁰ and this has stuck. The term qhišwa actually refers to ‘temperate zone’ or ‘valley’, intermediate between the coast and the highlands. The general view at the time was that the temperate zone round Andahuaylas in Apurímac province, south of the city of Cuzco (Qusqu, ‘navel’—the Inca capital), had been the heartland of the language.²¹

事实上，这似乎是后来的合理化。²²盖丘亚语起源于利马周围沿海地区的语言，在 Pachakamaj（“地球统治者”）有一个神谕，这是一个名为 Chincha 的海上贸易社区的基地，他们主要将他们的语言作为一种贸易术语传播到北部，特别是进入卡哈马卡周围的北部高地和厄瓜多尔，该地区将被指定为Chincha-suyu，印加帝国的最北端。这一切都发生在公元第一个千年，早在印加人成为一支不可忽视的力量之前。将这种语言嫁接到日益壮大的印加帝国实际上几乎是事后才想到的，其过程与政治波斯皇帝大流士采用亚拉姆语的过程非常相似（见第 3 章，“故事简介：语言跨越” ，第 47 页）。

In fact, this seems to have been a later rationalisation.²² Quechua was by origin the language of a coastal region round Lima, with an oracle located at Pachakamaj (’earth-ruler’), the base of a seaborne trading community called the Chincha, who spread their language primarily as a trade jargon out towards the north, particularly up into the northern highlands round Cajamarca and into Ecuador, the area that was to be designated the Chincha-suyu, the most northerly portion of the Inca empire. This all happened in the first millennium AD, long before the Incas were a force to be reckoned with. The grafting of the language on to the growing Inca empire would in fact come almost as an afterthought, by a process rather similar to the adoption of Aramaic by the politic Persian emperor Darius (see Chapter 3, ‘The story in brief: Language leapfrog’, p. 47).

印加人的故事开始于遥远的南部，在的喀喀湖的南岸，一个讲普基纳语 [ pukína ] 的群体在那里建立了一个主要的中心，现在被称为 Tiahuanaco。似乎在第一个千年里，与 Jaqi [ háki的演讲者一致]，北部的另一种语言（现代艾马拉语的祖先，仍在玻利维亚使用），他们在北部和西部开发了一个内陆贸易区；这种贸易将把艾马拉语及其姐妹 Kawki 和 Jaqaru 的知识传播到秘鲁南部的大部分地区。它在考古记录中以一种独特的陶器风格可见，描绘了一张被射线或蛇包围的脸，这可能是创造神维拉科查。事实上，仍然可以找到源自这一时期的地名，例如卡哈马卡本身（Jaqi q'aja marka，“山谷中的城镇”）。

The Inca story began far to the south, on the southern shores of Lake Titicaca, where a group speaking the Puquina [pukína] language had established a major centre now known as Tiahuanaco. It seems that in the first millennium, in concert with speakers of Jaqi [háki], another language to the north (the ancestor of modern Aymara, still spoken in Bolivia), they developed an inland trading zone to the north and west; this trade would have spread knowledge of the Aymara language, and its sisters Kawki and Jaqaru (which still survive vestigially south-east of Lima), over much of the area of southern Peru. It is visible in the archaeological record in a distinctive style of pottery, depicting a face surrounded by rays or serpents, which could be the creator god Viracocha. It is, in fact, still possible to find place names that stem from this period, for example Cajamarca itself (Jaqi q’aja marka, ‘town in the valley’).

蒂亚瓦纳科的统治者显然发现他们的老家受到泥石流的威胁，然后穿越或绕过的的喀喀湖，在库斯科建立了一个新的指挥基地：这开始了印加人的崛起，在他们的神话中作为他们的职业不朽第一位国王曼科·卡帕克从湖中出现，手持金色权杖，指示他们应该在哪里定居。（只有在库斯科才能将它直接投入地下。）他和他的妻子奥克洛妈妈一起来，他们一起（但分别）教男人和女人文明的艺术。在这一点上，印加人事实上接受了艾马拉语作为他们王国的语言，将普基纳语保留为宫廷使用的精英语言。（当然，他们的“穷亲戚”继续使用它，留在的的喀喀湖以南。）库斯科一定是一个双语城市。

The Tiahuanaco rulers, apparently finding their old home threatened by mud slides, then moved across or round Lake Titicaca, to set up a new base of command in Cuzco: this began the ascent of the Inca, immortalised in their mythology as the career of their first king, Manco Capac, who emerged from the lake, bearing a golden sceptre that would show where they should settle. (Only at Cuzco could it be plunged straight into the ground.) He came with his wife Mama Ocllo, and together (but respectively) they taught men and women the arts of civilisation. At this point, the Incas accepted Aymara de facto as the language of their kingdom, preserving Puquina as an elite language for court use. (Of course, it continued to be used by their ‘poor relations’, left behind south of Lake Titicaca.) Cuzco must have been a bilingual city. This situation did not change for some nine generations (from the Incas Manco Capac to Pachacutec), as the realm of the Incas was expanded east, south and finally northward.

然后，在印加帕查库特克时代，开始了严重的侵略。向北扩张使印加地区与钦查人发生冲突：但找到的解决方案是和平且非常积极的。帕查库特克（已经嫁给了他自己的妹妹）将他的儿子，强大的图帕克·尤潘基（Tupac Yupanqui）与钦查公主结婚，结果是印加和钦查域的合并。这导致了帝国语言的转换，从艾马拉语到盖丘亚语，大概反映了在印加和钦查联合域中更广泛和更有用的判断。一时间，库斯科成为了一个三语城市。这距离西班牙在 1528 年的征服还有不到一百年的时间。库斯科克丘亚尽管具有政治重要性，但仍被视为不合格的品种，北方的口译员喜欢看不起它。

Then, in the time of Inca Pachacutec, serious aggression began. Expansion northward brought the Inca domains into conflict with the Chincha: but the solution found was peaceable and extremely positive. Pachacutec (already married to his own sister) offered his son, the formidable Tupac Yupanqui, in marriage to a Chincha princess, and the result was a merging of the Inca and Chincha domains. This led to a switch of imperial language, from Aymara to Quechua, presumably reflecting a judgement on which was more widespread and useful in the combined Inca and Chincha domains. For a time, Cuzco became a trilingual city. This would have been much less than a hundred years before the Spanish conquest in 1528. Cuzco Quechua, for all its political importance, was still seen as a substandard variety, which interpreters from the north liked to look down on. The new language was then projected with the sudden, and extremely warlike, advances of the empire which, under Tupac Yupanqui, took it northward to Quito, incorporating the significant Chimú state on the way, and southward into Chile.

布拉斯·瓦莱拉神父坚持印加人在其领域内推行的明确的语言文化适应政策。

Father Blas Valera insists on the explicit language acculturation policies pursued by the Incas within their domains.

lengua 将军还有待说秘鲁原住民，虽然每个省都有自己的语言与其他省不同，但有一种通用的语言，他们称之为库斯科，在印加国王时代，从基多到智利王国都使用这种语言和图库曼王国，现在酋长们使用它和西班牙人作为仆人和管理事务的印第安人使用它。自古以来，印加国王一旦征服了任何王国或省份，就会……命令他们的附庸学习库斯科的宫廷语言并将其传授给他们的孩子。为了确保这个命令不是徒劳的，他们会给他们当地的库斯科印第安人教他们语言和宫廷习俗。在这样的省份和村庄，他们会给谁房屋、土地和庄园，以便在那里归化自己，他们应该成为永远的老师，他们的孩子应该追随他们。印加总督更喜欢在国家的办公室里，无论是在和平时期还是在战争时期，那些说得最好的人lengua 将军。在这些条件下，印加人平静地统治和统治着他们的整个帝国，各个国家的附庸就像兄弟一样，因为他们都说一种语言...... ²³

It remains to say something of the lengua general of the natives of Peru, which although it is true that each province has its own language different from the others, there is one universal one that they call Cuzco, which in the time of the Inca kings was used from Quito to the kingdom of Chile and the kingdom of Tucuman, and now the chieftains use it and the Indians who the Spaniards hold as servants and to administer business. The Inca kings, from antiquity, as soon as they subjected any kingdom or province, would … order their vassals to learn the courtly language of Cuzco and to teach it to their children. And to make sure that this command was not vain, they would give them Indians native to Cuzco to teach them the language and the customs of the court. To whom, in such provinces and villages, they would give houses, lands and estates so that, naturalizing themselves there, they should become perpetual teachers and their children after them. And the Inca governors preferred in the offices of the state, in peace as in war, those who best spoke the lengua general. On these terms, the Incas ruled and governed their whole empire in peace and quiet, and the vassals of various nations were like brothers, because all of them spoke one language…²³

印加加西拉索补充道：

And Inca Garcilaso adds:

那些国王还派诸侯领主的继承人到宫廷接受教育并居住在那里，直到他们继承他们的继承权，让他们接受良好的教育，使自己适应印加人的条件和习俗，善待他们，因此，之后，凭借他们过去的交流和熟悉，他们应该爱他们并以亲切的态度服务他们：他们称他们为mítmac，因为他们是新来者……这个禁令使lengua 将军更容易以更多的乐趣和更少的努力和悲伤来学习……每当他们回到自己的土地时，他们就会带上他们从宫廷语言中学到的东西，并在他们自己的人民中以如此自豪的方式说它，因为他们认为人们的语言是神圣的，以至于他们引起了其他人的嫉妒，以至于其他人都渴望并努力学习它……以这种方式，甜美而轻松，无需校长的特别努力，他们就可以在不到 1,300 人的领域学习并说出库斯科的lengua 将军那些国王赢得的联赛（4,000 公里）范围。²⁴

Those kings also sent the heirs of the lords of the vassals to be educated at the court and reside there until they came into their inheritance, to have them well taught and to accustom themselves to the condition and customs of the Incas, treating them kindly, so that afterwards, on the strength of their past communion and familiarity they should love them and serve them with affection: they called them mítmac, because they were newcomers… This injunction made it easier for the lengua general to be learnt with more enjoyment and less effort and grief … Whenever they returned to their lands they took something they had learnt of the courtly language, and spoke it with such pride among their own people, as the language of people they felt to be divine, that they caused such envy that the rest would desire and strive to learn it … In this manner, with sweetness and ease, without the particular effort of schoolmasters, they learnt and spoke the lengua general of Cuzco in the domain of little less than 1,300 leagues’ [4,000 kilometres] extent which those kings had won.²⁴

除了这些看似温和的方法外，印加人还增加了一种更严厉的方法，即在一些地区重新种植说克丘亚语的移民家庭的殖民地，也称为mitmaj，“移植”。这些是为了稀释和安抚原始人口而发送的。有十到一万二千人，经过一些巧妙的处理：²⁵ '他们被转移到其他村庄或省份，他们的脾气和方式与他们发出的人一样；因为如果他们来自一个寒冷的国家，他们就会被带到一个寒冷的国家，从炎热到炎热……他们在田野和土地上得到了他们的劳动和建造房屋的地方。²⁶

To these apparently benign methods, the Incas had added the harsher one of repopulating some areas with colonies of Quechua-speaking immigrant families, also known as mitmaj, ‘transplants’. These were sent with the aim of diluting and pacifying the original population. There were ten to twelve thousand of them, settled with some finesse:²⁵ ‘They were passed to other villages or provinces of the temper and manner of those from which they issued; because if they were from a cold country they were taken to a cold country, and from hot, to hot … They were given estates in the fields and lands for their labours and a place to make their houses.’²⁶

奇布查、瓜拉尼、马普顿贡的分布

The spreads of Chibcha, Guaraní, Mapudungun

Ňamandu Ru Ete tenondegua

...

Oámyvyma ,

oyvárapy mba' ekuaágui ,

okuaararávyma

ayvu rapytará i

oikuaa ojeupe。

mboapy mba' ekuaágui ,

okuaararávyma ,

ayvu rapyta oguerojera ,

ogueroyvára Ňande Ru.

Yvy oiko' eÿre ,

pytŭ yma mbytére ,

mba'e jekuaa' eÿre ,

ayvu rapytarā i oguerojera ,

ogueroyvára

Ňamandu Ru Ete tenondegua.

Ňamandu Ru Ete tenondegua

…

Oámyvyma,

oyvárapy mba’ ekuaágui,

okuaararávyma

ayvu rapytará i

oikuaa ojeupe.

mboapy mba’ ekuaágui,

okuaararávyma,

ayvu rapyta oguerojera,

ogueroyvára Ňande Ru.

Yvy oiko’ eÿre,

pytŭ yma mbytére,

mba’e jekuaa’ eÿre,

ayvu rapytarā i oguerojera,

ogueroyvára

Ňamandu Ru Ete tenondegua.

真正的父亲Ňamandú，第一个…… 从他自己的神格中的智慧中

站起来，凭借他创造的智慧，构想了人类语言的起源，并使其成为他自己的神格的一部分。在地球存在于原始黑暗中之前，在对事物有知识之前，他创造了人类语言的基础，而真正的始祖萨曼杜将其作为他自己的神格的一部分。

True Father Ňamandú, the First One…

Standing up straight

from the wisdom in his own godhead

and in virtue of his creating wisdom

conceived the origin of human language

and made it form part of his own godhead.

Before the earth existed

amidst the primordial darkness

before there was knowledge of things

he created what was to be the foundation of human language

and True First Father Ňamandú

made it form part of his own godhead.

Ayvu Rapyta，“人类语言的基础”，

Mbyá-Guaraní 创造神话²⁷

Ayvu Rapyta, ‘The Foundation of Human Language’,

Mbyá-Guaraní creation myth²⁷

渐渐地，我们越来越远离动物。在第一次，差异很小。所有的众生都有一个 Aché 身体，一个人的身体，并且如此行事。主要的相似之处是拥有javu，语言。

Gradually we move away from the animals more and more. In the first times, the difference was tiny. All living beings had an Aché body, a person’s body, and behaved as such. The main likeness was the possession of javu, language.

Aché Pyvé，“Aché 的开始”，

Aché-Guaraní 创造神话²⁸

Aché Pyvé, ‘The Beginnings of the Aché’,

Aché-Guaraní creation myth²⁸

对于在西班牙人出现之前已经广泛传播的其他语言的职业，人们知之甚少。

Far less is known about the careers of the other languages that had become widespread before the advent of the Spaniards.

当西班牙人于 1536 年抵达时，安第斯山脉北部的昆迪纳马卡高原主要是单语的 Chibcha（或Muysca ）语言；然而，该地区当时在政治上并不统一，至少有三个主要中心在北部的通哈（罕萨）、南部的波哥大（穆基塔）和索加莫索（苏加穆希）)，东北的主要宗教中心，方言也有一些差异。征服者 Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada（与 Cortés 一样，另一位在职律师）从沿海带来了口译员，但鉴于现在的沿海语言（例如 Ika、Kogi），他们不太可能他们本可以用他们自己的语言进行交流：更有可能的是，他们从山区和海岸之间的传统贸易联系中了解了奇布查。尽管 Chibcha 之间已经存在明显的社会等级，并且与不同中心（以及他们的非 Chibcha 邻国）之间的正式运动相关的军事组织，没有证据表明该语言已被任何政治传播，军事或经济影响。更倾向于，语言只是由定居在那里的部落建立的。他们的族群显然已经存在了一段时间：密切相关的语言已经在东北方几百公里处进化，在 Duit（现已灭绝）和 Tunebo（也被称为Uwa )，他们仍然生活在安第斯山脉的东坡上，说着他们的语言。

The altiplano of Cundinamarca in the northern Andes was largely monolingual in the Chibcha (or Muysca) language when the Spanish arrived in 1536; the area was not politically unified at the time, however, and with at least three major centres at Tunja (Hunza) in the north, Bogotá (Muykyta) in the south, and Sogamoso (Sugamuši), a major religious centre in the northeast, there was also some difference in dialects. The conquistador Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada (like Cortés, another lawyer at large) had brought interpreters with him from the coast, but, in view of the coastal languages as they are now (for example, Ika, Kogi), it is unlikely that they could have communicated in anything like their own language: more probably, they had some knowledge of Chibcha from traditional trade links between the mountains and the coast. Although there was already a clear social hierarchy among the Chibcha, and military organisation associated with formal campaigns among the different centres (as well as their non-Chibcha-speaking neighbours), there is no evidence that the language had been spread by any political, military or economic influence. More likely, the language had simply been established by the tribes who had settled there. And their ethnic group had clearly been there for some time: closely related languages had evolved a couple of hundred kilometres to the north-east, among the Duit (nowadays extinct), and the Tunebo (also known as Uwa), who still live, and speak their language, on the eastern slopes of the Andes.

人们对图皮瓜拉尼语的背景知之甚少，但这种语言在南美洲低地的使用范围要广得多。它的形式在苏里南以北、亚马逊以北以及向西在巴西和秘鲁边境的哥伦比亚的口袋中被发现。它在巴西中部和东南部、玻利维亚东部（称为奇里瓜诺）和巴拉圭（称为瓜拉尼）都使用（称为图皮纳巴）。它的传播可能与整个大陆的中美洲式农业的发展有关，包括玉米、豆类和南瓜，并辅以土豆、木薯、花生和辣椒。²⁹

Even less is known about the background of Tupí-Guaraní, but the language was spoken far more widely across lowland South America; forms of it have been found as far north as Suriname, north of the Amazon, and to the west in pockets on the Brazilian and Peruvian borders of Colombia. It was spoken (as Tupinambá) all over the centre and south-east of Brazil, in eastern Bolivia (known as Chiriguano), and in Paraguay (as Guaraní). Its spread may have been linked to the progress of Mesoamerican-style farming across the continent, of maize, beans and squash, supplemented with potatoes, manioc, peanuts and chili peppers.²⁹

而对于马普切人的过去，人们所知甚少或可以推断的更少。他们一直保持独立，直到十九世纪下半叶。因此，西班牙人与他们的接触来得太晚，无法使用他们的语言 Mapudungun 作为lengua 将军。在他们广阔的领土上使用单一语言表明他们是一个单一的群体，占据了一个不是特别肥沃的地区，并且在该地区分布得很薄。

And of the Mapuche past, even less is known or can be inferred. They maintained their independence until the second half of the nineteenth century; and so Spanish contact with them came too late for any use of their language, Mapudungun, as a lengua general. The use of a single language across their extensive territory suggests that they were a single group who had taken possession of a not particularly fertile region, and were thinly spread across it.

我们现在必须转向西班牙人在语言上组织他们的殖民地的政策。但在我们这样做之前，值得指出的是，语言广泛的群体的政治组织程度与西班牙接触后文学的发展（利用罗马化的传播）之间存在明显的相关性。书写系统）。纳瓦特尔语和盖丘亚语的大量文献可以追溯到征服之后的时期，通常由之前统治墨西哥和秘鲁的精英的直系后裔撰写。^*相比之下，艾马拉、奇布查和瓜拉尼并没有发展出本土的书面文学，尽管传教语言学家给了他们各自的书面标准：³⁰据我们所知，这些语言的文学作品仍然仅限于西班牙人的作品，并且主要是为了支持基督教化的进程。

We must now turn to the policies pursued by the Spanish to organise their colonies linguistically. But before we do so, it is worth pointing out that there is a clear correlation between the degree of political organisation of a group with a widespread language, and the development of a literature after Spanish contact (which took advantage of the transmission of a Romanised writing system). There are substantial literatures in Nahuatl and Quechua which date from the period immediately after the conquest, often written by immediate descendants of the elite who had ruled Mexico and Peru before.^* Aymara, Chibcha and Guaraní, by contrast, did not develop an indigenous written literature, even though they had each been given a written standard by missionary linguists:³⁰ as far as we can see, literature in the languages remained confined to the productions of the Spaniards, and largely to support the process of Christianisation.

教会的解决方案：lenguas generales

The Church’s solution: The lenguas generales

陛下下令让这些印第安人学习卡斯蒂利亚语。那永远不可能，除非它是模糊而糟糕的学习：我们看到一个葡萄牙人，卡斯蒂利亚和葡萄牙的语言几乎完全相同，在卡斯蒂利亚度过了三十年，却从未学习过。那么这些人是要学的吗，当他们的语言对我们来说如此陌生，说话的方式很讲究？在我看来，陛下应该命令所有的印第安人学习墨西哥语，因为今天每个村庄都有许多印第安人知道并且很容易学习它，并且有很多人承认这种语言。它是一种极其优雅的语言，与世界上任何语言一样优雅。它的语法和字典已经写成，圣经的许多部分都被翻译成它。

Your Majesty has ordered that these Indians should learn the language of Castile. That can never be, unless it were something vaguely and badly learnt: we see a Portuguese, where the language of Castile and Portugal is almost all the same, spend thirty years in Castile, and never learn it. Then are these people to learn it, when their language is so foreign to ours, with exquisite manners of speaking? It seems to me that Your Majesty should order that all the Indians learn the Mexican language, for in every village today there are many Indians who know it and learn it easily, and a very great number who confess in that language. It is an extremely elegant language, as elegant as any in the world. A grammar and dictionary of it have been written, and many parts of the Holy Scriptures have been translated into it; and collections of sermons have been made, and some friars are very great linguists in it.

Fray Rodrigo de la Cruz 致墨西哥查理五世皇帝的信，5 月 4 日 [3 月？] 1550 ³¹

Fray Rodrigo de la Cruz to Emperor Charles V

Mexico, letter of 4 May [March?] 1550³¹

我们太少了，无法向印第安人教授卡斯蒂利亚语。他们不想说话。最好让墨西哥语言普及，这种语言广泛流行，他们喜欢它，其中有书面的教义和布道，还有语法和词汇。

We are too few to teach the language of Castile to Indians. They do not want to speak it. It would be better to make universal the Mexican language, which is widely current, and they like it, and in it there are written doctrine and sermons and a grammar and a vocabulary.

Fray Juan de Mansilla，Comisario General，致危地马拉皇帝查理五世

，1551 年 9 月 8 日的信³²

Fray Juan de Mansilla, Comisario General, to Emperor Charles V

Guatemala, letter of 8 September 1551³²

如果拥有非常敏锐的才智和科学知识的西班牙人不能像他们声称的那样学习库斯科的通用语言，那么未受过教育和未受过教育的印度人怎么能学习卡斯蒂利亚语呢？

If the Spanish with very sharp intellects and knowledge of the sciences cannot, as they claim, learn the general language of Cuzco, how can it be achieved that the uncultivated and untaught Indians can learn Castilian?

布拉斯·瓦莱拉神父秘鲁，十六世纪中叶³³

Father Blas Valera Peru, mid-sixteenth century³³

在 1493 年由亚历山大六世颁布的教皇诏书中，Inter Caetera形成了西班牙对其殖民地的合法所有权，在斐迪南国王和伊莎贝拉王后对哥伦布的指示中，将当地人的皈依作为最高目标在新世界建立西班牙帝国。早在 1504 年，与哥伦布一起第二次航行的博伊尔神父正在向他的王室主人解释说，由于缺乏翻译，福音的传播被推迟了。

In the papal bull of 1493 issued by Alexander VI, Inter Caetera, which formed the legal title of Spain to its colonies, and in the instructions issued to Columbus by King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, the conversion of the natives was enjoined as the supreme objective in building the Spanish empire in the New World. Already in 1504, Father Boyl, who had been sent out with Columbus on his second voyage, was explaining to his royal masters that the spread of the gospel was being delayed by lack of interpreters.

尽管如此，加勒比地区的基督教化取得了迅速进展，主要是通过西班牙语。正如我们所看到的，加勒比地区使用不同语言的通天塔，没有通用语，唯一的选择就是使用其中的每一种。1516 年，西斯内罗斯枢机主教要求圣职人员教酋长和重要人物的子女阅读和写作，“并教他们如何讲卡斯蒂利亚罗曼语，并尽可能与所有酋长和印第安人合作，让他们说卡斯蒂利亚语'。³⁴内布里哈的Arte de la lengua castellana的 20 份副本于 1513 年交付给伊斯帕尼奥拉，由政府的 Casa de Contratación de Indias 发送。该过程在其传播西班牙语的中间目标方面是有效的。有许多关于土著酋长的报道，他们精通该语言并通晓该语言。³⁵但在稍长一点的时间里，真正的目标是建立一个新的基督教灵魂社区，但由于在西班牙剥削的极端压力下印第安人令人不安的死亡趋势，以及随后从非洲大量进口黑人奴隶，这使真正的目标受挫。 . 无论如何，在人口灾难性崩溃的情况下，西班牙人与印第安人没有隔离，只有西班牙语幸存下来也就不足为奇了。

Nevertheless, speedy progress was made with the Christianisation of the Caribbean, largely through Spanish. As we have seen, there was a babel of different languages in use in the Caribbean, and with no lingua franca the only alternative would have been to use each and every one of them. Cardinal Cisneros in 1516 required sacristans to teach the children of chieftains and important people to read and write, ‘and to show them how to speak Castilian Romance, and to work with all the chiefs and Indians, as far as possible, to get them to speak Castilian’.³⁴ Twenty copies of Nebrija’s Arte de la lengua castellana were delivered to Hispaniola in 1513, sent from the governmental Casa de Contratación de Indias. The process was effective in its intermediate goal of spreading Spanish. There are many reports of native chiefs who were masters of the language, and literate in it.³⁵ But in the slightly longer term, the real aim, a new community of Christian souls, was frustrated by the disconcerting tendency of the Indians to die off, under the extreme stress of Spanish exploitation, followed up by wholesale import of black slaves from Africa. At any rate, in a situation of catastrophic collapse of population, and no segregation of Spaniards from Indians, it is unsurprising that only the Spanish language survived.

西班牙力量向欧洲大陆的扩散造成了截然不同的局面。部分由于德拉斯卡萨斯神父在竞选活动中的愤怒，部分由于人口减少的纯粹事实，人们已经对猖獗的剥削对加勒比地区大部分无辜的岛民造成了什么感到内疚，并且（至少在教会和皇家法院）决定不再发生这种情况。宗教团体遍布新殖民地，并立即努力以他们自己的语言接触居民。

The spread of Spanish power to the continent created a very different situation. Partly by virtue of the campaigning fury of Father de Las Casas, partly from the sheer fact of depopulation, there was already a guilty sense of what rampant exploitation had done to the largely innocent islanders of the Caribbean, and (at least in the Church and the royal court) a determination that this should not recur. The religious orders spread out across the new colonies, and immediately endeavoured to reach the inhabitants in their own languages.

由于我们刚刚回顾了印第安人先前的活动，他们发现在许多地区，语言状况比加勒比地区更容易控制。有些语言已经很普遍了；即使他们不为所有人所知，但每个人都知道他们，并且通常发现他们比完全陌生的西班牙人更容易获得。

Because of the prior activities of the Indians which we have just reviewed, they found that in many of the territories the linguistic situation was much more manageable than it had been in the Caribbean. Some languages were already widespread; and even if they were not known to the whole population, everyone knew of them, and usually found them easier to acquire than the wholly alien Spanish.

经过一代人的努力，1550 年 6 月 7 日，王室颁布了一项指示，要求西班牙的新公民尽快学习西班牙语：

After a generation of work in the field, a direction was issued by the royal court on 7 June 1550, to the effect that the new citizens of Spain should as soon as possible be taught the Spanish language:

我们为这片土地的利益而渴望的主要事情之一是拯救、指导和皈依我们的当地人的神圣天主教信仰，他们也应该采用我们的政策和良好的习俗；因此，谈到可以为此目的而采取的手段，很明显，其中一个也是最重要的方法是下令如何教这些民族我们的卡斯蒂利亚语，因为有了这些知识，他们可以更容易教导圣福音的内容，并获得适合他们生活方式的所有其他内容。³⁶

As one of the main things that we desire for the good of this land is the salvation and instruction and conversion to our Holy Catholic Faith of its natives, and that also they should adopt our policy and good customs; and so, treating of the means which could be upheld to this end, it is apparent that one of them and the most principal would be to give the order how these peoples may be taught our Castilian language, for with this knowledge, they could be more easily taught the matters of the Holy Gospel and gain all the rest which is suitable for their manner of life.³⁶

立即遭到呼吁采取行动的教士们的抵抗。从本节开头的引文中可以清楚地看出他们论点的性质。他们说，传播信仰的手段已经到手，而且这些手段使用的是主要人口中心广泛使用的语言。试图用西班牙语代替似乎毫无意义。即使在没有合适和有效的通用语言的地方，他们仍然认为母语是最适合他们的目的。1577 年 2 月 12 日，波哥大大主教写信给国王：

There was immediate resistance from the churchmen called to act on it. The nature of their arguments is clear from the quotations that head this section. Means for the propagation of the faith were already to hand, they said, and these used the languages widely spoken in the major centres of population. It seemed pointless to try to substitute Spanish. And even where there was not an appropriate and effective lengua general, they still felt that native languages were the best for their purposes. The Archbishop of Bogotá wrote to the king on 12 February 1577:

我已经找到了最好的方法来握住他们的手并用他们自己的语言收集他们，我所发现的任何东西都无法与用他们自己的语言宣讲和宣讲神圣的福音相提并论。我说“用他们自己的语言”，因为在这个王国里，每个山谷或省份都有自己的语言，与其他地方不同；它不像秘鲁或新西班牙，虽然有不同的语言，但他们在整个土地上都使用通用语言。³⁷

And to take them by the hand and gather them by good means I have arrived at the best way for it, and none that I have found will compare with preaching and declaring the Holy Gospel in their own languages. I say ‘in their own languages’, because in this Kingdom every valley or province has its own language different from the others; it is not like Peru or New Spain, where although there are different languages, they have a lengua general in use throughout the land.³⁷

有人说，教会在这里推广使用土著语言并非完全不感兴趣。通过通用语言或其他不太容易理解的语言保持联系意味着牧师仍然是纯血统印第安人之间的唯一有效渠道（在 16 世纪初占墨西哥人口的 99%，在 16 世纪之交仍然是 55% 1810) ³⁸和世界其他地方。除了将他们作为某种权力基础之外，他们还可以保护他们免受在欧洲流传的宗教改革的有害学说，并在一定程度上保护印第安人免受西班牙殖民者的贪婪利益。但没有证据表明教会故意限制使用西班牙语：相反，他们将西班牙语和拉丁语一起纳入了所有学校的课程。它根本没有在印度人中流行起来，因为他们在偏远的定居点或隔离社区（reducciones）基本上与世隔绝，几乎没有非双语西班牙人可以交谈。

There are those who say that the Church was not wholly disinterested in its promotion of the use of indigenous languages here. Maintenance of contact through the lengua general or other less accessible languages meant that the priests remained the sole effective channel between the pure-blood Indians (99 per cent of the population of Mexico at the turn of the sixteenth century, and still 55 per cent in 1810)³⁸ and the rest of the world. Besides holding them as some sort of power base, they could shelter them from the pernicious doctrines of the Reformation which were circulating in Europe, and to some extent protect the Indians from rapacious Spanish colonial interests. But there is no evidence that the Church deliberately restricted access to Spanish: rather, they made it part of the curriculum, along with Latin, in all their schools. It simply failed to catch on among Indians, largely isolated as they were in remote settlements, or in segregated communities (reducciones), with few non-bilingual Spaniards to talk to.

无论如何，西班牙王室的反应是温和的。在卡洛斯五世统治下，没有立即强制执行Real Cédula。美国的一些神职人员相信，应该努力使西班牙语“在适当的期限内”成为强制性的，因为没有明确的标准术语可以用来宣讲。³⁹ 1586 年，费利佩二世命令秘鲁总督调查此事，并采取任何看起来最好的措施；但在 1596 年，他拒绝了Cédula草案，该草案将规定在新西班牙向印第安人强制教授西班牙语，同时禁止他们的任何酋长用他们自己的语言与他的人民交谈，并添加了个人说明：“请咨询我这和这里的整个问题。当 7 月 3 日塞杜拉终于签署了，它包含的指令是“为那些自愿学习卡斯蒂利亚语的人安排校长”，但要确保“教士们应该非常了解他们必须教授的印第安人的语言'。

In any case, the reaction of the Spanish Crown was emollient. No immediate enforcement of the Real Cédula was attempted under Carlos V. Some of the clergy in America were convinced that efforts should be made to make Spanish compulsory ‘within some adequate term’, because there was no clear, standard terminology in which to preach.³⁹ In 1586 Felipe II commanded the viceroy of Peru to look into the matter, and take whatever measures seemed best; but in 1596 he rejected a draft Cédula which would have provided for the compulsory teaching of Spanish to Indians in New Spain, along with prohibition of any of their chiefs talking to his people in their own language, adding the personal note: ‘Consult me on this and the whole issue here.’ When on 3 July the Cédula was finally signed, it contained instead the instruction to ‘put in place schoolmasters for those who would voluntarily wish to learn the Castilian language’, but to ensure that ‘the curates should know very well the language of the Indians whom they have to instruct’.

结果，在接下来的两个世纪里一直保持着，很大程度上是现状的延续：城市中的西班牙语，以及越来越多的混血儿社会；但在其他地方使用的是lenguas generales，而其他土著语言则没有。从长远来看，结果似乎取决于印度独立定居点的盛行：例如，在新格拉纳达，这些定居点很少，尽管 Chibcha 被承认为官方通用语言，但它的使用逐渐消失，取而代之的是西班牙语. 然而，即使在这里，印度语言在偏远地区仍然存在。与此同时，在墨西哥、秘鲁和巴拉圭，lenguas generales即使在小社区继续说自己的语言时，他们在演讲和写作方面也蓬勃发展。

The result, maintained for the next two centuries, was very much the continuation of the status quo: Spanish in the cities, and increasingly in mestizo society; but elsewhere the lenguas generales were in use, and failing that other indigenous languages. The outcome in the long term seems to have depended on the prevalence of separate Indian settlements: for example, in New Granada, where these were few, the use of Chibcha gradually died out despite its recognition as an official lengua general, and Spanish replaced it. Nevertheless, even here Indian languages survived in remote areas. Meanwhile, in Mexico, Peru and Paraguay the lenguas generales flourished, in speech and in writing, even as small communities went on speaking their own languages.

现在发生的是一个过程，其中西班牙世界观的内容通过更广泛货币的预先存在的语言来传达。西班牙人免去了广泛教授他们自己语言的麻烦，或者等待几代人让知识传播开来。取而代之的是，他们获得了古老的语言，并转向了他们的优势，无论这些语言是由以前的统治力量传播的——尤其是墨西加语、印加语和（在有限的范围内）奇布恰语——还是仅仅是预先存在的贸易语言和性交——特别是秘鲁南部和玻利维亚的艾马拉，以及巴拉圭的瓜拉尼。

What now occurred was a process whereby the content of the Spanish world-view was conveyed through the pre-existing languages of wider currency. The Spanish were spared the trouble of teaching their own language widely, or waiting a few generations for knowledge of it to spread; instead, they acquired, and turned to their advantage, the old languages, whether these had been spread by previous ruling powers—notably the Mexica, the Inca and (to a limited extent) the Chibcha—or were simply pre-existing languages of trade and intercourse—notably Aymara in southern Peru and Bolivia, and Guaraní in Paraguay.

在西班牙统治的前两个世纪中，最繁荣的当然是纳瓦特尔。由于西班牙在墨西哥的统治创建了一个与西班牙人不同的“印第安人共和国”，并且拥有独立的法院，因此该语言的行政使用正在蓬勃发展。此外，西班牙神职人员不仅在翻译和出版礼仪材料方面付出了巨大的努力，正如我们所见，辅以语言分析以帮助培训西班牙语学习者；很快也出现了一种文学作品，再现并重述了该国前西班牙裔的历史。这首先包括历史和抒情诗的写作。然而，除了旧的体裁之外，还增加了新的体裁：如这首诗篇，由纳瓦特尔百科全书家弗赖·贝尔纳多·德·萨哈贡（Fray Bernardo de Sahagún）创作：“我也用嘴唇塑造的珍贵玉石，我也散了，我说的，是一首合适的歌。所有这些不仅是给你的礼物，亲爱的儿子，你是神圣教会的儿子；你应该得到更多……如果你把基督教作为一种生活方式……”，⁴⁰和汽车或宗教戏剧，它延续了墨西哥戏剧传统，为基督教信仰服务。莫托利尼亚是最先被派往墨西哥皈依的十二位传教士之一，^*兴高采烈地讲述了 1538 年和 1539 年上演的许多此类戏剧，包括《天使报喜》、亚当和夏娃的堕落以及十字军占领耶路撒冷，大概都是由修道士编写和导演的，但完全由印度人表演。⁴¹七代之后，这一传统仍然存在：1714 年，特拉斯卡兰作家胡安·文图拉·萨帕塔（Juan Ventura Zapata）写了一部更具想象力的作品，《圣十字的发明》，其中包含阿兹特克死神 Mictlantecuhtli 与罗马皇帝君士坦丁对峙的场景。⁴²直到今天，在 Tepoztlán 镇，每年 9 月 8 日都会举行基督教皈依盛会：

The most flourishing of these in these first two centuries of Spanish rule was certainly Nahuatl. Since Spanish rule in Mexico created a ‘republic of the Indians’ separate from that of the Spaniards, and with separate courts, administrative use of the language was thriving. Moreover, there was not only a major effort by Spanish clergy to translate and publish liturgical material, supplemented as we have seen with linguistic analysis to aid in the training of Spanish learners; there was soon also a literature that recreated and retold the pre-Hispanic history of the country. This included above all the writing of history and of lyrical poetry. Besides the old genres, however, new ones were added: psalms, such as this one, composed by the Nahuatl encyclopedist, Fray Bernardo de Sahagún: ‘The precious jades that I also shape with my lips, that I also have scattered, that I have uttered, are a fitting song. Not only are all these a gift for you, beloved son, you who are a son of the holy Church; even more are your due … if you follow Christianity well as a way of life…’,⁴⁰ and the auto, or religious play, which continued the Mexican dramatic tradition in the service of the Christian faith. Motolinía, one of the heroic group of twelve missionaries first sent to convert Mexico,^* recounts with gusto a number of such plays performed in 1538 and 1539, including the Annunciation, the Fall of Adam and Eve, and the Crusaders’ Capture of Jerusalem, presumably all scripted and directed by friars, but performed exclusively by Indians.⁴¹ Seven generations later the tradition was still alive: in 1714 the Tlaxcalan writer Juan Ventura Zapata wrote a somewhat more imaginative work, the Invention of the Holy Cross, which contains a scene where the Aztec god of the dead, Mictlantecuhtli, confronts the Roman emperor Constantine.⁴² To this day, in the town of Tepoztlán, a pageant of Christian conversion is presented every year on 8 September:

特拉卡帕扬：山地居民！特拉卡帕扬正在寻找你。现在我来了。我来将你化为尘土，将你化为尘土。当你听到我的名声和我的话时，你现在害怕什么？你在哪里抛弃了我们尊敬的众神？你把自己交给了外国人，那些坏牧师。知道特拉卡帕扬想要什么。他从未失去视力。你会被毁灭，你会灭亡。粗壮是我的心。

TLACAPAYAN: Mountain-dweller! Tlacapayan seeks you. Now I have come. I come to reduce you to earth and dust, and to earth and dust I will turn you. What do you now fear when you hear of my fame and my words? Where have you abandoned our revered gods? You have given yourself over to foreigners, those bad priests. Know what it is that Tlacapayan desires. He had never lost his vision. You will be destroyed and you will perish. And stout is my heart.

TEPOZTECO：怎么就在这个时候，为什么现在你来了，当我享受自己，休息，欢欣，纪念永恒的圣母，上帝的母亲和我们珍贵的母亲的时候？......真正崇高的是我们珍贵的圣母圣母，正如智者之书中的神圣作者所说。圣歌中说，十二颗星盘绕她的头，月光支撑着她的脚，因此它铺满了天地。⁴³

TEPOZTECO: HOW is it that right at this time, why is it that right now you have come, when I am enjoying myself, resting, rejoicing, commemorating the eternal Virgin, the Mother of God, and our precious Mother? … Truly exalted is our precious Mother the lady Virgin as says the divine author in the book of the wise. There it is said in the holy songs that twelve stars circle her head and that with the luminous moon her feet are supported, thus over all earth and heaven it spreads forth.⁴³

在秘鲁，对lengua general的态度更为复杂。和纳瓦特尔一样，盖丘亚语被广泛用于传福音，同时也成为怀旧文学的载体，使人联想到征服前的生活。但它也被criollo占据了地主阶级，而不是他们自己的后裔，作为地方合法性的象征：它立即将他们与利马讲西班牙语的城市精英区分开来，但也剥夺了乡下人与地主保持距离的语言手段。然而，在征服之后的两个半世纪里，盖丘亚人越来越多地代表了秘鲁农民的不满。这在过去半个世纪爆发为公开起义，最终在 1780 年自封为 Tupac Amaru II（“皇家蛇”）的总叛乱中达到顶峰。据说，在叛乱被镇压之前，电视剧《奥兰泰》已经在领导面前上演了。这被称为克丘亚剧院的最佳作品，讲述了在伟大的印加人帕查库特克和图帕克尤潘基（15 世纪中叶）的鼎盛时期，一位印加公主和一位武士平民的痛苦爱情故事。在这里，印加人有点突然地表现出他的仁慈品质。

In Peru, attitudes to the lengua general were more complex. Quechua, like Nahuatl, was widely used to preach the gospel, and at the same time became the vehicle for a nostalgic literature harking back to life before the conquest. But it was also taken up by the criollo landowning class, not themselves descendants of Indians, as a symbol of local legitimacy: at once it distinguished them from the Spanish-speaking urban elite in Lima, but also denied the country people a linguistic means to keep their landlords at a distance. Nevertheless, over the two and a half centuries after the conquest, Quechua came increasingly to represent the dissatisfaction of the Peruvian peasants; this exploded into open uprisings in the last half-century, culminating in the general rebellion in 1780 under the self-styled Tupac Amaru II (’Royal Serpent’). It is said that, before the rebellion was crushed, the drama Ollantay had been staged before the leaders. This is known as the finest work of the Quechua theatre, and tells the tormented love story of an Inca princess and a warrior commoner, in the heyday of the great Incas Pachacutec and Tupac Yupanqui (mid-fifteenth century). Here is the section where the Inca, somewhat abruptly, shows the quality of his mercy.

印加·尤潘基：	选择你的惩罚。说吧，威拉克·乌姆。
威拉克·乌姆：	太阳给了我一颗仁慈的心。
印加·尤潘基：	鲁米，那么你必须发言。
鲁米·阿维：	恶行的代价必定是印加人的残酷死亡，这就是罪孽深重的人的沙漠……
印加·尤潘基：	你听说筹码正在准备中吗？把这些叛军带到那里！杀死这些邪恶的人！
	…
	释放囚犯：	站在我面前。你从死亡中被救了出来：现在逃跑，山鹿。你倒在我的脚下：今天世界将知道我内心的善良。我必须让你振作一百次，哦，被驱逐的敌人。你是反苏玉的总督：而你，我今天见证，如果我愿意，你将达到你想要的任何水平：成为反苏玉的总督，我永远的队长...... ^*

艾马拉语继续在秘鲁南部和现在的玻利维亚（当时的沙尔卡斯的听众区）使用，经历了一种西班牙语词汇的输入：从西班牙语中借来的许多词主要是为了新的基督教或西方思想，但在某些情况下，它们被改编为表达传统概念：Wirjina（来自西班牙的virgen）和Santa Tira（来自西班牙的 Santa Tierra，“圣地”）都代表地球母亲（在 Quechua Pachamama）。在许多其他情况下，艾马拉语单词开始具有基督教意义，如jucha，“罪”，在这个 18 世纪布道的简短摘录中，西班牙的借用用粗体标出：

Aymara, continuing to be spoken in the south of Peru and in what is now Bolivia (then the Audiencia of Charcas), underwent a kind of transfusion of vocabulary with Spanish: the many loans from Spanish were mostly for new Christian, or Western, ideas, but in some cases they were adapted to express traditional concepts: Wirjina (from Spanish virgen) and Santa Tira (from Spanish Santa Tierra, ‘holy land’) both came to stand for the Earth Mother (in Quechua Pachamama). In many other cases, Aymara words came to have Christian senses, as jucha, ‘sin’, in this short extract from an eighteenth-century sermon, where the Spanish borrowings are marked in bold:

卡姆斯塔，克里斯蒂亚诺？Janiti aka isapasina kharkatita？... P'arxtama，machaõa jucha jaytama，racionaljama，chuymanixama Diosana unaõchapajama jakaskama：janiki 动物 kankaõaru katuyasimti，janik sutiwisa kankaõaru katuyasimti：tukuxpana machaõa jucha，tukuxpana，munatanakay。

Kamsta, cristiano? Janiti aka isapasina kharkatita? … P’arxtama, machaõa jucha jaytama, racionaljama, chuymanixama Diosana unaõchapajama jakaskama : janiki animal kankaõaru katuyasimti, janik sutiwisa kankaõaru katuyasimti: tukuxpana machaõa jucha, tukuxpana, munatanakay.

你说什么，克里斯蒂安？你听到这个不颤抖吗？……醒醒，摆脱醉酒的罪。作为一个理性的人，要理智，生活在上帝划定的道路上。不要把自己变成动物。不要回到无名的状态。结束醉酒的罪，结束它，亲爱的。⁴⁴

What do you say, Christian? Do you not tremble to hear this? … Awake, put off the sin of drunkenness. As a rational being, be sensible, live in the path which God marks out. Do not make yourself an animal. Don’t return to being something nameless. Make an end of the sin of drunkenness, make an end of it, beloved.⁴⁴

瓜拉尼语是唯一最终获得永久承认为官方国家语言的美洲土著语言。早年西班牙语普及率低的部分原因可能是美洲的瓜拉尼语地区非常偏远，导致缺乏说西班牙语的女性在那里建立说西班牙语的家庭。但这种语言的弹性主要归功于耶稣会在巴拉圭传教的典型解决方案。他们的reducciones ，作为对亚松森周围的压迫制度^*的神圣和慈善反应而建立的社区，在1609-1767年期间主导了欧洲和印度之间的关系。这项工作因突袭奴隶贩子（可怕的“mamelucos”) 在 1628-40 年，并且一直被encomenderos 所认可。在reducciones，所有的教学都是在瓜拉尼进行的，因此该语言在基督教文化中获得了非常强大的基础。耶稣会士如此创造的世界的乌托邦本质可以从一些流行的新词的字面意思中看出：îbîrayararusú，“大棒的主人”，即警察局长；kuarepotí ，“矿山的排泄物”，即金钱（在reducciones中没有用的东西）。，⁴⁵

Guaraní is the only indigenous American language that ultimately achieved permanent recognition as an official national language. Partly, the low penetration of Spanish in the early years may be due to the extreme remoteness of the Guaraní-speaking areas in the Americas, and the resulting lack of Spanish-speaking women to found Spanish-speaking families there. But the language mostly owes its resilience to the exemplary settlement by Jesuit missions in Paraguay. Their reducciones, communities founded as a holy and philanthropic reaction to the oppressive system of encomiendas^* around Asunción, dominated relations between European and Indian in the period 1609-1767. The work was disrupted by raiding slavers (the dreaded ’mamelucos’) in 1628-40, and persistently by encomenderos. In the reducciones, all teaching was carried out in Guaraní, and the language thereby gained a very strong basis in Christianised culture. The utopian nature of the world so created by the Jesuits can be seen in the literal meaning of some of the new words that became current: îbîrayararusú, ‘master of the big stick’, i.e. chief constable; kuarepotí, ‘excrement of the mines’, i.e. money (something that had no use in the reducciones).,⁴⁵

因卡·尤潘基：	Akllaychis k' iriykichista。Willaq-Umu, qan rimariy。
威拉克·乌姆：	Nuqaman ancha khuyaqtan Inti sunqota qowarqan。
因卡·尤潘基：	鲁米，qanõataq rimariy。
鲁米·萨维：	Hatun huchaman chaninqa K'iri waõuypunin kanqa: Chaymi runataqa hak' anqa Huchapakunanta, Inka…
因卡·尤潘基：	Ňachu uyarirqankichisõa Takarpu kamarisqata。 Chayman pusay kaykunata！Awqataqa sipiychisõa!... Paskaychis chay watasqata: Hatarimuy kay õawk'iyman！ Qespinkin waõuyniykita: Kuman phaway, luychu k' ita。 Ňan urmamunki chakiyman：Kunanmi teqsi yachanqa Sunqoypa llanp'u kasqanta。Huqariqaykin qanta , Pachak kuti awqa mink' a. Qanmi karqanki wanin' ka Anti-suyu kamachikoq: Qanllataqmi kunan rikoq , Nuqaq munayniy kaqtinqa, Chaymi maykamapas rinqa: Anti-suyuta kamachiy, Wamink' ay kapuy wiõaypaq…

耶稣会的语言制度的一个明确动机是保护印度人免受欧洲恶习的侵害。但是，培养一种古典语言，特别是拉丁语的体面晦涩，是美洲博学的修道士广泛奉行的一项政策，尤其是因为他们的目标是在那里建立一个本土的神职人员。一些修道士被他们的学生在古典学习方面的成就迷住了。Fray Toribio Motolinía 是最初到墨西哥的 12 位方济各会传教士之一，他保留了这个来自卡斯蒂利亚的一个粗壮党派瓦解的轶事：

An explicit motive in the Jesuits’ language regime was to protect Indians from European vices. But cultivation of the decent obscurity of a classical language, specifically Latin, was a policy widely pursued by the learned friars in the Americas, not least because they were aiming to found a native priesthood there. Some of the friars became enchanted by the achievements of their pupils in classical learning. Fray Toribio Motolinía, one of the twelve original Franciscan missionaries to Mexico, preserves this anecdote of the collapse of a stout party from Castile:

一位刚从卡斯蒂利亚回来的神父发生了一件非常好的事情，他不相信印第安人知道基督教教义，也不知道主祷文，也不知道信经；当其他西班牙人告诉他他们这样做时，他仍然持怀疑态度。就在这时，两个学生下课了，神父以为他们来自其他印第安人，问其中一个他是否知道主祷文，他说他知道，他让他说，然后他做了他说信条，学生说得很好；神父质疑一个印度人正确的词，由于印度人声称他是对的，神父否认了，学生不得不问什么是正确的方法，并用拉丁语问他：Reverende Pater, cujus原因是什么？^†然后神父又不懂语法，他就很茫然，满脸迷茫。⁴⁶

A very fine thing happened to a priest recently arrived from Castile, who could not believe that the Indians knew Christian doctrine, nor the Lord’s Prayer, nor the Creed; and when other Spaniards told him they did, he remained sceptical; just then two students had come out of class, and the priest thinking they were from the rest of the Indians, asked one of them if he knew the Lord’s Prayer and he said he did, and he made him say it, and then he made him say the Creed, and the student said it perfectly well; and the priest challenged one word which the Indian had got right, and since the Indian asserted that he was right, and the priest denied it, the student had to ask what was the correct way, and asked him in Latin: Reverende Pater, cujus casus est?^† Then since the priest did not know grammar, he was left quite at a loss, covered with confusion.⁴⁶

在某些地方，西班牙人将lenguas generales传播到了创建它们的前哥伦布帝国的范围之外。在西班牙人的统治下，在他们说纳瓦特尔语的盟友，尤其是特拉斯卡兰人的帮助下，他们非常乐意剥夺阿兹特克人的领土，纳瓦特尔语传播到危地马拉，该地区迄今为止一直是说玛雅人的保护区。这就是为什么这么多危地马拉地名实际上来自纳瓦特尔语：美丽的阿蒂特兰湖的名字意为“环绕水”，或者正如他们在当地的 Tz'utujil 中所说的那样，chi-nim-ya '，'由伟大的水'; 危地马拉本身就是Quauh-temal-lan，“树木感染的地方”，翻译玛雅表达k'i-chee'（仍用于指该国最大的语言群体，传统上拼写为 Quiche）。城镇名称的常见结尾，-tenango，来自…… tenan-co，'in the citadel of ...'：Quetzaltenango，'在格查尔鸟的城堡中'，Huehuetenango，'在旧城堡中'，Momostenango，'in教堂的城堡”，Chichicastenango，“在苦荨麻的城堡里”。今天，这些都具有明显的外来语环，当 500 公里外的 Tepehuantepec 地峡以东或以南不再使用纳瓦特尔语时。特拉斯卡兰人也带着他们的纳瓦特尔北上，至少到了萨卡特卡斯。在西部，传教士利用纳瓦特尔向米却肯的塔拉斯坎人（纳瓦特尔·米楚阿坎“有鱼的地方”）传教，那里从未属于阿兹特克人的领土。⁴⁷

In some places, the Spanish spread the lenguas generales beyond the range of the pre-Columbian empires that had created them. Under the Spanish, and with the aid of their Nahuatl-speaking allies, notably from Tlaxcallan, who were only too happy to dispossess the Aztecs, Nahuatl spread down into Guatemala, which had hitherto been a preserve of Mayan speakers. This is why so many Guatemalan place names are actually of Nahuatl origin: the name of the beautiful Lake Atitlán means ‘round the water’, or as they put it in the local Tz’utujil, chi-nim-ya’, ‘by the great water’; Guatemala itself is Quauh-temal-lan, ‘tree-infection-place’, translating the Mayan expression k’i-chee’ (still used to refer to the largest language group in the country, traditionally spelt Quiche). A common ending for town names, -tenango, is from… tenan-co, ’ in the citadel of … ’ : Quetzaltenango, ’ in the citadel of the quetzal bird’, Huehuetenango, ‘in the old citadel’, Momostenango, ‘in the citadel of the chapel’, Chichicastenango, ‘in the citadel of the bitter nettle’. These all have a decidedly foreign ring today, when Nahuatl is no longer spoken east or south of the isthmus of Tepehuantepec, 500 kilometres away. The Tlaxcalans also took their Nahuatl northward, at least to Zacatecas; and in the west, Nahuatl was used by missionaries to preach to the Tarascans of Michoacán (Nahuatl Michuahkan ‘place of those who have fish’), which had never been part of the Aztec domains.⁴⁷

在秘鲁，有证据表明盖丘亚语已经传播，无论是通过 15 世纪图帕克·尤潘基 (Tupac Yupanqui) 的征服，还是通过钦查商人的旅行，远在西班牙征服之前就已向北远至现代哥伦比亚的边界。⁴⁸印加人还与他们南部的图库曼地区建立了某种程度的经济联系：有道路、驻军站和旅馆，也许还有定期的劳役（mit'a) 属于他们帝国中熟悉的类型。但这对语言的影响尚不清楚。无论如何，在西班牙人的指导下，该语言将巩固其向南的传播。来自秘鲁南部的净移民进入现代玻利维亚的波托西地区，以支持那里银矿的大规模发展。后来，盖丘亚语也传播到现代阿根廷的图库曼省、圣地亚哥德尔埃斯特罗省和科尔多瓦省。在所有这方面，西班牙人的入侵都伴随着大量的秘鲁人和混血儿。所以帝国的语言进步往往是盖丘亚语而不是西班牙语。传教活动也是一个因素，在 1582-3 年的利马理事会制定了美洲皈依的总体计划之后：与其他地方一样，修道士发现在lengua general中传教更加迅速，而在这盖丘亚语时期一定还带有某种印加威望的味道。^*到十八世纪初，图库曼已经失去了以前的语言，基本上是一个说克丘亚语的地区。⁴⁹

In Peru, the evidence suggests that Quechua had already been spread, whether through the fifteenth-century conquests of Tupac Yupanqui or the travels of Chincha merchants, as far north as the borders of modern Colombia well before the Spanish conquest.⁴⁸ The Incas had also established some level of economic link with the Tucumán area to their south: there were roads, garrison stations and inns, and perhaps periodic labour corvées (mit’ a) of the type familiar in their empire. But the linguistic impact of this is unclear. At any rate, under Spanish tutelage the language was to consolidate its spread southward. There was net migration from Peru south into the Potosí area of modern Bolivia, to support the vast development of silver mining there. Later, Quechua also spread into the provinces of Tucumán, Santiago del Estero and Córdoba of modern Argentina. In all this area, Spanish inroads were accompanied by larger numbers of attendant Peruvians and mestizos; and so the linguistic advance of empire tended to be Quechua rather than Spanish. Missionary activity too was a factor, after the Council of Lima in 1582-3, which had set out a general plan for the conversion of the Americas: as everywhere, the friars found it more expeditious to preach in the lengua general, and in this period Quechua must still have had some flavour of Inca prestige attached to it.^* By the beginning of the eighteenth century, Tucumán had lost its previous languages, and was essentially a Quechua-speaking region.⁴⁹

国家的解决方案：Hispanización

The state’s solution: Hispanización

教会的传道人不试图发展和扩展卡斯蒂利亚语，不注意印第安人会读和写，让他们闭嘴在自己的语言中，在我看来，他们是当地人的公开敌人，他们的政策和理性……

The ministers of the church who do not attempt to advance and extend the Castilian language and take care that the Indians know how to read and write in it, leaving them shut up in their own language, are to my thinking the declared enemies of the natives, of their policy and rationality…

Antonio de Lorenzana y Buitrón，墨西哥大主教，1769 ⁵⁰

Antonio de Lorenzana y Buitrón, archbishop of Mexico, 1769⁵⁰

在十八世纪中叶，当西班牙统治美洲整整十代时，许多西班牙人对他们的语言远没有普遍传播感到失望。罗森布拉特估计，在 1810 年的西班牙殖民地，每一个伴随着西班牙语长大的人就有 3 名母语为土著语言的人：900 万印度农村人，300 万白人、克里奥尔人和混血儿。⁵¹墨西哥大主教 Antonio de Lorenzana y Buitrón——他本人自然是西班牙人——特别把语言问题放在心上：

In the middle of the eighteenth century, when Spain had dominated the Americas for fully ten generations, many Spaniards were disappointed in the very much less than universal spread of their language. Rosenblat estimates that in the Spanish colonies in 1810 there were three mother-tongue speakers of an indigenous language for every one who had grown up with Spanish: 9 million rural Indians to 3 million whites, creoles and mestizos.⁵¹ The archbishop of Mexico, Antonio de Lorenzana y Buitrón—himself a Spaniard, naturally—took the language question particularly to heart:

这是一个永恒不变的真理：保持印第安人的语言是人类的愚蠢[ un capricho ]，他们的财富和学识仅限于说即使是在孩提时代就学会的语言：这是一种传染病，将印第安人与西班牙人的谈话；这是一场瘟疫，它感染了我们神圣信仰的教条；将某些村庄的土著人与其他村庄的土著人区分开来是一种偏见的标志；这增加了教区的成本，因为需要在同一领域内使用不同语言的牧师；主教的治理是不可能的。⁵²

This is a constant truth: the maintenance of the language of the Indians is a folly [un capricho] of men, whose fortune and learning is restricted to speaking that tongue learnt even as a child: it is a contagion, which separates the Indians from the conversation of the Spaniards; it is a plague, which infects the Dogmas of our Holy Faith; it is a prejudicial marker to separate the natives of some villages from others by diversity of their tongues; it is an increased cost for the parishes, which require ministers of different languages in their same domain; and it is an impossibility for the governance of the bishops.⁵²

1769 年，他在致墨西哥总教区的牧函中提议通过强制使用西班牙语来废除所有土著语言。他是他那个时代的孩子，启蒙运动的时代，理性对人类的普遍益处正被越来越广泛地理解，并且提出了新的、激进的政策以使其生效。几乎同样重要的是，他有西班牙国王卡洛斯三世的耳朵。结果，尽管他的提议被当时的墨西哥总督拒绝了，他认为所需要的只是更好地执行现有的（200 年前的）西班牙语教学标准，然后由全体委员会印度人，基于更传统的理由，即特伦特会议（1545 年）明确要求用当地人的语言教授福音，1770 年 4 月 16 日的塞杜拉，其关键短语是：“为了立即实现上述领域中使用的不同语言的灭绝，以及卡斯蒂利亚语的唯一使用……”

In 1769, in a pastoral letter to the archdiocese of Mexico, he proposed the abolition of all indigenous languages through the compulsory use of Spanish. He was a child of his time, the era of the Enlightenment, when the universal benefits to humanity of Reason were being ever more widely appreciated, and new, radical, policies were being proposed to give them effect. Almost as important, he had the ear of the king of Spain, Carlos III. As a result, even though his proposal was rejected by the then viceroy of Mexico, who felt that all that was needed was better enforcement of the existing (two-hundred-year-old) standards for teaching Spanish, and then by the full Council of the Indies, on the even more traditional grounds that the Council of Trent (1545) clearly required the teaching of the gospel in natives’ languages, the king nevertheless ordered and signed the fatal royal Cédula of 16 April 1770, whose crucial phrase runs: ‘in order that at once may be achieved the extinction of the different languages used in the said domains, and the sole use of Castilian …’

该法令指出，先前关于在所有村庄建立卡斯蒂利亚学校的皇家诫命收效甚微。但事实上，它唯一的具体要求是主教今后任命牧师，而不用担心他们在西班牙语以外的其他语言的能力。这不仅针对墨西哥，而且明确针对西班牙帝国的每个部分，包括菲律宾。

The decree noted that previous royal commandments for schools in Castilian to be established in all villages had been to little avail. But in fact its only concrete requirement was for bishops to appoint curates henceforth without any concern for their competence in languages other than Spanish. This was directed not just to Mexico, but explicitly to every part of the Spanish empire, including the Philippines.

1782 年颁布了第二项法令，要求民事和宗教当局为卡斯蒂利亚的大师提供资金。这并没有导致帝国的西班牙语教学有任何大规模的改进。西班牙语的收益，虽然是真实的，但默认情况下，几乎就像第一个皇家Cédula曾经想象过：印度人使用自己的语言只是被希望放弃，因为西班牙当局越来越多地用西班牙语称呼他们，不管是哪一种。取消了对土著语言教育的所有官方支持；大学的教授席位被取消；用它们写的书不再出版。墨西哥的法院不再受理用纳瓦特尔语写的请求。此外，在同一时期，帝国内教会的影响力和权力都在下降，这一过程通常归因于启蒙运动在欧洲的传播，但最显着的证明是耶稣会士被驱逐出他们所有的reducciones 1767 年的南美洲。^†印度人不仅失去了对其语言的制度支持，而且失去了他们的欧洲保护者、修士和神父。事实证明，这些趋势足以导致所有lenguas generales 的衰落。

The decree was followed up in 1782 by a second, which required civil and religious authorities to provide for the funding of masters in Castilian. This did not lead to any wide-scale improvement in the teaching of Spanish in the empire. The gains for Spanish, though real, came about by default, almost as the first royal Cédula had imagined: Indians’ use of their own languages was simply wished away, as the Spanish authorities increasingly addressed them in Spanish, willy-nilly. All official support for education in the indigenous languages came to be withdrawn; professorial chairs in the universities were discontinued; books written in them ceased to be published. Courts in Mexico ceased to entertain pleas written in Nahuatl. Furthermore, the same period was seeing a decline in the influence and the power of the Church within the empire, a process generally attributed to the spread of the Enlightenment in Europe, but evidenced most dramatically in the expulsion of the Jesuits from all their reducciones in South America in 1767.^† The Indians were losing not only the institutional supports for their languages, but also their European protectors, the friars and priests. These trends turned out to be sufficient to bring on the decline of all the lenguas generales.

但自由主义的启蒙并没有就此止步，试图将西班牙白话的光芒投射到被土著母语所掩盖的思想角落，以及公民社会越来越自由地摆脱对教会的义务。它的下一步，在十九世纪早期的革命战争的推动下，是朝着西班牙殖民地的政治独立迈进。毫不奇怪，发现西班牙继续统治最令人讨厌的力量是欧洲化的精英，即克里奥尔人，他们的举止和语言最接近统治阶级，但由于他们出生在美洲的意外而永远从属于他们。虽然他们很乐意招募混血儿，黑人和印第安人为了他们的事业，他们几乎从未准备好将土著语言视为他们希望建立的新国家的真实性徽章：相反，克里奥罗斯人为每个人提供了基于共同语言西班牙语的无差别公民身份。拉丁美洲的民族主义运动发现很难接受当地语言，甚至将更大的语言视为分裂的根源，而不是西班牙外来的统一。显然，语言结果因地而异，形式多样，甚至无法在此进行回顾；故事的数量至少与拉丁美洲国家的数量一样多。我们必须满足于简单地看两个案例，西班牙语与大量幸存的土著语言竞争。

But liberal enlightenment did not stop here, with the attempt to shed Spanish vernacular light into the corners of minds supposedly darkened by indigenous mother tongues, and a growing freedom of civil society from obligations to the Church. Its next step, enforced by revolutionary wars in the early nineteenth century, was to be towards political independence for the Spanish colonies. Unsurprisingly, the forces that found continued Spanish rule most irksome were the Europeanised elites, the criollos, closest in their manners and language to the ruling classes, but for ever subordinate to them through the accident of their birth in the Americas. Although they were happy to recruit mestizos, blacks and Indians to their cause, they were almost never prepared to see the indigenous languages as badges of authenticity for the new nations they wished to establish: rather, the criollos offered everyone an undifferentiated citizenship based on a common language, Spanish. The nationalist movements of Latin America found it hard to embrace local languages, seeing even the bigger languages as sources of division, rather than of a unity alien to Spain. Evidently, language outcomes have varied in the face of local conditions, too multiform even to review here; there are at least as many stories as there are Latin American nations. We must be content to look briefly at just two cases, where Spanish has competed with large surviving indigenous languages.

在墨西哥，自 1821 年独立以来，印第安人的存在一直构成一种思想上的尴尬，他们的独立身份是对启蒙平等主义的长期驳斥：“我们的政治机构不区分黑人、混血儿或印第安人”。⁵³在这方面，这是大多数拉丁美洲国家的典型情况。1813 年，革命领袖莫雷洛斯呼吁墨西加的过去激发他的新独立宣言：“Moctehuzoma、Cacamatzin、Cuauhtimotzin、Xicotencatl 和 Catzonzi 的精神，因为一旦你庆祝你被奸诈的剑屠杀的壮举阿尔瓦拉多，现在庆祝你的儿子团结起来为对你犯下的罪行和暴行报仇的快乐时刻......' ⁵⁴

In Mexico, since independence in 1821, the existence of Indians has always constituted a kind of intellectual embarrassment, their separate identity acting as a standing refutation of Enlightenment egalitarianism: ‘our political institutions do not distinguish between blacks, mestizos or Indians’.⁵³ In this respect, it is typical of most Latin American countries. In 1813, the revolutionary leader Morelos had appealed to the Mexica past to inspire his new Declaration of Independence: ‘Spirits of Moctehuzoma, Cacamatzin, Cuauhtimotzin, Xicotencatl and Catzonzi, as once you celebrated the feat in which you were slaughtered by the treacherous sword of Alvarado, now celebrate the happy moment in which your sons have united to avenge the crimes and outrages committed against you … ‘⁵⁴

但是根据 1856 年的 Lerdo 法律，印第安人对其土地的公共权利被取消。1916 年，M. Gamío 在Forjando Patria（“打造祖国”）中写道，“印度问题”的解决方案在于“将这些人吸引到他们一直认为是敌人的另一个社会群体中，将他们纳入其中，将两者融合总之，创造了一个语言和文化上统一的连贯一致的民族”。⁵⁵自相矛盾的是，在墨西哥，这种观点被称为“本土主义”。它重视土著语言和文化，但只重视纳瓦特尔和玛雅两大声望群体，并且只是作为过去文化荣耀的一种国家凭证。不那么令人惊讶的是，自独立以来促进西班牙语使用增长的知识背景：如果 1810 年有 670 万居民，其中 45% 的西班牙人或混血儿大概讲西班牙语，到 1995 年有⁵⁶人，有 9580 万，其中 88% 的人以该语言为母语。⁵⁷

But by the Lerdo Law of 1856, communal rights of Indians to their lands were dissolved. In 1916 M. Gamío wrote in Forjando Patria (’Forging the Fatherland’) that the solution to the ‘Indian problem’ lay in ‘attracting these individuals toward the other social group which they have always considered the enemy, incorporating them, blending the two together, in short creating a coherent and homogeneous national race unified both in language and culture’.⁵⁵ Paradoxically, in Mexico this view is characterised as ’indigenismo’; it values indigenous language and culture, but only the two major prestige groupings Nahuatl and Maya, and only as a kind of national credential of past cultural glory. Less surprisingly, it has been the intellectual background to precipitate growth in the use of Spanish since independence: if in 1810 there were 6.7 million inhabitants, 45 per cent of them Spaniards or mestizos presumably speaking Spanish,⁵⁶ by 1995 there were 95.8 million, with fully 88 per cent of them first-language speakers of that language.⁵⁷

相比之下，在巴拉圭，西班牙和瓜拉尼之间早期建立的双语制从未开始滑落。它可以追溯到殖民地的早期，当时亚松森被称为“穆罕默德的天堂”，因为西班牙男性与说瓜拉尼语的女性的比例非常高。⁵⁸在西班牙帝国中独树一帜，该国从未有过，即使在其一个城市亚松森，也没有城市精英，他们通过与西班牙语世界其他地区而不是自己的国家接触而生活。这个国家的孤立，没有海岸线或友好的邻居，似乎使这种情况持续存在，即使在独立之后也是如此。该国的每一位总统都能说两种语言。事实上，两人似乎已经形成了相互依存的关系，就像舞台上的双重表演一样，西班牙演员扮演聪明、有教养的兄弟（culto、desarrollado或 Guaraní iõarandu），而瓜拉尼则是可爱但没有原则的 oik（Guarango，que no tiene principios，在瓜拉尼塔维）。瓜拉尼在 1864 年和 1932 年两次与巴拉圭邻国的战争中为自耕农服务，鼓舞士气和保密；长期以来，人们认为它与民族主义和科罗拉多党联系在一起，而不是自由党令人不安的自由市场哲学。⁵⁹瓜拉尼有时会受到官方的劝阻（当自由党掌权时）；但在社会的各个层面，它仍然是一种在家中学习的语言，而西班牙语则是在学校学习的典型语言。在 1967 年的制宪大会上，两者都被宣布为国家语言，但西班牙语被单独列为官方语言。1996 年，在 500 万巴拉圭人中，据说 95% 的人会说流利的瓜拉尼语，52% 的人确实会说一种语言；据说只有 2% 的人会说西班牙语。⁶⁰

In Paraguay, by contrast, and uniquely, the bilingualism early established between Spanish and Guaraní has never begun to slip. It goes far back, to the earliest days of the colony, when Asunción was known as the ‘Paradise of Mahomet’ because of the highly favourable proportion of Spanish men to Guaraní-speaking women.⁵⁸ Uniquely in the Spanish empire, the country never had, even in its one city, Asunción, an urban elite who lived through contact with the rest of the Spanish-speaking world, rather than their own country. The isolation of the nation, cut off without a coastline or friendly neighbours, seems to have perpetuated this, even after independence. Every president of the country has been able to speak both languages. In fact, the two seem to have evolved a mutual dependency, like a stage double act, with Spanish cast as the smart, cultured brother (culto, desarrollado, or in Guaraní iõarandu) and Guaraní the lovable but unprincipled oik (Guarango, que no tiene principios, in Guaraní tavi). Guaraní did yeoman service, boosting morale and secrecy, in two wars against Paraguay’s neighbours in 1864 and 1932; and it has long had an association in people’s minds with nationalism and the Colorado party, as against the unsettling free-market philosophy of the Liberals.⁵⁹ Guaraní has been subject to official discouragement at times (when the Liberals have been in power); but at all levels of society it has gone on being a language learnt in the home, with Spanish the language acquired characteristically at school. In the 1967 Constitutional Congress, both were declared national languages, but Spanish was singled out as the official language. In 1996, of 5 million Paraguayans 95 per cent were said to be fluent in Guaraní, 52 per cent indeed monolingual in it; only 2 per cent were said to be monolingual in Spanish.⁶⁰

对西班牙人进入美洲的普遍判断一定是它已经侥幸逃脱了。尽管在欧洲大陆有两个多世纪的居住和精英统治，但说西班牙语的社会——尽管从伊比利亚半岛的移民中不断焕然一新——并没有在殖民地扎下深厚的根基。直到 18 世纪后期，西班牙人仍将自己保持为外星精英，与混血儿作为一个成长中的身体。他们受益于他们的前辈，特别是墨西加人和印加人所实现的领土语言统一，并利用它来加速对他们的征服的经济剥削，以及他们认为证明他们存在的传教职责。但正是在他们享有这些优势的地方，他们并没有提供自己的通用通用语。这个案子让人奇怪地让人想起拜占庭希腊语对中东的统治。从地中海到波斯湾，阿拉姆语仍然是人们的语言。因此，穆斯林征服的冲击足以在几代人的时间内抹去希腊统治千年的所有语言痕迹。（参见第 6 章，“衰落的暗示”，第 257 页。）

The general verdict on the penetration of Spanish into the Americas must be that it has had a narrow escape. Despite over two centuries of residence, and elite dominance, in the continent, Spanish-speaking society—constantly refreshed as it was by immigration from the Iberian peninsula—did not put down deep roots in the colonies. Until the late eighteenth century, the Spanish maintained themselves as an alien elite, with the mestizos as a growing body. They had benefited from the linguistic unification of their domains that had been achieved by their predecessors, especially the Mexica and the Incas, and used it to accelerate the economic exploitation of their conquests, and the missionary duties that they felt justified their presence. But precisely where they had enjoyed these advantages, they had not provided a universal lingua franca of their own. The case is strangely reminiscent of the Byzantine Greek domination of the Middle East. Aramaic remained the language of the people from the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf. And so the shock of Muslim conquest had been sufficient to blot out, within a couple of generations, all linguistic trace of a millennium of Greek rule. (See Chapter 6, ‘Intimations of decline’, p. 257.)

尾声：横跨太平洋

Coda: Across the Pacific

在菲律宾的案例中可以看出西班牙语对西班牙殖民地的语言控制是多么肤浅，在西班牙 - 美国战争（1898年）中的失败也带来了类似的冲击。我们已经注意到（参见“一个前所未有的帝国”，第 334 页），这个殖民地在许多重要方面与美洲不同：它没有以流行病引起的当地人口突然崩溃来回应西班牙的征服，也从未吸引大量来自西班牙的自由企业移民——或者实际上是任何其他西班牙殖民地。与美洲一样，当地语言已被接受为传福音的媒介。菲律宾的印刷术与更先进的美洲殖民地墨西哥和秘鲁几乎同时开始：1593 年，木刻版的Doctrina Cristiana, en lengua espaõola y tagala是西班牙语和他加禄语的平行文本，是它的第一个产品。⁶¹由于西班牙定居者很少，经济发展也很少，因此在官方圈子之外使用西班牙语的动机很小。

How superficial the linguistic hold of Spanish could be on Spain’s colonies can be seen in the case of the Philippines, where a similar shock was delivered through defeat in the Spanish-American War (1898). We have already noted (see ‘An unprecedented empire’, p. 334) that this colony was in important ways unlike the Americas: it had not responded to Spanish conquest with a sudden epidemic-induced collapse of native population, and it had never attracted significant numbers of free-enterprise immigrants from Spain—or indeed any of the other Spanish colonies. As in the Americas, the local languages had been accepted as the medium for preaching the gospel; printing had started in the Philippines at much the same time as in the more advanced American colonies, Mexico and Peru: in 1593, a wood-block edition of Doctrina Cristiana, en lengua espaõola y tagala, a parallel text in Spanish and Tagalog, was its first product.⁶¹ Since there were few Spanish settlers, and little serious economic development, there was small inducement for the Spanish language to be used outside official circles.

然而，为传播有关它的知识做出了重大的迟来的努力。卡洛斯三世的皇家塞杜拉1770 年的《1770 年法》适用于菲律宾和美洲一样多，1794 年 9 月 20 日，他的继任者卡洛斯四世发布了一份增补，正式规定免费和强制性的西班牙语教学。这从未克服实现它所需的资源不足。然而，皇室法令不断出台。1815 年 3 月，西班牙实行义务小学教育。1860 年，军队设立了学校：西班牙士官将指导他们的菲律宾军队。在 19 世纪，入学率达到了相当可观的水平：1840 年，每 33 名居民就有 1 个孩子上学，这一数字与同年的法国相当：每 38 名居民有 1 个孩子（在俄罗斯，每四千个孩子一个）。⁶²

Nevertheless, there was a significant belated effort to spread knowledge of it. Carlos Ill’s royal Cédula of 1770 applied just as much to the Philippines as to the Americas, and on 20 September 1794 his successor, Carlos IV, issued a supplement to it, officially making instruction in Spanish free and compulsory for all. This never overcame the lack of resources needed to make it happen. The royal decrees kept coming, however. In March 1815 compulsory primary education in Spanish was imposed. In 1860, schools were instituted in the army: Spanish non-commissioned officers were to instruct their Philippine troops. In the nineteenth century, fairly respectable levels of school attendance were being achieved: in 1840, one child attended for every thirty-three inhabitants, a figure comparable with France in the same year: one child per thirty-eight inhabitants (and in Russia, one child per four thousand).⁶²

但美国在 1898 年对西班牙人的掠夺和对菲律宾的占领揭示了西班牙人成功种植的语言文化是多么脆弱。1903 年的人口普查显示，在 750 万人口中，只有不到 800,000 人（11%）说西班牙语。十五年后，说英语的人数已经超过了他们：英语为 896,258 人，而西班牙语为 757,463 人。70 年后的 1988 年，Calendario Atlante de Agostini的数据显示说西班牙语的人占 3%；⁶³这可以与 1975 年人口普查中报告的能够说英语的 51% 相比较。

But the American dispossession of the Spaniards and occupation of the Philippines in 1898 revealed how fragile was the linguistic culture that the Spaniards had succeeded in planting. The census of 1903 showed that less than 800,000 (11 per cent) of the 7.5 million population spoke Spanish. Fifteen years later, the number who spoke English had already overtaken them: 896,258 for English, as against 757,463 for Spanish. Seventy years later, in 1988, the figures from the Calendario Atlante de Agostini put the Spanish speakers at 3 per cent;⁶³ this can be compared with the 51 per cent reported able to speak English in the 1975 census.

在 1987 年的宪法中，西班牙语首次不再被列为该国的官方语言。他加禄语（重新改写，并积极发展为“菲律宾人”或“菲律宾人”）现在扮演着这个角色（根据1991 年世界年鉴，大约 62% 的人口可以使用），英语“除非法律另有规定”。西班牙语现在与阿拉伯语一起“在自愿和可选的基础上推广”。^*

In the 1987 constitution, for the first time Spanish was no longer listed as an official language of the country. Tagalog (recast, and actively developed as ‘Pilipino’ or ‘Filipino’) now plays that role (available to some 62 per cent of the population, according to World Almanac 1991), with English ‘until otherwise provided by the law’. Spanish is now, along with Arabic, ‘promoted on a voluntary and optional basis’.^*

在这里，英语相对于西班牙语的倾向性人物的进步与 20 世纪英语在世界范围内的普遍进步是分不开的，这将在第 12 章（“风暴席卷的世界”，第 505 页）中进行探讨。也一定是由于美国收入者可以使用的预先存在的学校网络。与西班牙人相比，他们努力了几个世纪，从零基础开始建立起来。同样真实的是，美国海外活动的可用资金比西班牙以往任何时候都多。

The progress of English over the prone figure of Spanish here cannot be separated from the general worldwide advance of English in the twentieth century, which will be examined in Chapter 12 (’The world taken by storm’, p. 505). Something too must have been due to the pre-existing network of schools available to the American incomers. Contrast the Spanish, labouring for centuries to build them up from a zero base. It is also true that much greater funds were available for US overseas activities than had ever been for those of Spain.

但具有讽刺意味的是，与同时期北美的英语和西班牙语竞赛相比，这种情况具有讽刺意味，如果说西班牙语——在墨西哥、中美洲、古巴和波多黎各播种的版本——正在以牺牲英语为代价而增长，在许多国家大城市和美国西南部的大部分地区。^†然而，所有这些发展都倾向于强调语言传播的真正决定因素：人口增长和人口流动。当官方语言是人为的东西，由国际精英创造，并尽可能在当地人口中传播时，更大的预算应该创造更大的语言是可以理解的。但是当人口开始增长时，就像马尼拉大都会的城市人口一样，它的语言（他加禄语）已经开始主宰这个国家，就像它的使用者一样，英语或不英语。

But the situation compares ironically with the contest of English and Spanish in North America in the same period, where if anything Spanish—in its version seeded to Mexico, Central America, Cuba and Puerto Rico—is growing at the expense of English, in many big cities and much of the south-west of the USA.^† All these developments, however, tend to underline the true determinants of language spread: population growth and population movements. When an official language was an artificial thing, created by international elites, and spread as far as possible among local populations, it is understandable that the bigger budget should have created the bigger language. But when the population starts to grow, as the urban population of Metro Manila has, its language (Tagalog) has come to dominate the country just as its speakers have, English or no English.

当一个人口开始向那个不可抗拒的吸引者移动时，美国经济，就像墨西哥和加勒比中部的人口现在一样，新的演讲者社区将开始涌入，即使这意味着侵占最具活力、最广泛的中心地带口语，世界语言，英语。

And when a population starts to move towards that irresistible attractor, the US economy, as the Mexican and central Caribbean populations now are, new speaker communities will begin to crowd in, even if this means encroaching on the heartland of the most dynamic, and widely spoken, language in the world, English.

^*这些幻想是三个世纪前早期浪漫主义的英勇事迹的有礼貌的产物，例如诺曼法语的Chanson de Roland和卡斯蒂利亚西班牙语的Poema de Mio Cid。许多最近的标题都列在 ch 中。塞万提斯的《堂吉诃德·德拉曼查》（1605 年上半部分出版）中的 6 首，其中大部分都预定焚烧。对亚瑟王和圆桌骑士的热情是同一个欧洲现象的一部分。托马斯·马洛里爵士的《亚瑟之死》由威廉·卡克斯顿于 1485 年在威斯敏斯特出版。

^* These fantasies were a mannered outgrowth of the heroic lays of early Romance three centuries earlier, such as Chanson de Roland, in Norman French, and Poema de Mio Cid, in Castilian Spanish. Many of the recent titles are listed in ch. 6 of Cervantes’ Don Quixote de la Mancha (first half published 1605), where most of them are scheduled for burning. Enthusiasm for King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table is part of the same European phenomenon. Sir Thomas Malory’s Le Morte d’Arthur was published by William Caxton at Westminster in 1485.

^†在语言上，加利西亚语过去（现在）与葡萄牙语大致相同，但被米尼奥河的河道和葡萄牙于 1143 年独立于卡斯蒂利亚这一政治事实所分隔。

^† Linguistically, Galician was (and is) much the same as Portuguese, divided from it by the course of the River Minho, and the political fact that Portugal became independent of Castile in 1143.

^§第三个（非日耳曼语）群体，阿兰人，向西南而不是向东移动，即使加泰罗尼亚语的流行词源是“哥特艾伦”。汪达尔人在安达卢西亚留下了他们的名字，但传到了突尼斯，并在随后的穆斯林征服中基本被抹去。

^§ A third (non-Germanic) group, the Alans, went south-west, not east, even if a popular etymology for Catalan is ‘Goth-Alan’. The Vandals left their name in Andalusia, but passed on to Tunisia, and were largely erased by the subsequent Muslim conquest.

^* '......他们到达了卢卡亚斯的一个小岛，在印第安人的语言中被称为瓜纳哈尼。' 哥伦布， Diario de a bordo，1492 年 10 月 12 日星期五，由 De las Casas 引用（1957 [ c. 1530]）。哥伦布起初认为他在中国大汗的领地内，然后（11 月 12 日）在“印度群岛”中。在那年 12 月中旬之后，他不再称呼他遇到的人indios ，但这个名字一直存在（Sale 1990：109）。

^* ‘… they reached an islet of the Lucayas, which was called Guanahani in the language of the Indians.’ Columbus, Diario de a bordo, Friday, 12 October 1492, quoted by De las Casas (1957 [c. 1530]). Columbus had at first thought he was within the domain of the Chinese Great Khan, and then (12 November) amid ‘the islands of India’. He no longer called the people he met indios after mid-December of that year, but the name had stuck (Sale 1990: 109).

^† '...... 这些岛屿居住着Canabilli，这是一种以人肉为食的狂野、未征服的种族。我称它们为食人动物是对的。他们不断地与温和而胆小的印第安人进行战争以供应肉……”1493 年 11 月 3 日星期日，哥伦布第二次航行的吉列尔莫昏迷的信， De insulis meridiani … nuper inventis 。

^† ‘… These islands are inhabited by Canabilli, a wild, unconquered race which feeds on human flesh. I would be right to call them anthropophagi. They wage unceasing wars against gentle and timid Indians to supply flesh… ’ Letter of Guillermo Coma, De insulis meridiani … nuper inventis, on Columbus’s second voyage, for Sunday, 3 November 1493.

^*哥伦布的世界观来自大量阅读。我们有他的七本书和他的个人注释，保存到今天在塞维利亚的哥伦比亚图书馆。其中包括马可波罗和老普林尼的自然历史，以及其他更奇特的作品。他的儿子费尔南多也在他的传记的第 6 章和第 7 章（Sale 1990：15）中讲述了他父亲的阅读情况。

^* Columbus’s world-view was informed by copious reading. We have seven of his books with his personal annotations, preserved to this day in the Biblioteca Colombina in Seville. They include works of Marco Polo and Pliny the Elder’s Natural History, and others more fanciful. His son Fernando also gave an account of his father’s reading, in chs 6 and 7 of his biography (Sale 1990: 15).

^*虽然最初几个世纪的接触总是涉及将水手的语言投射到接受其登陆的人民身上，但最近我们看到新的联系可以双向发挥作用，因为来自殖民国家的移民社区聚集在曾经的殖民大国的家园，带来了他们自己的语言。

^* Although the contacts over the first few centuries always involved the projection of the mariners’ languages on to the peoples who received their landfalls, more recently we have seen that the new links can work in both directions, as immigrant communities from colonised countries gather in the homelands of once colonial powers, bringing their own languages with them.

^*确实， “拉丁裔”这个词从它在西班牙的摩尔人的应用中延续下来，是一个经常用于了解西班牙语的非西班牙人的术语，最初适用于印度人，后来也适用于非洲奴隶。

^* The word ’ladino’, indeed, carried over from its application to Moors in Spain, was a term often used of non-Spaniards who knew Spanish, first applied to Indians but later also to African slaves.

^*伊斯帕尼奥拉岛、古巴和加勒比海其他岛屿的人们，在上一代人中被发现，并立即被自封的西班牙主人强迫奴役，说的语言太多，说的人太少，基本上也死了很快，传教士的努力得以建立。

^* The people in Hispaniola, Cuba and the rest of the Caribbean islands, discovered in the previous generation, and immediately pressed into servitude by self-appointed Spanish masters, had spoken too many languages with too few speakers, and by and large died off too quickly, for a missionary effort to become established.

^†关于这一点的独特性，请参见 Ostler (2004)。几乎所有的字典都是从西班牙语变成外语的，而不是反过来。目的是教而不是学习：编码西班牙人的思想，然后将其传递给印第安人，而不是试图解码他们可能不得不说的任何新奇事物。

^† On the uniqueness of this, see Ostler (2004). Almost all the dictionaries are from Spanish into the alien language, not the reverse. The aim is to teach, rather than to learn: to encode a Spaniard’s thought, and so pass it to the Indians, rather than to try to decode anything novel that they might have to say.

^§ Lengua mexicana指纳瓦特尔语，是阿兹特克（墨西哥）帝国的主要通用语，起初也是其继承帝国新西班牙的主要语言。

^§ Lengua mexicana refers to the Nahuatl language, the principal lingua franca of the Aztec (Mexica) empire, and at first also of its successor empire, New Spain.

^*除了错误地识别其中的一些短语，并将它们永久应用于他“发现”的土地（当然以西班牙王室的名义声称）。Ekab kotoc，“我们来自 Ekab”，变成了 Cabo (cape) Cotoche，它的名字直到今天。而且，如果我们遵循 Diego de Landa（ Relación de las Cosas de Yucatán，ch. ii，写于 c .1566）， ciu Yetel ceh than，“他们称其为火鸡和鹿的土地”，最终成为“尤卡坦”。

^* Other than to misidentify some phrases in it, and apply them permanently to the lands he was ‘discovering’ (and of course claiming in the name of the Spanish Crown). Ekab kotoc, ‘we are from Ekab’, became Cabo (cape) Cotoche, its name to this day. And, if we follow Diego de Landa (Relación de las Cosas de Yucatán, ch. ii, written c.1566), ciu yetel ceh than, ‘They call it land of turkeys and deer’, ended up as ‘Yucatán’.

^*瓜拉尼语之所以这么称呼是因为历史原因，因为欧洲人（与塞巴斯蒂安·卡博特在 1526-9 年）遇到的第一批说这种语言的人是拉普拉塔河和巴拉那河下游岛屿的瓜拉尼人。它自己喜欢的名字是avaõe'e，“平原人的语言”。

^* Guaraní is so called for historical reasons, because the first people whom Europeans (with Sebastian Cabot in 1526-9) met who spoke this language were the Guaraní of the islands in the Río de la Plata and lower reaches of the Paraná. Its own preferred name is avaõe’e, ‘language of the men of the plain’.

^*这个名字是动词nawati的名词化，“说出来”。我们将坚持这个名字的传统拼写，它基于西班牙语，发音为nawatl。有一些方言，通常称为 Nawat 和 Nawal，它们（正如他们的名字所示）在这个最后辅音的发音上有所不同。

^* The name is a nominalisation of the verb nawati, ‘to speak up’. We shall stick to the conventional spelling of this name, which is based on Spanish, and so pronounced nawatl. There are dialects, often called Nawat and Nawal, which (as their names show) differ in the pronunciation of this final consonant.

^* x 真正发音为英语sh，重音落在 i 上，然后是声门塞音： Mēšíhko。

^* The x is authentically pronounced as English sh, and the stress falls on the i, followed by a glottal stop: Mēšíhko.

^†引用的日期实际上在Crónica Mexicayotl 的原始文本中以同等准确度指定。中美洲的许多不同民族共享一套精巧的日历周期系统，即使不总是相互兼容，也不能容忍模糊。

^† The dates quoted are actually specified with equivalent accuracy in the original text of the Crónica Mexicayotl. The many different peoples of central America shared an elaborate system of interlocking calendar cycles which tolerated no vagueness, even if not always compatible with one another.

^*措辞与 Motecuhzoma 对 Cortés 的正式问候非常相似。见序言和第 1 章，“内在的历史”，第 1 页。15. 另请注意，根据那里讨论的阿兹特克礼仪的自负，初级党阿兹特克人自称是祖父。

^* The phraseology is very similar to Motecuhzoma’s formal greetings to Cortés. See Prologue and Chapter 1, ‘An inward history too’, p. 15. Note also that, in accord with the conceits of Aztec etiquette discussed there, the junior party, the Aztecs, represent themselves as the grandfathers.

^*盖丘亚语的拼写和发音基本上与西班牙语相似，但 w 和 k 很常见。因此 õ 是ny和canyon一样， j 是ch in 和loch 一样。辅音后的撇号表示声音中的声门捕捉。西班牙语惯例的一个主要例外是 q 的发音与嘴后部的悬雍垂，如阿拉伯语一样；在它之前或之后，i 的发音更像 [e]，而 u 的发音更像 [o]。这就是为什么该语言的名称有时被命名为“Quechua”，有时被命名为“Quichua”的根本原因。无论如何，第一个 u 只是对西班牙语拼写的回忆：发音更像 [qecwa]。

^* Quechua is basically spelt and pronounced like Spanish, but w and k are common. Hence õ is ny as in canyon, and j is ch in as in loch. An apostrophe after a consonant marks a glottal catch in the voice. A major exception to Spanish convention is that q is pronounced with the uvula at the back of the mouth, as in Arabic; and immediately before or after it i is pronounced more like [e], and u as [o]. This is the fundamental reason why the language’s name is given sometimes as ‘Quechua’, and sometimes as ‘Quichua’. The first u is in any case just a reminiscence of Spanish spelling: the pronunciation is more like [qecwa].

^*玛雅语言似乎也发生了同样的事情，但与西班牙文学形式的合作或模仿的意识较少。玛雅人最近没有在土著领导人的领导下团结起来。尽管如此，他们确实发展了一种文学，但它在很大程度上遵循了他们旧传统的规范和内容。它包括 Popol Vuh 的英雄神话、与注定要失败的战士 (Rabinal Achi) 的挽歌和悲惨对话，以及作为传统年鉴的 Chilam Balam 之书。这是对基督教统治的一种地下抵抗。

^* Something of the same seems to have happened with the Mayan languages, but with less conscious collaboration with, or aping of, Spanish literary forms. The Mayans had not recently been united under indigenous leaders. Nevertheless, they did develop a literature, but it was one that largely followed the norms and content of their older traditions. It includes the heroic myths of the Popol Vuh, the elegiac and tragic dialogue with a doomed warrior (Rabinal Achi), and the Books of Chilam Balam, which are traditional almanacs. It was a form of underground resistance to Christian domination.

^* Motolinía是 Nahuatl 的化名，被他采用是因为它的意思是“穷人”。这位方济会修士的原名是 Fray Toribio de Benavente。

^* Motolinía was a Nahuatl pseudonym, adopted by him because it meant ‘poor’. The original name of this Franciscan friar had been Fray Toribio de Benavente.

^* encomienda是西班牙美洲殖民地普遍存在的经济制度；这是国王授予的租赁权，根据该租赁权，指定的encomendero被赋予充分权利在庄园上剥削印第安人的劳动力，条件是印第安人接受宗教教育。

^* The encomienda was an economic institution universal in the Spanish American colonies; it was a leasehold granted by the king, under which a designated encomendero was given full rights to exploit the labour of Indians on an estate, on condition only that the Indians received religious instruction.

^† “神父，这是什么案子？”

^† ‘Reverend Father, what case is it in?’

^*这位昔日威严的回声已广为流传。盖丘亚语是耶稣会士在巴拉圭传教时使用的十一种语言之一。直到今天，智利北部的小社区和巴西西部的阿克雷也证明了这一点。

^* The echoes of this former majesty are widespread. Quechua was one of the eleven languages used by the Jesuits in their missions in Paraguay. It is also attested to this day, in small communities in the north of Chile, and Acre in the west of Brazil.

^* 'para que de una vez se llegue a conseguir el que se extingan los diferentes idiomas de que se usa en los mismos Dominios, y sólo se hable el Castellano ...'，引自 Triana y Antorveza (1987: 511)。

^* ’para que de una vez se llegue a conseguir el que se extingan los diferentes idiomas de que se usa en los mismos Dominios, y sólo se hable el Castellano …’, quoted in Triana y Antorveza ( 1987: 511).

^†葡萄牙王室于 1759 年将所有耶稣会士驱逐出巴西。（见第 11 章，“葡萄牙先驱”，第 394 页。

^† The Portuguese Crown had expelled all Jesuits from Brazil in 1759. (See Chapter 11, ‘Portuguese pioneers’, p. 394.

^*引自 1987 年菲律宾宪法（引自 Quilis 1992：83）。

^* Quotes from the Philippine constitution of 1987 (cited in Quilis 1992: 83).

^† 2001 年的人口普查数据显示，美国的西班牙裔人口为 3700 万，占总人口的 13%，是美国最大的少数族裔，刚刚超过非洲裔美国人的 3610 万。西班牙裔美国人是美国唯一保留其传统语言西班牙语的少数族裔，拥有两个电视频道 Univisión 和 Telemundo，以及超过 1200 万份联合发行量的 200 多种出版物（ El País报纸，马德里，2003 年 3 月 23 日）。

^† The 2001 census figures place the Hispanic population of the USA at 37 million, 13 per cent of the total, and the largest minority in the country, having just now overtaken the African-Americans’ 36.1 million. The Hispanics are the only US minority to retain routine usage of their heritage language, Spanish, with two TV channels, Univisión and Telemundo, and over two hundred publications with a joint circulation of over 12 million (El País newspaper, Madrid, 23 March 2003).

11

帝国列车：欧洲的海外语言

11

In the Train of Empire: Europe’s Languages Abroad

通过按人口调查世界上当前排名前十的语言（第 13 章确定并讨论了全部排名前 20 的语言），我们注意到其中不少于六种语言在过去五个世纪中通过欧洲全球帝国的扩张传播：英语、西班牙语、葡萄牙语、俄语、德语和法语。我们刚刚回顾了西班牙语的传播，其中最早的一种，以天主教会的领导——尽管有些破坏——角色而著称。英语的传播最为壮观，全球市场的热情似乎已经接管了国家主导地位，我们为下一章保留。在此之前，我们需要考虑其他人的职业生涯，那么多现代帝国扩张的经典案例，由对财富、探索和民族荣耀的热情驱动，

Surveying the world’s current top ten languages by population (the full top twenty are identified and discussed in Chapter 13), we note that no less than six of them have spread through the expansion of European global empires in the past five centuries: English, Spanish, Portuguese, Russian, German and French. The spread of Spanish, the earliest of these, distinguished by the leading—though somewhat spoiling—role of the Catholic Church, we have just reviewed. The spread of English, the most spectacular, where global market enthusiasm seems to have taken over just as national dominance left off, we reserve for the next chapter. Before that, we need to consider the careers of the others, so many classic cases of modern imperial expansion, driven by passions for wealth, exploration and national glory, often accompanied by the zeal of Christian missionaries.

这些语言的故事比现代欧洲作家的叙述中经常描述的（通常是自我祝贺的）更加模棱两可，因此也更有趣。在不断增长的帝国力量的过程中，母语的扩张并没有得到保证：我们必须解释一个奇怪的事实，例如，现代印度尼西亚的通用语是马来语的一种形式，而不是荷兰语，两个多世纪以来它的霸主的语言；一些帝国存在的语言影响，例如法国在印度支那，俄罗斯在穆斯林中亚，或者日本在满洲和朝鲜，似乎已经远不如其他帝国持久。我们需要问一下，征服的哪些方面使语言的传播显然是永久性的，例如巴西的葡萄牙语、刚果的法语或西伯利亚的俄语。Nebrija 的格言是“语言是帝国的伴侣，并以这样的方式遵循它，它们共同开始、成长、繁荣；后来联合是双方的堕落”实际上太简单了——在它的所有主张中。

The story of the languages is more ambiguous, and hence more interesting, than is often portrayed in the accounts, usually self-congratulatory, of modern European writers. The expansion of the home language in the train of a growing imperial power was by no means assured: we have to account for the curious fact, for example, that the lingua franca of modern Indonesia is a form of Malay, and not Dutch, the language of its overlords for over two centuries; and the linguistic effects of some imperial presences, for example of France in Indochina, of Russia in Muslim Central Asia, or of Japan in Manchuria and Korea, already seem far less durable than those of others. We need to ask what aspects of a conquest have made a linguistic spread apparently permanent, as that of Portuguese in Brazil, of French in the Congo, or of Russian in Siberia. Nebrija’s glib dictum that ‘language was the companion of empire, and followed it in such a way that jointly they began, grew, flourished; and afterwards joint was the fall of both’ is in fact far too simple—in all its claims.

这些帝国列强对语言的态度，以及他们对语言与文化之间联系的信念程度，往往比西班牙天主教帝国主义者更加自私：这是他们时代的一个特征。天主教神学是普遍的，绝不是西班牙人的保留或创造，西班牙人有幸将其介绍给美洲。相比之下，掠夺的北欧人认为他们确实有一种特殊的民族天赋，这说明他们有能力统治这些以前“愚昧的野蛮人”。但不可避免的是，由于帝国的缔造者是务实的，往往是艰苦的人，他们对语言作用的理解也是实际的，甚至是肤浅的。一种语言首先会作为一种通用语传播，也许是一种非常有限的形式，一种洋泾浜，这对那些学习它的人的第一语言做出了各种让步。一种语言被视为交易业务的工具。欧洲语言曾经并且经常被用作商业和政府中的第二语言，而传统语言则在熟悉的环境中持续存在。因此，这种语言的传播很难被看作是它所来自的语言社区的传播。

The attitudes to language of these imperial powers, and the degree of their belief in a link between language and culture, tended to be more self-regarding than that of the Spanish Catholic imperialists: that was a feature of their era. Catholic theology had been universal, and in no way a preserve or creation of the Spaniards whose privilege it had been to present it to the Americas. Marauding northern Europeans, by contrast, felt that they did have a particular national gift which accounted for their ability to dominate these previously ‘benighted savages’. But inevitably, since the founders of empires were practical, often hard, men, their appreciation of the role of language too was practical, even superficial. A language would spread first as a kind of lingua franca, perhaps in a quite restricted form, a pidgin, that made all kinds of concessions to the first languages of those who picked it up. A language was seen as a tool for transacting business. European languages were, and often still are, used as second languages in commerce and government, while traditional languages persisted in familiar contexts. As such, the spread of such a language is hard to see as a spread of the linguistic community from which it came.

因此，将所有这些语言的传播作为一个整体来比较是有意义的，而不是深入研究特定国家特定语言的故事。通过这种方式，我们可以希望这一全球现象的关键特征——欧洲帝国主义——能够显现出来。但出于同样的原因，更难传达特定语言与外星环境相遇的个人风味。

It makes sense, therefore, to look at the spreads of all these languages as a group, comparatively, rather than to go deeply into the stories of particular languages in particular countries. In this way, we can hope that the crucial features of this global phenomenon, European imperialism, will show through. But by the same token, it is harder to convey the individual flavour of a particular language’s encounter with an alien environment.

葡萄牙先驱

Portuguese pioneers

Sustentava contra ele Vénus bela ,

Afeiçoada à gente Lusitana ,

Por quantas qualidades via nela

Da antiga táo amada sua Romana;

Nos fortes corações, na grande estrela ,

Que mostraram na terra Tingitana ,

E na língua, na qual quando imagina ,

Com pouca corrupçáo crě que é a Latina。

Sustentava contra ele Vénus bela,

Afeiçoada à gente Lusitana,

Por quantas qualidades via nela

Da antiga táo amada sua Romana;

Nos fortes corações, na grande estrela,

Que mostraram na terra Tingitana,

E na língua, na qual quando imagina,

Com pouca corrupçáo crě que é a Latina.

反对他的维纳斯公平

地对葡萄牙种族充满了感情，因为她从罗马

看到的所有品质

，她从古至今如此热爱；在他们勇敢的心中，在他们在休达（他们的第一次征服）土地上展示

的伟大明星中，在他们的语言中，她的想象可能会认为这是一个有点腐败的拉丁语。

Against him spoke up Venus fair

With affection for the race of Portugal

For all the qualities she saw in it

From Rome, that she so loved of old;

In their brave hearts, in the great star,

Which they showed in the land of Ceuta [their first conquest],

And in their tongue, which her imagination

Could take for a somewhat corrupted Latin.

Camões, ^* Os Lusíadas , i.33

Camões,^* Os Lusíadas, i.33

葡萄牙人是第一个将自己和他们的语言投射到大西洋彼岸并因此进入整个世界的欧洲大国。他们漫长的海岸线紧邻公海，似乎是他们的渔船队和海盗，而不是商人，首先利用了 14 世纪出现的伟大的海上发明，即中央舵安装在龙骨、磁罗盘和波多兰海图上，它给出了从点到点的预先计算的方向。他们能够在大西洋广泛分布，偶尔袭击北非海岸的异教徒港口。渐渐地，这成为葡萄牙王室的重要事项。它于 1415 年征服了北非飞地休达；它占据了东大西洋的主要无人岛，Legname ) 于 1419 年，亚速尔群岛 ('goshawks') 于 1427 年。此后，无论是追求黄金、渔业、宗教皈依者、奴隶或其他货物，外向的亨利王子 ( infante Dom Henrique )，被称为航海家，在他于 1460 年去世时，他开始沿着非洲海岸向南进行一系列探索性探险，在里斯本以南约 4,000 公里（800 里格）的热巴河（现代几内亚比绍）建立定居点。

The Portuguese were the first European power to project themselves, and their language, across the Atlantic and hence into the world at large. Their long coastline abuts on to little more than the open sea, and it seems to have been their fishing fleets and pirates, rather than merchants, who first took advantage of the great enabling maritime inventions which became available in the fourteenth century, the central rudder fitted to the keel, the magnetic compass, and the portolan chart, which gave pre-calculated directions from point to point. They were able to range widely in the Atlantic, and occasionally to raid infidel ports on the coasts of North Africa. Gradually this became a matter of import to the Portuguese Crown. It conquered the North African enclave of Ceuta in 1415; and it occupied the main uninhabited islands of the eastern Atlantic, Madeira (’wood’, renamed in a Portuguese translation of its previous Spanish name Legname) in 1419, the Azores (’goshawks’) in 1427. Thereafter, whether in pursuit of gold, fisheries, religious converts, slaves or other goods, the foreign-oriented Prince Henry (infante Dom Henrique), known as the Navigator, initiated a stream of exploratory expeditions southward along the African coast, planting settlements as far south as the Geba river (in modern Guinea-Bissau), some 4,000 kilometres (800 leagues) south of Lisbon, by the time he died in 1460.

他的士兵和水手（以及商人）所讲的语言是在伊比利亚西部使用的独特的罗曼语，最初是加利西亚语，它（可能自罗马时代以来）与中心（卡斯蒂利亚语）和东部（加泰罗尼亚语）。它过去和现在都以咝音的颚化（sh [š] 和 zh [ž]，而不是 s 和 z）、出现在元音之间时的咝咝声，以及元音出现时普遍的鼻音化而著称。其次是 n 和 m（后两个特征也是法语的特征）。当元音不重读时，它还会减少元音，甚至删除整个音节。

The language that his soldiers and sailors (and merchants) spoke was the distinctive Romance spoken on the western flank of Iberia, originally one with Galician, which (probably since Roman times) had developed differently from the versions of the centre (Castilian) and the east (Catalan). It was, and is, distinguished by the palatalisation of sibilants (sh [š] and zh [ž], rather than s and z), the voicing of sibilants when they occur between vowels, and by the widespread nasalisation of vowels when they are followed by n and m (the latter two features also characteristic of French). It also reduces vowels when they are unstressed, and even deletes whole syllables.

一个说明葡萄牙语独特之处的例子相当于“你会给我热鸡蛋和面包吗”：拼写为faz favour de darme ovos quentes e páo，发音为 faž favour de darme，卡斯蒂利亚语会让me haces el支持 de darme huevos calientes y pan , me aθes el faßor de darme weßos kalientes y pan。

An example that shows much of what makes Portuguese distinctive is the equivalent of ‘will you give me hot eggs and bread’: spelt faz favor de darme ovos quentes e páo, it is pronounced faž favor de darme, where Castilian would have me haces el favor de darme huevos calientes y pan, me aθes el faßor de darme weßos kalientes y pan.

总而言之，葡萄牙语听起来与它的邻国卡斯蒂利亚语大不相同，奇怪的结果是，如今葡萄牙人和巴西人基本上仍然可以使用西班牙语，而对于大多数西班牙人和说西班牙语的美国人来说，葡萄牙语是相当难以理解的。

All in all, Portuguese had come to sound very different from its neighbour Castilian, with the strange result that nowadays Portuguese and Brazilians can still by and large follow spoken Spanish, while for most Spaniards and Spanish-speaking Americans Portuguese is quite impenetrable.

它的故乡是半岛上从北到南的宽阔地带，包括现在在现代西班牙被称为加利西亚的地区。整个地区在 713 年被（讲阿拉伯语和柏柏尔语的）摩尔人占领，但是当柏柏尔人在 740 年代与他们的阿拉伯主人发生争执时，基督徒重新占领了北部到杜罗河。在接下来的四个世纪里，该地区的其他地区逐渐屈服于后来成为基督教莱昂王国的军事推进。但其国王在 1128 年划分了一个部门，将波图卡莱（现代波尔图）周围的省份分配给他的女婿，以防御新的威胁，即来自非洲的摩尔人 Al-moravids 的猛攻，结果证明非常持久的后果。葡萄牙，从 Minho 到 Mondego，继续建立自治（1143 年），它的公爵成为国王（1179）；但在下个世纪，它的扩张（以摩尔人为代价）只是向南扩张。加利西亚人和葡萄牙人虽然仍然说着基本相同的语言，但却永远地分开了。1248年首都从波尔图南迁到里斯本（罗马奥利西波）。葡萄牙方言可能受到古卢西塔尼亚语的影响，该语言在杜罗河以南一直到罗马时代，而莫扎拉布语在摩尔人统治下五百年演变而来。但几乎没有书面证据证明白话的地方特征。在 12 至 14 世纪出现在书面页面上，葡萄牙语开始与抒情诗联系在一起，甚至被卡斯蒂利亚国王用于此目的。

Its homeland was a wide band from north to south in the peninsula, including the area now known as Galicia in modern Spain. The whole region had been taken by (Arabic- and Berber-speaking) Moors in 713, but the northern part down to the Douro was retaken by Christians when the Berbers fell out with their Arab masters in the 740s. The rest of the region yielded very gradually over the next four centuries to the military advance of what became the Christian kingdom of León; but a division made by its king in 1128, assigning the provinces around Portucale (modern Porto) to his son-in-law for purposes of defence against a trying new threat, the onslaught of Moorish Al-moravids from Africa, turned out to have very long-lasting consequences. Portugal, from the Minho to the Mondego, went on to establish its autonomy (1143), its dukes becoming kings (1179); but for the next century its expansion (at the expense of the Moors) was southward only. The Galicians and Portuguese, although still speaking essentially the same language, were sundered permanently. The capital was moved south in 1248 from Porto to Lisbon (Roman Olisippō). The Portuguese dialects may have taken some influence from the old Lusitanian language, which had been spoken south of the Douro up to Roman times, and Mozarabic, which had evolved up under five hundred years of Moorish rule; but there is little written evidence for local features of the vernacular. Emerging on to the written page in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries, Portuguese came to be associated particularly with lyric poetry, used for this purpose even by a king of Castile.

圣玛丽亚教堂	因此圣玛丽
ajudou a seus amigos ,	帮助她的朋友，
pero que d'outra lei Eran ,	虽然他们属于其他法律，
英国人 seus eemigos	粉碎他们的敌人，
阙，马卡尔阙埃兰穆伊托斯，	因为虽然他们很多，
nonos preçaron dous figos ,	他们没有给他们两个无花果，
e assi foi ssa mercee	这就是她的仁慈
de todos mui connoçuda。	为所有人所知。

卡斯蒂利亚的阿方索十世 (1221-84)，Cantiga de Santa Maria，没有。181，最后一节

Alfonso X of Castile (1221-84), Cantiga de Santa Maria, no. 181, last stanza

从 16 世纪初开始，这种语言开始在非洲和南亚沿岸各地都能听到，巴西海岸也是第一次。

From the beginning of the sixteenth century this language began to be heard all round the coasts of Africa and southern Asia, and for the first time on the shores of Brazil.

亚洲帝国

An Asian empire

在 1460 年航海家亨利去世后，探索一直处于停顿期。但随后在 1488 年，巴托洛梅乌·迪亚斯结束了葡萄牙人在非洲海岸的漫长岁月，证明其向南的范围是有限的：谁知道会发生什么超越最后的Cabo da Boa Esperança（“好望角”）？在采取下一步行动之前，还有另一个短暂的插曲，从 1488 年到 1498 年。但勘探问题并没有被遗忘。事实上，就在那时，葡萄牙试图挑战卡斯蒂利亚对哥伦布在他第一次（1492 年）西航中新发现的土地的权利。该主张没有得到支持，但最终是非常有益的，因为当 1494 年的《托德西拉斯条约》（葡萄牙语Tardesilhas ）解决了争端时)，葡萄牙被授予佛得角群岛以西 370 里格的子午线以东的所有土地。这最终保证了它对巴西的权利。

There had been a lull in exploration after the death of Henry the Navigator in 1460. But then in 1488 Bartolomeu Dias had ended the long years of Portuguese creep down the African coast, by demonstrating that its southward extent was finite: and who knew what lay beyond that last Cabo da Boa Esperança (’Cape of Good Hope’)? There was then another short interlude, from 1488 to 1498, before the next step was taken; but exploration issues were not forgotten. In fact, it was then that Portugal attempted to challenge Castile’s right to the lands newly discovered by Columbus in his first (1492) voyage to the west. The claim was not upheld, but it was ultimately highly beneficial, since when the dispute was resolved by the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas (in Portuguese Tardesilhas), Portugal was granted all lands east of a meridian line drawn 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands. This, ultimately, guaranteed its right to Brazil.

但这种前景在当时并未受到重视，如果有的话。乍一看，更引人注目的是瓦斯科·达·伽马（Vasco da Gama）四年后的成就，他绕过最后的海角，胜利而傲慢地驶入彼岸的海洋：终于，他实现了一个世纪的最高目标葡萄牙航海，找到了通往印度的海路。事实证明，这一成就实现了上个世纪最奢侈的希望，因为除了找到通往印度的道路外，葡萄牙人还发现他们还有足够的实力直接获得其神话般的商品，打破了穆斯林中间商数百年的垄断。然后，令人难以置信且立即，另一个大奖落到了他们的手中。迅速采取行动，利用他们在印度的新机会，他们碰巧绕道到了非洲的南端：结果是在 1500 年 4 月 22 日发现了巴西。现在他们有了在新大陆建立帝国的基础，以及进入最豪华市场的独家通道旧的。财富真的对葡萄牙企业微笑。

But this prospect was dimly appreciated, if at all, at the time. Far more striking, at first blush, was the achievement four years later of Vasco da Gama when he rounded that last cape, and sailed triumphantly, and arrogantly, into the ocean beyond: at long last, he had achieved the highest goal of a century of Portuguese navigation, and found the sea route to India. This achievement turned out to fulfil the most extravagant hopes of the previous century, for besides finding their way to India the Portuguese found that they also had enough strength to secure direct access to its fabulous merchandise, breaking the centuries-old monopoly of Muslim middlemen. And then, incredibly and immediately, another great prize fell into their laps. Acting swiftly to exploit their new Indian opportunity, they happened to take a roundabout course to the southern tip of Africa: the result was the discovery of Brazil, on 22 April 1500. Now they had the basis for an empire in the New World, as well as exclusive access to the most luxurious market of the Old. Fortune was really smiling on Portuguese enterprise.

在新世纪剩下的大部分时间里，它一直在微笑。到最后，在印度洋沿岸以及更远的战略要地，在马来亚和南中国海，都有有利可图的葡萄牙贸易定居点，受到堡垒和舰队的保护。东非有七个定居点，阿曼湾有六个，印度西海岸有十五个，锡兰有四个，印度东海岸有两个。马六甲、望加锡、特尔纳特、蒂多尔、帝汶和澳门都是葡萄牙人的属地。

It continued to smile for most of the rest of the new century. By the end of it, there were profitable Portuguese trading settlements, protected by fortresses and fleets, all along the coast of the Indian Ocean, and at strategic points beyond, in Malaya and the South China Seas. There were seven settlements in east Africa, six on the Gulf of Oman, fifteen on the western coast of India, four in Ceylon, and two on the eastern coast of India. Malacca, Macassar, Ternate, Tidore, Timor and Macao were all Portuguese possessions.

尽管他们从未实现他们所寻求的完全贸易垄断，但一两个世纪以来，印度洋几乎是一个葡萄牙湖。像公元前一千年的腓尼基人和希腊语一样，他们并没有试图控制腹地。

Although they never achieved the full trade monopoly they were seeking, the Indian Ocean for a century or two was almost a Portuguese lake. Like the Phoenicians and Greeks of the first millennium BC, they did not attempt to control the hinterlands.

但与那些腓尼基人和希腊语不同的是，他们对利润和冒险之外的事物感兴趣：军事和商业扩张之后，人们开始推动宗教皈依，1512 年在莫桑比克、1534 年在果阿、1558 年在科钦、在马六甲设立了天主教教区。 1558年，1575年澳门，1606年Meliapore（印度东部）；甚至有人试图将信仰传播到安全的葡萄牙贸易站之外，1555 年在埃塞俄比亚，1588 年在船内（即日本）和 1659 年在东京（即越南）。就像他们当时的西班牙表亲一样在新世界更脆弱的领土上，葡萄牙人决心维护教皇对他们的信仰，以及他们对基督教上帝的信仰。

But unlike those Phoenicians and Greeks, they were interested in something beyond profit and adventure: after military and commercial expansion came a drive for religious conversion, and Catholic dioceses were set up in Mozambique in 1512, Goa in 1534, Cochin in 1558, Malacca in 1558, Macao in 1575, Meliapore (in eastern India) in 1606; there was even an attempt to spread the faith beyond the shelter of secure Portuguese trading posts, in Ethiopia in 1555, in Funay (i.e. Japan) in 1588, and Tonkin (i.e. Vietnam) in 1659. Like their Spanish cousins at that time in the far more vulnerable territories of the New World, the Portuguese were determined to vindicate the Pope’s faith in them, and their own faith in the Christian God.

除了故意传播上帝的话语之外，葡萄牙人也不可避免地也在传播他们自己的话语。这种以商业为主导、信仰强化的扩张的语言效果是复杂的。但它们预示了这种船载帝国主义将随着不同的欧洲国家跟随葡萄牙人的脚步而产生的传播。

And besides deliberately attempting to spread the word of God, the Portuguese were inevitably also spreading their own. The linguistic effects of this commerce-led, and faith-reinforced, expansion were complex. But they give a foretaste of the kind of spread that this ship-borne imperialism would engender as different European nations followed in the Portuguese wake.

首先，葡萄牙语是作为常设机构、港口城市及其周边地区的小型外籍人士社区设立的堡垒和贸易单位所使用的语言。这本身并不是很重要：毕竟，移民不可避免地会继续使用他们自己的语言给他们自己的同类，并且当他们在新家中安家时，至少会将其传递给他们的一些孩子和仆人，尤其是如果他们与自己的同胞保持定期联系——与欧洲的贸易是所有这些葡萄牙定居点存在的理由，直到 17 世纪中叶，它们一直积极反对日益激烈的竞争。（这个carreira da Índia从 1550 年到 1630 年代平均每年有五艘船^。1) 他们到来的早期冲击价值和随之而来的声望甚至可能在一段时间内鼓励其他人与他们交往，并向他们学习；同样地，基督教在亚洲首次传教后的最初几代人中被证明是最具吸引力的，但一旦它变得像它试图取代的印度教、佛教和穆斯林机构一样广为人知，它的发展就停止了。

First of all, Portuguese was the language used in the fortresses and trading units that were set up as permanent agencies, small expatriate communities in port cities and their surrounds. This was not in itself very significant: inevitably, after all, emigrants go on using their own language to their own kind, and pass it on to at least some of their children and servants when they establish themselves in households in their new homes, especially if they are keeping in regular touch with their countrymen—and trade with Europe was the very raison d’ ětre for all these Portuguese settlements, actively maintained against mounting competition until the middle of the seventeenth century. (This carreira da Índia averaged five ships a year from 1550 to the 1630s.¹) The early shock value of their arrival and the attendant prestige may even have encouraged others for a time to associate with them, and learn from them; in the same way, Christianity proved most attractive in the first couple of generations after it was first preached in Asia, but its growth fell away once it became as well known as the Hindu, Buddhist and Muslim institutions it was bidding to replace.

然而，从这个本土基础上，葡萄牙语作为一种贸易和国际交流的工具传播开来，即作为一种通用语。当葡萄牙人的定居点在非洲和亚洲海岸的交通便利的地方如此普遍时，他们的商业伙伴和其他同事不可避免地会开始发现，他们为促进与葡萄牙人的关系而掌握的语言在与葡萄牙人打交道时具有额外的作用。与他们的其他合作伙伴和同事——他们可能确实没有其他共同语言。事实上，葡萄牙语的这种效用比它的贸易优势持续了至少一百年，一直持续到 18 世纪，当时一位法国人认为：“与印度教徒、摩尔人、阿拉伯人、波斯人、帕西人、犹太人和亚美尼亚人做生意的商人欧洲工厂，以及希望担任口译员的黑人必须会说这种语言；它也是定居在印度的欧洲国家之间的交流媒介。²

From this native basis, however, Portuguese spread as a tool of trade and international communication, i.e. as a lingua franca. When Portuguese settlements were so widespread in the accessible spots of the coasts of Africa and Asia, it was inevitable that their business partners and other associates would begin to find that the language they had acquired to facilitate relations with the Portuguese had an extra utility in dealing with others of their partners and associates—who might indeed have no other language in common. In fact, this utility of Portuguese outlived its trading dominance by at least a hundred years, lasting until the eighteenth century, when a Frenchman opined: ‘Merchants of the Hindus, Moors, Arabs, Persians, Parsees, Jews and Armenians who do business with the European factories, as well as black men who wish to work as interpreters, are obliged to speak this language; it serves also as a medium of communication among the European nations settled in India.’²

1551 年，英国人 Thomas Wyndham 与葡萄牙同伴 Antonio Pinteado 访问黄金海岸，发现他们可以用葡萄牙语与贝宁国王交谈，贝宁国王从小就知道葡萄牙语。³ 1600 年，日本接待了第一位英语访客，飞行员威尔·亚当斯，他只有在惊讶的东道国将军德川家康设法找到一位会说葡萄牙语的翻译时，才能进行交流。⁴ 1606 年，Gaspar de San Bernardino 弟兄因缺乏水而被迫在波斯登陆，当地军事指挥官对他说：“ Padre, quem te trouxe a esta terra tam longe da Índia？” ^*1638 年，另一位旅行者写道：“尽管他们大部分是波斯人、阿拉伯人和印度人，但由于早年与葡萄牙人的贸易，他们不会说或听不懂葡萄牙语，但很少有游客，谁长期持有霍尔木兹市。⁵不久之后，在 17 世纪中叶，锡兰国王和孟加拉湾对岸（缅甸北部）的阿拉干国王坚持使用葡萄牙语与荷兰人通信——尽管康提皇帝， Rajasinha II 实际上与他们结盟对抗葡萄牙人。^†

In 1551 the Englishman Thomas Wyndham, visiting the Gold Coast with a Portuguese companion, Antonio Pinteado, found that they could converse in Portuguese with the king of Benin, who had known it since his childhood.³ In 1600, when Japan received its first ever English visitor, the pilot Will Adams, he was able to communicate only when his surprised host, the shōgun Tokugawa Ieyasu, managed to find a Portuguese-speaking interpreter.⁴ In 1606 Brother Gaspar de San Bernardino, forced by lack of water to land in Persia, was amazed to be addressed by the local military commander: ‘Padre, quem te trouxe a esta terra tam longe da Índia?’^* In 1638, another traveller wrote: ‘Rare are the visitors to Gomron,t though they be for the most part Persians, Arabs and Indians, who do not speak or understand Portuguese, from the trade that they had in earlier years with the Portuguese, who long held the city of Hormuz.’⁵ A little later, in the mid-seventeenth century, kings of Ceylon, and of Arakan on the other side of the Bay of Bengal (northern Burma), insisted on using Portuguese to correspond with the Dutch—even though the emperor of Kandy, Rajasinha II, was in fact in alliance with them against the Portuguese.^†

葡萄牙语很快就从王子和精英旅行者使用的通用语转变为仆人阶级和（通常是同一个人）早期皈依基督教的更普遍理解的语言。在早期，皈依者可能只需要几句葡萄牙语。Fernáo Mendes Pinto 在 16 世纪末访问中国南方的一座城市，他称之为 Sampitay，遇到了一位身着红缎子的女人，她对长途海上航行的罪恶进行了激烈的抨击，然后拉起袖子揭露一个十字架优雅地烙在她的手臂上。

Portuguese soon transformed itself from a lingua franca of use to princes and elite travellers to a more generally understood language of the servant class and (often the same people) early converts to Christianity. In the early days, a few phrases in Portuguese might be all that converts gained. Fernáo Mendes Pinto, on a visit to a city in southern China that he calls Sampitay in the late sixteenth century, encountered a woman dressed in red satin, who inveighed passionately against the evils of long sea voyages, and then pulled up a sleeve to reveal a cross elegantly branded on her arm.

……她喊了一声，举手向天，大声说：Padre Nosso que estás nos Céus, santificado seja o teu nome…… [即葡萄牙语的主祷文]

… she gave a cry and lifting her hands to Heaven, said loudly: Padre Nosso que estás nos Céus, santificado seja o teu nome…[i.e. the Lord’s Prayer in Portuguese]

这是她用葡萄牙语说的。然后回到说中文，因为她只会说这些葡萄牙语，她缠着我们告诉她我们是不是基督徒……

This she said in Portuguese. And then returning to speaking in Chinese, as she knew no more Portuguese than these words, she badgered us to tell her if we were Christians …

她接着透露，她从她父亲那里继承了这个信仰，她已经实践了 27 年，使三百多名皈依者皈依，每个星期天他们都聚集在她家做礼拜。⁶

She went on to reveal that she had inherited the faith from her father, who had practised it for twenty-seven years, making over three hundred converts, and that every Sunday they gathered for worship at her house.⁶

该地区的主要继承国荷兰人接受了语言现状；1692 年之后，他们要求抵达马德拉斯的牧师在抵达后一年内学习葡萄牙语以及他们居住地的当地语言（通常是泰米尔语），以便他们能够在新教中指导作为仆人或奴隶的异教徒公司或其代理人的。⁷ 1704 年，锡兰（现斯里兰卡）的荷兰总督科尼利厄斯·扬·西蒙斯（Cornelius Jan Simonsz）指出，在该岛的任何地方都可以理解说葡萄牙语的人。1807 年，詹姆斯·科迪纳牧师在他对锡兰的描述中，写道：“他们的原始语言仍然在所有沿海地区使用。它很容易学习，对于没有时间学习当地人更难的方言的旅行者来说非常有用。^*

The Dutch, the principal successor power in the region, accepted the linguistic status quo; after 1692 they required arriving chaplains in Madras to learn Portuguese within a year of their arrival as well as the local language of their residence (usually Tamil) ‘in order that they may be able to instruct in Protestant religion the Pagans who are servants or slaves of the Company or its agents’.⁷ In 1704 the Dutch governor of Ceylon (now Śri Lanka), Cornelius Jan Simonsz, noted that someone speaking Portuguese could be understood anywhere on that island; and in 1807 the Reverend James Cordiner, in his A description of Ceylon, wrote that ‘A corruption of their original language is still spoken over all the sea coasts. It is very easily learned, and proves of great utility to a traveller who has not time to study the more difficult dialects of the natives.’^*

具有讽刺意味的是，葡萄牙最强大的城堡之一是荷兰在爪哇岛巴达维亚的首都。为了传福音，让·布伦在 1675 年写道，“他们将获得葡萄牙语圣经和各种葡萄牙语和印度语的灵修书籍，并用这些语言背诵要理问答，因为大多数印度人都能理解它们……” ⁸ 1708 年，甚至那里的新教神父呼吁总督在一些教堂中保持葡萄牙语的专有使用，声称：

Ironically, one of the strongest citadels of Portuguese was the Dutch power’s own capital in Batavia on the island of Java. To preach the gospel, wrote Jean Brun in 1675, ‘they will acquire Portuguese Bibles and various devotional books in Portuguese and Indian languages and recite the catechism in these languages, because they are understood by most of the Indians… ‘⁸ In 1708 there was even an appeal by Protestant priests there to the governor-general to maintain exclusive use of Portuguese in some churches, claiming:

来自锡兰和 [科罗曼德] 海岸的家庭奴隶日常和熟悉地使用葡萄牙语；所有奴隶的主人和他们的孩子在与奴隶和基督教原住民的日常交往中；来自暹罗、马六甲、孟加拉、科罗曼德海岸、锡兰岛、马拉巴尔海岸、苏拉特甚至波斯的人；居住在这个城市并与基督徒或他们的奴隶做生意的主要异教徒学习说葡萄牙语。⁹

The Portuguese language is in everyday and familiar use by the slaves of families who come from Ceylon and the [Coromandel] Coast; by all the masters of slaves and by their children in daily dealings with the slaves and Christian natives; by the persons who come from Siam, Malacca, Bengal, Coromandel Coast, the Isle of Ceylon, the Malabar Coast, Surat and even from Persia; and the leading pagans who inhabit this city and do business with the Christians or their slaves learn to speak Portuguese.⁹

但是语言随着它的扩张而改变：它被广泛使用，虽然直到今天，在葡萄牙最重要的长期殖民地（非洲的安哥拉和莫桑比克，印度的果阿）之外，这个地区的大部分地区仍然可以听到一些葡萄牙语它采用克里奥尔语形式，深受当地竞争对手语言的影响。例如，在从古吉拉特邦的达曼和迪乌到南部的斯里兰卡的次大陆马拉巴尔海岸的分散社区仍然使用印葡克里奥尔语，在印度语言中没有拼写为ei的双元音被简化为高音 [ ē] 元音，与现代葡萄牙语非常不同，它的发音更像[ai]。^*继承自拉丁语的复杂语言变化已被较少涉及的结构所取代：在 Diu 中，“dog”可能仍然是cáo和“son” filho，但在复数形式中，我们有cáo-cáo和filhos ，而不是cáes和filhos 。无线上网；动词时态同样是分析的，eu tá vai , T am going', eu já comeu , 'I ate', eu had vai , 'I shall go'，而不是标准（和不规则的）vou、comi、irei。在斯里兰卡，他们甚至吸收了当地（僧伽罗语和泰米尔语）使用的后置词：eu já vi terra por，“我来自陆地”。¹⁰在马来西亚的马六甲（那里的语言被称为 Kristang，背叛了其古老的宗教色彩，来自葡萄牙语cristá，“基督教”）、中国南方的澳门和帝汶，仍然使用类似的、经过改造的葡萄牙语变体。东印度群岛最南端。

But the language was changed by its expansion: it was widely pidginised, and while some Portuguese can still be heard over most of this area to this day, outside Portugal’s most substantial long-term colonies (Angola and Mozambique in Africa, Goa in India) it is in the form of creoles heavily influenced by its local competitor languages. In Indo-Portuguese creoles, for example, still spoken in scattered communities along the Malabar coast of the subcontinent from Daman and Diu in Gujarat to Śri Lanka in the south, the diphthong spelt ei, absent in Indian languages, is reduced to a high [ē] vowel, very different from modern Portuguese, where it is pronounced more like [ai].^* The complex inflexions of the language inherited from Latin have been replaced by less involved structures: in Diu, ‘dog’ may still be cáo and ‘son’ filho, but in the plural, instead of cáes and filhos, we have cáo-cáo and fi-fi; verbal tenses are likewise analytic, eu tá vai, T am going’, eu já comeu, ‘I ate’, eu had vai, ‘I shall go’, instead of the standard (and irregular) vou, comi, irei. In Śri Lanka, they have even absorbed the local (Sinhala and Tamil) use of postpositions: eu já vi terra por, ‘I came by land’.¹⁰ Similar, transformed, varieties of Portuguese are still spoken in Malacca in Malaysia (where the language is known as Kristang, betraying its old religious overtones, from Portuguese cristá, ‘Christian’), in Macao in southern China, and in Timor, on the southernmost edge of the East Indies.

第三种，也是现在最重要的葡萄牙语传播类型发生在它被新的人口所占据时，基本上没有改变。这种情况在非洲殖民地安哥拉和莫桑比克（最近估计¹¹将母语“葡语”人口为 57,600 和 30,000 以上——分别占其人口的 0.5% 和 0.2% ，即使同一消息来源声称 27% 的莫桑比克人将葡萄牙语作为第二语言）。果阿还有一小部分葡萄牙人残余。^†但它在葡萄牙最大的殖民地巴西取得了胜利：现在人口为 1.66 亿，其中 95%，即 1.58 亿，以葡萄牙语为第一语言。这意味着巴西的演讲者现在比葡萄牙的演讲者多 16 比 1。

The third, and now most significant, type of spread of Portuguese occurred when it was taken up, essentially unchanged, by a new population. This has happened, but only to a tiny extent, in the African colonies of Angola and Mozambique (where recent estimates¹¹ put the native-speaking ‘Lusophone’ populations at 57,600 and above 30,000—respectively 0.5 per cent and 0.2 per cent of their populations, even if the same source claims that 27 per cent of Mozambicans know Portuguese as a second language). There is also a small remnant of Portuguese in Goa.^† But it has happened triumphantly in what was Portugal’s largest colony, Brazil: the population is now 166 million, and 95 per cent of them, 158 million, have Portuguese as their first language. This means that speakers in Brazil now outnumber those in Portugal sixteen to one.

在美国的葡萄牙人

Portuguese in America

那么，这种语言是如何被如此有效地移植到巴西的，但在其他地方却没有呢？原因当然是历史的，但也有政治的，尤其是经济的。简而言之，巴西是葡萄牙唯一的一个殖民地，那里既发现了对移民有吸引力的重要财富来源，又没有强大到足以抵抗其统治的既存力量。

How, then, has the language come to be transplanted into Brazil so effectively, but nowhere else? The reasons are, of course, historical, but also political and above all economic. In brief, Brazil was the only one of its colonies where Portugal found both a significant source of wealth which was attractive to immigrants, and no pre-existing power strong enough to resist its domination.

印度当然是财富的来源，来自各种商品的贸易。但葡萄牙人在那里遇到的地方势力有效地抵制了葡萄牙人从他们的沿海定居点突围。在斯里兰卡，他们称之为Ceiláo，葡萄牙人曾经有过有效的控制，如果他们没有很快被荷兰人驱逐，从长远来看，他们很可能已经确立了自己的地位，也许还有他们的语言。再往东，在东印度群岛，葡萄牙人从香料贸易中寻找利润。但这些商品的市场过早见底。无论如何——尤其是比较其他欧洲帝国在亚洲的命运——从与这些国家的贸易中获得的财富永远不会吸引大量移民，因此建立一个庞大的葡萄牙语社区是有争议的. 贸易需要资本，或者至少需要强大的军事力量来强加条件；因此，政府和大型组织具有压倒性优势。贸易，而不是生产，

India was certainly a source of wealth, from trade in a vast range of commodities; but the local powers that the Portuguese encountered there effectively resisted any Portuguese break-out from their coastal settlements. In Sri Lanka, known to them as Ceiláo, the Portuguese at one time had effective control, and might well have established themselves, and perhaps their language, in the long term if they had not soon been expelled by the Dutch. Farther east, in the islands of the East Indies, the Portuguese looked for profit from the trade in spices; but the bottom fell out of the market for these commodities too soon. It is in any case arguable—not least from comparing the fate of other European empires in Asia—that the kind of wealth derivable from trade with these countries was never going to attract large numbers of immigrants, and so build a large Portuguese-language community. Trade requires capital, or at least a significant military force to impose terms; as a result, governments and large-scale organisations have an overwhelming advantage. Where trade, rather than production, is the source of wealth, the only way for large numbers of immigrants and small-scale outsiders to take part is if they become pirates.

在非洲，尽管自 15 世纪以来葡萄牙在整个西海岸都拥有小型定居点，主要是作为carreira da Índia的中转港，但除了奴隶贸易之外，从未发现任何重要的财富来源。他们从未吸引过大量讲葡萄牙语的定居者。但是，这种贸易极大地促进了葡萄牙语在南美洲的传播。在 1526 年至 1870 年间运往美洲的 1000 万非洲奴隶中，仅巴西就有 360 万，¹²起初为甘蔗种植园提供劳动力，后来为棉花和烟草提供劳动力。与美洲其他奴隶经济体一样，非洲人无法随身携带他们的语言。他们与他们的前邻居接触的太少，不会说这些语言，因为奴隶市场将他们分配到整个殖民地，不考虑他们的来源，而且他们必须学习新主人的语言。通常这些主人也会成为他们孩子的父亲。在极少数几代人中，大多数人口都是混血儿，但仍然只会说葡萄牙语。

In Africa, although Portugal had held small settlements all down the western coast since the fifteenth century, principally as staging ports for the carreira da Índia, no serious source of wealth besides the slave trade was ever discovered. They never attracted large numbers of Portuguese-speaking settlers. But this trade contributed mightily, at one remove, to the spread of Portuguese in South America. Of the 10 million African slaves shipped to the Americas between 1526 and 1870, 3.6 million went to Brazil alone,¹² at first to provide labour for sugar plantations, later for cotton and tobacco. As in the other slave economies of the Americas, the Africans could not bring their languages with them. They were in contact with too few of their ex-neighbours to speak those languages, for the slave markets distributed them without regard to origin all over the colonies, and they had perforce to learn the language of their new masters. Often too those very masters would become the fathers of their children; in a very few generations most of the population came to be of mixed blood, but nonetheless speakers just of Portuguese.

进入巴西的白人移民也比葡萄牙属地的其他任何地方都要多。早期，葡萄牙的宫廷和人民都没有对他们的美洲殖民地产生太大的兴趣，因为它莫名其妙地没有像西班牙人从他们在墨西哥和秘鲁的殖民地中提取的大量金银那样产出任何东西。

White immigration too was more substantial into Brazil than to anywhere else in the Portuguese possessions. Early on, neither Portugal’s court nor its people had taken much interest in their American colony, since it had unaccountably not yielded anything like the copious gold and silver that the Spanish were extracting from their colonies in Mexico and Peru.

但是其他欧洲大国的敌意关注，以及击退它们所需的努力，集中了葡萄牙的感觉，即这里值得拥有。西班牙人根据 1494 年的托德西拉斯条约尊重了这些主张——实际上，从 1580 年到 1640 年，西班牙和葡萄牙在一个单一的（西班牙）政府下联合起来——但其他没有加入该条约的大国则更加危险。法国人在 1555 年提出了第一次挑战，袭击和企图定居点一直持续到 1615 年，然后是英国人（不太严重）从 1582 年到 1595 年。最具侵略性的是荷兰人。在 1598 年至 9 年的一些早期无关紧要的攻击之后，从 1620 年代到 1641 年，他们成功地占领了从圣路易斯到阿拉卡茹的整个巴西东北部，并将其控制到 1654 年。1624 年，他们甚至短暂占领了葡萄牙殖民地的中心，即其第一个首都拜亚（也称为萨尔瓦多）。葡萄牙人似乎已经找到了重新夺回他们的决心，因此也找到了资源，只有在他们最终放弃了他们在印度及其他地区的大部分殖民地之后才能重新夺回他们。（事实上，正如我们很快就会看到的，这些成为荷兰人的下一个目标。）

But the hostile attentions of other European powers, and the effort needed to repel them, then concentrated Portugal’s sense that here was something worth having. The Spanish had respected the claims in accord with the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas—indeed, from 1580 to 1640 Spain and Portugal were united under a single (Spanish) government—but other powers that were not party to it had been more dangerous. The French had posed the first challenge in 1555, with raids and attempted settlements that persisted until 1615, then the English (less seriously) from 1582 to 1595. Most aggressive were the Dutch. After some early inconsequential attacks in 1598-9, from the 1620s until 1641 they succeeded in taking possession of the whole of the Brazilian north-east from Sáo Luis to Aracaju, and holding it until 1654. In 1624 they had even briefly taken the very heart of the Portuguese colony, its first capital at Baía (also called Salvador). The Portuguese seem to have found the determination, and hence the resources, to retake them only when they resigned themselves finally to the loss of most of their colonies in India and beyond. (Indeed, as we shall soon see, those became the next target of the Dutch.)

到 17 世纪中叶，一系列坚决的探险已经绘制出大部分内陆地区。被称为bandeiras，“旗帜”，他们的灵感来自于（大多是徒劳的）对金、银、珠宝或当地人作为奴隶的追求。他们的主要成功在于先发制人地确定了与西班牙殖民地的边界，而这些殖民地在欧洲大陆的另一边却很少被积极探索。（边界实际上是在 1750 年的马德里条约、1761 年的帕尔多条约和 1777 年的伊尔德丰索条约中达成的，最终消除了名义上的托德西利亚斯线。）

A series of resolute expeditions had mapped out most of the interior by the mid-seventeenth century. Known as bandeiras, ‘flags’, they were inspired by the (mostly unavailing) quest for gold, silver, jewels or natives to capture as slaves. Their main success had lain in pre-emptively defining borders with Spain’s colonies that were being rather less actively explored from the opposite side of the continent. (The borders were actually agreed a hundred years later in the Treaties of Madrid, 1750, Pardo, 1761 and Ildefonso, 1777, which finally erased the notional Line of Tordesillas.)

尽管进行了这些探索，但直到 17 世纪下半叶，唯一在距海岸 400 多公里的地方定居的葡萄牙人一直是传教士，尤其是耶稣会士。和在西班牙殖民地一样，他们发现用自己的语言以外的语言讲道更容易。大多数当地语言被他们称为linguas travadas，“笨拙的语言”，因此显然对他们没有什么热情。1657 年，安东尼奥·维埃拉 (Antonio Vieira) 神父在一次为即将离任的传教士宣讲的著名布道中说，他曾听到有人称亚马逊河为“巴别塔”(rio Babel)，因为它的八十种语言：“学习 Nheengaíba、Juruna、Tapajó、Teremembé 或 Mamaianá 是什么意思？他们的名字似乎令人恐惧？……上帝给了使徒们火舌，但给他们的继任者一个舌头的火。火舌结束了，但方言之火没有，因为这火、这灵、这对上帝的爱使人学习、研究和了解那些语言。¹³

Despite these explorations, until the second half of the seventeenth century the only Portuguese to settle more than 400 kilometres from the coast had been the missionaries, especially the Jesuits. And as in the Spanish colonies, they had found it easier to preach in a language other than their own. Most of the local languages they called línguas travadas, ‘hobbled tongues’, so there was evidently little enthusiasm for them. In a celebrated sermon preached to a departing mission in 1657, Father Antonio Vieira said he had heard someone call the Amazon the ’rio Babel’, for its eighty languages: ‘What must it be to learn Nheengaíba, or Juruna, or Tapajó, or Teremembé, or Mamaianá, whose very names seem to strike terror?… To the Apostles God gave tongues of fire, but to their successors a fire of tongues. The tongues of fire came to an end, but the fire of tongues did not, because this fire, this spirit, this love of God makes one learn, study and know those languages.’¹³

尽管语言学习和对上帝的爱（或恐惧）的所有这些令人陶醉的结合，但在巴西，Tupinambá（一种与巴拉圭的瓜拉尼语密切相关的语言）可以在任何地方使用（见第 10 章，“过去斗争：美国语言是如何传播的”，第 348 页），后来被称为língua geral（葡萄牙语相当于西班牙语lengua general）。在殖民地的早期，它是与当地人交流的主要方式。一位耶稣会目击者在 1560 年左右写道：“几乎所有来到王国并定居下来并与印第安人交流的人都会在很短的时间内了解它，而这里出生的葡萄牙人的儿女比它更了解它。葡萄牙人做的，主要是在圣维森特的队长。¹⁴

For all this heady combination of language-learning and the love (or fear) of God, in Brazil it had turned out that Tupinambá (a language very closely related to the Guaraní of Paraguay) could be used everywhere (see Chapter 10, ‘Past struggles: How American languages had spread’, p. 348), and it came to be called the língua geral (the Portuguese equivalent of the Spanish lengua general). In the early days of the colony, it was the main means of communication with the natives. One Jesuit witness wrote, about 1560: ‘Almost all who come to the Kingdom and are settled and in communication with the Indians get to know it within a short time, and the sons and daughters of the Portuguese born here get to know it better than the Portuguese do, mainly in the captaincy of Sao Vicente.’¹⁴

将印第安人组织成aldeias（村庄）和reduçáes（保留区），耶稣会士实际上抵制了其他白人定居者的入侵。这种对内陆特别殖民发展的抵制一直持续到十八世纪中叶。一个影响是，在殖民地存在的头两个世纪里，葡萄牙语的使用仍然仅限于沿海地区。直到 1759 年，耶稣会士才失去了以这种方式保护和组织印第安人的权力，当时他们被剥夺了权力并被驱逐出境。^*为了更好地衡量，同时禁止进一步使用通用语。

Organising the Indians into aldeias (villages) and reduçáes (reserved areas), the Jesuits in fact resisted the inroads of other white settlers. This kind of resistance to a specifically colonial development of the interior was to last until the mid-eighteenth century. One effect was that the use of Portuguese remained confined to the coastal districts for the first two centuries of the colony’s existence. Only in 1759 did the Jesuits lose their power to protect and organise the Indians in this way, when they were stripped of their powers and expelled from the country.^* For good measure, the further use of the língua geral was banned at the same time.

但巴西现在将成为对定居者更具吸引力的前景。1654 年葡萄牙重新掌权后，一系列经济发展终于为欧洲大规模移民提供了动力，并随之传播了葡萄牙语。在 17 世纪末和 18 世纪初发现了含有黄金、祖母绿、钻石和其他宝石的矿床，主要位于中南部地区，此后称为米纳斯吉拉斯州, 'General Mines'，还有内陆的拜亚、戈亚斯和马托格罗索。结果是世界上第一次淘金热，主要来自葡萄牙，其后是十八世纪的经济，政府收入以黄金为基础。当黄金在那个世纪末耗尽时，取而代之的是养牛场的出口利润，尤其是皮革的销售，这个行业利用了这些南部和中部地区大片草原的开放.

But Brazil was now to become a more appealing prospect for settlers. After the reassertion of Portuguese power in 1654, a stream of economic developments at last provided a motive for large-scale immigration from Europe, and with it the spread of the Portuguese language. Ore beds with gold, emeralds, diamonds and other precious stones were found in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, principally in the southern central area henceforth called Minas Gerais, ‘General Mines’, but also inland in Baía, Goiás and Mato Grosso. The result was the world’s first gold rush, coming mostly from Portugal, and thereafter an eighteenth-century economy with government revenues founded securely on gold. When the gold ran out towards the end of that century, its place was taken by the export profits from cattle ranching, especially in sales of leather, an industry that had taken advantage of the opening up of massive grasslands in these same south and central areas.

结果是巴西讲葡萄牙语的人口大量增加，随后持续增加，这既来自移民（包括进口奴隶），也来自自然增长。在 1650 年左右，这包括不到 150,000 人；到 1770 年，他们的人数已超过 1,500,000；这是在美洲其他地区（讲西班牙语和讲英语的人）人数几乎翻倍的时期。在同一时期，巴西提供了世界上第二和第三人口最多的葡语城市，拜亚（萨尔瓦多）和里约热内卢，仅次于里斯本。来自欧洲的富有和多产的移民的涌入，加剧了从非洲背井离乡的奴隶的涌入，排挤了以前的通用语内陆的图皮南巴，更不用说各个部落所说的小语言了。据估计，在 1985 年，讲土著语言的巴西人不超过 155,000 人，大约每千分之一讲葡萄牙语的人。¹⁵

The result was a massive, and subsequently sustained, increase in Brazil’s Portuguese-speaking population, both from immigration (including import of slaves), and from natural growth. This had comprised less than 150,000 around 1650; by 1770 they comprised over 1,500,000; and this in a period when the rest of the Americas (Spanish- and English-speaking alike) had just about doubled their numbers. In the same period, Brazil had come to provide the second and third most populous Portuguese-speaking cities in the world, Baía (Salvador) and Rio de Janeiro yielding only to Lisbon. This influx of rich and prolific immigrants from Europe, which reinforced the influx of uprooted slaves from Africa, crowded out the previous língua geral of the interior, Tupinambá, to say nothing of the tiny languages spoken by individual tribes. It was estimated in 1985 that there were no more than 155,000 Brazilians who spoke indigenous languages, approximately one for every thousand speakers of Portuguese.¹⁵

最终，葡萄牙语的发展到现在的状态（1.76亿母语人士，世界排名第七，领先于德语、法语和日语）几乎所有的一切都归功于巴西过去的经济发展和随之而来的人口增长三百年，它从葡萄牙作为殖民管理语言或作为亚洲通用语传播的时间很少，这两者在四百年前达到顶峰。

Ultimately, then, the growth of Portuguese to its present status (176 million native speakers, ranking seventh in the world, ahead of German, French and Japanese) owes almost everything to the economic development, and consequent population growth, of Brazil over the past three hundred years, and very little to its spread from Portugal as a language for colonial administration, or as a lingua franca in Asia, both of which peaked over four hundred years ago.

荷兰闯入者

Dutch interlopers

Saïdjah kwam te Batavia aan。Hy verzocht een heer hem in deenst te nemen, hetgeen die heer terstond deed omdat hy Saïdjah niet verstond。想在巴达维亚的大佬们gaarne bedienden die nog geen maleisch spreken en dus nog niet zo bedorven zyn als anderen die langer in aanraaking waren会见了欧洲的beschaving。Saïdjah leerde spoedig maleisch, maar paste braaf op…

Saïdjah kwam te Batavia aan. Hy verzocht een heer hem in deenst te nemen, hetgeen die heer terstond deed omdat hy Saïdjah niet verstond. Want te Batavia heeft men gaarne bedienden die nog geen maleisch spreken en dus nog niet zo bedorven zyn als anderen die langer in aanraaking waren met europese beschaving. Saïdjah leerde spoedig maleisch, maar paste braaf op…

Saïdjah 来到了巴达维亚。他请一位绅士为他服务，这位绅士立即照办了，因为他不懂赛义德[的语言]。因为在巴达维亚，人们喜欢还不会说马来语的仆人，因此不像其他与欧洲文明接触时间较长的人那样被宠坏。Saïdjah 很快就学会了马来语，但表现良好……

Saïdjah came to Batavia. He asked a gentleman to take him into service, which the gentleman at once did, because he did not understand Saïdjah[’s language]. For in Batavia people liked servants who did not yet speak Malay and so were not so spoiled as the others who had been longer in contact with European civilization. Saïdjah learnt Malay quickly, but behaved well…

Multatuli, Max Havelaar (阿姆斯特丹, 1860), ch. 17

Multatuli, Max Havelaar (Amsterdam, 1860), ch. 17

Pelabur habis 巨港德阿拉

Pelabur habis Palembang tak alah

口粮完成，巨港没有被击败

Rations finished, Palembang not beaten

马来谚语^*

Malay proverb^*

经过一个世纪的稳定，从 16 世纪中叶到 17 世纪中叶，葡萄牙在亚洲的贸易帝国几乎和它建立起来一样迅速地消失了。这主要归功于另一个欧洲小国荷兰人的努力。^*荷兰人迅速剥夺了葡萄牙的亚洲收入来源，并成为东印度群岛长达三个世纪的常客。但在我们的世界语言史中，它们只能起到消极的作用。荷兰的职业生涯表明，一个成功的欧洲帝国可能在其领域内留下的语言痕迹很少或根本没有——事实上，进一步的证据表明内布里哈是错误的。

After a century of stability, from the mid-sixteenth to the mid-seventeenth, the Portuguese trading empire in Asia was lost almost as rapidly as it was built up. This was overwhelmingly due to the efforts of another small European power, the Dutch.^* The Dutch speedily divested Portugal of the sources of its Asian incomes, and became a fixture in the East Indies for three centuries. But in our history of world languages, they have only a negative part to play. The Dutch career demonstrates that a successful European imperial power may yet leave little or no linguistic trace in its domains—further evidence, in fact, that Nebrija was wrong.

荷兰帝国的职业生涯开始逆势而上，几乎是他们从西班牙独立战争中的商业副业，这场斗争从 1568 年到 1648 年断断续续地持续，但事实上，从 1588 年开始，新共和国的市民联合省有相当大的行动自由。尽管有不确定的时期，但在 1590 年代，向北欧供应奢侈品（主要来自亚洲，通常通过葡萄牙再出口）已成为众所周知的“富有的贸易”。然后在 1598 年，荷兰的船只、货物和商人被禁止进入西班牙/葡萄牙帝国的所有港口。思想充分集中，直接的结果是东印度贸易企业的爆炸式增长——到 1601 年，14 艘荷兰舰队，拥有 65 艘船，代表 8 个不同的公司启航。¹⁶这种激烈的竞争只会在源头上对印度和欧洲的客户市场造成不利影响，因此在 1602 年，所有相关公司联合东印度公司 ( Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie —VOC)成立为对此类贸易的国家垄断。稍后，在 1624 年，一个类似的组织西印度公司 ( Westindische Compagnie --WIC) 成立，以控制荷兰在西半球的利益。

The Dutch imperial career began against the odds, almost as a commercial sideline in their war of independence from Spain, a struggle that was to last intermittently from 1568 to 1648, but which in fact, from 1588, allowed the burghers of the new republic of the United Provinces considerable freedom of action. Despite the uncertain times, the supply of luxury goods to northern Europe (mostly from Asia, and often by re-export from Portugal) had become proverbially ‘rich trades’ for Dutch merchants in the 1590s. Then in 1598 Dutch ships, goods and merchants were embargoed from all ports in the Spanish/Portuguese empire. Minds were duly concentrated, and the immediate result was an explosion of East India trading enterprise—by 1601 fourteen Dutch fleets, with sixty-five vessels, had set sail on behalf of eight different companies.¹⁶ Such a splurge of competition could only be adverse both at source in the Indies and in the customer markets of Europe, and so in 1602, with the collusion of all the companies involved, the United East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie—VOC) was founded as a state monopoly of such trade. Somewhat later, in 1624, a similar organisation, the West India Company (Westindische Compagnie–-WIC) was established to control Dutch interests in the western hemisphere.

在这两家公司中，WIC 作为荷兰房地产和殖民地人口的采购商的长期成功要少得多。开始得很好；从 1623 年起，北美的大部分地区（包括现在的新泽西州、特拉华州和宾夕法尼亚州以及纽约州的南半部）被视为“新荷兰”，随后葡萄牙彻底征服了几内亚海岸1637-42 年，1631 年占领巴西北部（称为“新荷兰”），1641 年占领安哥拉，以及在安的列斯群岛和圭亚那获得不太重要的地产。1640 年左右，WIC 控制了大西洋的糖、奴隶和毛皮市场。但到了 1665 年，除了安的列斯群岛和圭亚那以外，其他所有地区都消失了。除了葡萄牙收复，新荷兰于 1664 年被英格兰强行占领（新阿姆斯特丹成为纽约）。 WIC 缩减为一家简单的贸易公司，在以前它渴望统治的地方过上好日子。几内亚仍然有大量黄金，荷兰对非洲奴隶的需求也很大。在小殖民地，荷兰语仍然是一种管理语言。如今，苏里南共和国（荷属圭亚那）有近千名以荷兰语为母语的人，而在 50 万人口中，可能有四分之一将荷兰语作为第二语言。安的列斯群岛在很大程度上仍然依赖荷兰，但在 185,000 人中，只有不到 10% 的人将荷兰语作为第一语言。如今，苏里南共和国（荷属圭亚那）有近千名以荷兰语为母语的人，而在 50 万人口中，可能有四分之一将荷兰语作为第二语言。安的列斯群岛在很大程度上仍然依赖荷兰，但在 185,000 人中，只有不到 10% 的人将荷兰语作为第一语言。如今，苏里南共和国（荷属圭亚那）有近千名以荷兰语为母语的人，而在 50 万人口中，可能有四分之一将荷兰语作为第二语言。安的列斯群岛在很大程度上仍然依赖荷兰，但在 185,000 人中，只有不到 10% 的人将荷兰语作为第一语言。

Of the two companies, WIC had far less long-term success as a procurer of Dutch real estate and colonial populations. It began well; from 1623 a tract of North America (covering most of what is now New Jersey, Delaware and Pennsylvania, and the southern half of New York State) was taken as ‘Nieuw Nederland’, and outright conquests from Portugal followed, of the Guinea coast in 1637-42, of northern Brazil (as ‘Nieuw Holland’) in 1631, of Angola in 1641, as well as the acquisition of less crucial holdings in the Antilles and Guyanas. Around 1640, WIC was in control of the Atlantic markets in sugar, slavery and furs. But by 1665 all but the Antilles and Guyanas had been lost. Besides the recaptures by Portugal, Nieuw Nederland was taken forcibly by England (and New Amsterdam became New York) in 1664. WIC retrenched to being a simple trading company, making a good living where previously it had aspired to rule. There was still plenty of gold in Guinea, and a demand for African slaves in the Netherlands. Dutch remained, in the small colonies, as a language of administration. Nowadays there are a bare thousand native speakers of Dutch in the republic of Suriname (Dutch Guiana), while perhaps a quarter of the half-million population use it as a second language. The Antilles remain for the most part dependent on the Netherlands, but fewer than 10 per cent of the 185,000 people have Dutch as a first language.

另一方面，VOC继续成为真正的殖民伟大。在香料贸易的源头东印度群岛，他们将葡萄牙人永久地从安汶、后来在摩鹿加群岛（1605-62 年）、马来亚马六甲（1641 年）和马加锡（现代乌戎班当）的泰尔纳特和蒂多尔取代。苏拉威西 (1667)。他们还超越了葡萄牙的领土范围，占领了西爪哇的雅加达（1619 年）作为他们的行动中心（相当于葡萄牙的果阿），并将其重新命名为巴达维亚。^*通过阴谋而不是战争，他们取代了葡萄牙人成为日本贸易的垄断者（1639 年），并在长崎设有永久基地。^†在印度次大陆，他们在 Pulicat（1613 年）建立了早期的立足点，并在 1638 年至 1661 年间从葡萄牙锡兰和他们从坎努尔轮到内加帕坦的整个南印度属地夺取了领土。在非洲，他们无法长时间将葡萄牙人赶出安哥拉或莫桑比克，但于 1652 年在开普敦 ( Kaapstad )之间建立了他们自己的南非殖民地。威廉博斯曼在 1704 年评论说，葡萄牙人已经设置狗来玩游戏，他们刚玩完，就被别人抓住了。¹⁷

The VOC, on the other hand, went on to real colonial greatness. In the East Indies, the source of the spice trade, they displaced the Portuguese permanently from Ambon, and later Ternate and Tidore, in the Moluccas (1605-62), Malacca in Malaya (1641), and Macassar (modern Ujung Pandang) in Sulawesi (1667). They also went beyond the scope of Portugal’s holdings by seizing Jakarta in western Java (1619) as their centre of operations (comparable to Goa for the Portuguese), and renaming it Batavia.^* Through intrigue rather than war, they displaced the Portuguese as monopolists in the Japan trade (1639), with a permanent base in Nagasaki.^† In the Indian subcontinent, they established an early foothold at Pulicat (1613), and between 1638 and 1661 they took from the Portuguese Ceylon and their whole string of southern Indian possessions from Kannur round to Negapatam. In Africa, they were unable for long to dislodge the Portuguese from Angola or Mozambique, but went on to found their own South African colony in between at Cape Town (Kaapstad) in 1652. Willem Bosman remarked in 1704 that the Portuguese had been ‘as setting-dogs to spring the game, which as soon as they had done, was seized by others’.¹⁷

奇怪但重要的是，只有在非洲，他们的殖民入侵才产生了任何语言成果。正是在这里吸引了荷兰定居者，就像巴西最终吸引了来自葡萄牙的定居者一样。荷兰定居者不是商人，也不是矿工，而是农民（即在荷兰语中为布尔人）。他们的语言是一种略微简化的荷兰语版本，后来被称为南非荷兰语（“非洲人”），随着他们的人口发展和增长，即使在英国人控制了这个国家之后也是如此。^*随后，在 1836 年，他们厌倦了英国的统治，开始了大跋涉，进入现在的南非东部，建立了奥兰治自由州和德兰士瓦。在 1899-1902 年的布尔战争中被英国人击败后，他们的影响力暂时减弱了。但是数字在白人社区中占了上风——就像他们后来在黑人和白人之间做的那样——在接下来的半个世纪里，南非荷兰语明确地成为了南非统治多数的语言。1991 年南非荷兰语有 620 万讲者，集中在比勒陀利亚和布隆方丹，其中 100 万以英语为母语。另有 400 万人将其用作第二或第三语言。将所有这些人加在一起，了解该语言的 1000 万与现在全世界讲荷兰语的大约 2000 万（13.¹⁸

Curiously but significantly, it was only in Africa that their colonial intrusiveness bore any linguistic fruit. It was here that Dutch settlers were attracted, just as Brazil, in the end, attracted settlers from Portugal. The Dutch settlers were not merchants, nor miners, but farmers (i.e., in Dutch, Boer). Their language, a mildly simplified version of Dutch that came to be known as Afrikaans (’African’), developed and grew with their population, even after the British had gained control of the country.^* Subsequently, in 1836, tiring of British rule, they spread out on the Great Trek, into the east of what is now South Africa, to found the Orange Free State and the Transvaal. Their influence was reduced temporarily after their defeat by the British in the Boer War of 1899-1902. But numbers prevailed in the white community—as they were later to do as between black and white—and in the following half-century Afrikaans came to be explicitly the language of the South African ruling majority. Afrikaans in 1991 had 6.2 million speakers in South Africa, centred in Pretoria and Bloemfontein, a million of them native bilinguals with English. Another 4 million there were using it as a second or third language. Taking all of them together, the 10 million who know the language compare significantly with the 20 million or so who now speak Dutch worldwide (13.4 million in the Netherlands, another 5 million in Belgium).¹⁸

在更远的东部，荷兰人的存在被证明持续时间较短。锡兰和印度南部，就像开普殖民地一样，在 18 世纪之交作为欧洲政治变革的副作用而落入英国手中。一个半世纪以来荷兰影响的终结现在已经很难辨认了。但是，尽管在东印度群岛也发生了一些类似的来回——在此期间，一位 30 岁的斯坦福莱佛士成为爪哇的副州长五年，并偶然发现了失落的佛教奇迹城市婆罗浮屠——它以英国人满足于马来半岛和婆罗洲北部海岸。荷兰对这些岛屿的控制最终得以维持；事实上，它一直持续到第二次世界大战，距他们最初对葡萄牙人的剥夺已经整整三百年。

Farther east, Dutch presence proved shorter lasting. Ceylon and southern India, like the Cape colony, passed into British hands at the turn of the eighteenth century as a side effect of political changes in Europe. The century and a half of Dutch influence that was then brought to an end is hard now to discern. But although there was some similar back-and-forth in the East Indies—during which a thirty-year-old Stamford Raffles became for five years lieutenant-governor of Java, and chanced on the lost Buddhist wonder city of Borobodur—it ended with the British contenting themselves with the Malay peninsula and the northern coast of Borneo. Dutch control of the islands was ultimately maintained; in fact it lasted until the Second World War, a full three hundred years from their original dispossession of the Portuguese.

那么，为什么荷兰语现在不是荷属东印度群岛的继任者印度尼西亚的官方政府语言，或者至少不是通用语？鉴于荷兰语是另一种日耳曼语言，人们几乎很想发现“日耳曼语的诅咒”。请记住，尽管他们在公元 5 世纪在西欧和北非进行了令人敬畏的征服，但法兰克人、汪达尔人和哥特人，在那个时代的伟大征服者中，从来没有在他们的领土上传播过他们的语言。而现在，在 17 世纪到 20 世纪的现代，他们的后裔荷兰人再也没有能力为他们的语言赢得新的使用者，而当他们周围的英国人在马来亚传播英语时，葡萄牙人则坚持在帝汶的飞地, 西班牙人试图用卡斯蒂利亚语来培养菲律宾,

Why, then, is Dutch not now the official government language, or at least a lingua franca, in the state of Indonesia, the successor of the Dutch East Indies? Given that Dutch is another Germanic language, one is almost tempted to detect a ‘curse of Germanic’. Remember that despite their awesome conquests in western Europe and North Africa in the fifth century AD, the Franks, Vandals and Goths, alone among the great conquerors of the era, had never spread their language across their domains. And now, in the modern age from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries, their descendants the Dutch were no more capable of winning new speakers for their language, when around them the British were spreading English in Malaya, Portuguese was persisting in its enclave on Timor, the Spanish were trying to bring up the Philippines in Castilian, and indeed the French were attempting to seed Indo-China as an outpost of francophony.

荷兰语奇怪地缺席的根本原因是其在印度的使用者的实用主义。^*毕竟，他们在那里有两个动机：主要是为了赚钱，其次——很长一段时间——以他们自己亲爱的加尔文主义形式传播新教基督教。在这种情况下，这两种动机都要求使用外国联系语言，而不是他们自己的母语。对于贸易，首先，显然需要使用手头的任何语言。事实证明，东印度群岛的贸易社区已经有一种共同语言，至少有两个世纪，甚至更长的时间。

The fundamental reason for the curious absence of the Dutch language is the pragmatism of its speakers in the Indies.^* They were there, after all, with two motives: primarily to make money, and secondarily—a long way second—to spead Protestant Christianity in their own dear Calvinist form. In the event, both motives called for the use of a foreign contact language, rather than their own mother tongue. For trade, in the first instance, there was evidently a need to use whatever language came to hand; and it turned out that there was already a language that the trading community of the East Indies had had in common for at least two centuries, and perhaps much longer.

这是马来语，Bahasa Mclayu（或荷兰语拼写Bahasa Melajoe），最出名的是商人在马六甲的转口处进行交易的行话。马六甲成立于十五世纪初，但通过利用其在海峡的制高点，以及中国皇帝的培养，发展非常迅速。语言的传播很可能比这更早开始。马六甲是由一位来自圣维杰亚的任性王子建立的，这个国家从公元 7 世纪到 13 世纪培养了广泛的贸易利益。占碑，它的主要城市之一，也被称为马拉尤。无论马来语的起源是什么，荷兰商人只要掌握这一种语言，就可以在整个印度群岛做生意，^*这是一个额外的优势，因为 VOC 一直对整个地区的贸易感兴趣，而不仅仅是从供应来源到荷兰的简单出口。¹⁹

This was Malay, Bahasa Mclayu (or in Dutch spelling Bahasa Melajoe), best known as the jargon of merchants having dealings at the entrepôt of Malacca. Malacca had been founded only at the beginning of the fifteenth century, but had grown very fast, through exploitation of its commanding position on the strait, and cultivation of the Chinese emperor. It is likely that the spread of the language had started earlier than this. Malacca had been founded by a wayward prince from Śrī Vijaya, a state that had cultivated wide trading interests from the seventh to thirteenth centuries AD. And Jambi, one of its principal cities, had also been called Malāyu. Whatever Malay’s origins, with this one language in hand a Dutch merchant could do business all over the Indies,^* an added advantage since the VOC was always interested in trade all over the area, not just simple exports from the sources of supply to the Netherlands.¹⁹

同样，为了传播荷兰归正教会的信仰和实践，当一个人不限于那些已经了解荷兰语或可能愿意学习荷兰语的人时，更容易、更快地使皈依者。早期，有人试图在安汶用荷兰语建立学校，其中多达 16 所在 1627 年开办。但实际上学习该语言的孩子在毕业后几乎没有机会使用它，因此他们倾向于忘记它。²⁰这可能是语言群体早期的一个共同特征，当时他们还没有时间提升系统，因此主要与不共享语言的成年人打交道。但荷兰实用主义者不准备等待，实验终止。马来语也被归为改革宗宗教，被指定为“共同土著教会”的语言。²¹

Likewise, in order to spread the faith and practice of the Dutch Reformed Church, it was easier, and quicker, to make converts when one was not restricted to those who already knew Dutch, or who might be willing to learn it. Early on, there had been an attempt to establish schools at Ambon in Dutch, with as many as sixteen of them running in 1627. But there were in fact few opportunities for children who learnt the language to use it after they graduated, and so they tended to forget it.²⁰ Probably this is a common feature of the early years of a language cohort, when they have not yet had time to be promoted up the system, and so are mostly dealing with adults who do not share the language. But the Dutch pragmatists were not prepared to wait, and the experiment was terminated. Malay became identified with Reformed religion too, designated as the language for ‘a common indigenous Church’.²¹

我们可能会简单地质疑为什么荷兰的实用主义没有扩展到在他们的领域中使用另一种预先存在的通用语言，即葡萄牙语，我们已经注意到他们在锡兰的交易中必须使用这种语言，并且确实已经传播了，willy- Nilly，进入他们自己在巴达维亚的行动中心。当然，一些荷兰牧师，尤其是 1680 年代的弗朗索瓦·瓦伦汀 (François Valentijn)，在教会的工作中倾向于支持马来语而不是马来语。²²值得注意的是，皈依者并不多，主要是在以前被葡萄牙人皈依天主教的会众中发现的。印度教徒、佛教徒和穆斯林被证明在很大程度上不受新信条的影响。但在荷兰加尔文主义者的心中，葡萄牙和天主教之间的联系仍然很强烈。在商业上，一定还有一丝自豪感，在他们自己的组织机制中，他们的被击败的敌人的语言——事实上，直到 1640 年以及他们怨恨的霸主西班牙和葡萄牙的分离之前，他们的语言都没有任何地位。

We might briefly query why the Dutch pragmatism did not extend to making use of another pre-existing lingua franca in their domains, namely Portuguese, which we have already noted they were required to use in dealings in Ceylon, and had indeed spread, willy-nilly, into their own centre of operations at Batavia. Certainly, some Dutch pastors, notably François Valentijn in the 1680s, were inclined to favour it over Malay in the work of the Church.²² It is notable that conversions, never very many, were found mostly in congregations that had previously been converted to Catholicism by the Portuguese; the Hindus, Buddhists and Muslims turned out to be largely impervious to the new creed. But the association between Portuguese and Catholicism remained strong in Dutch Calvinist hearts; and in business, there must also have been a residue of pride, resisting any place for the language of their defeated enemies—indeed, until 1640 and the separation of Spain and Portugal, their resented overlords—in the mechanism of their own organisation.

因此马来语成为荷属印度群岛的语言，最初是作为一种实用的短期措施，但到了十八世纪，由官方政策决定。^*在 1731-3 年，Melchior Leydekker 和 Georg Henrik Werndly 以马来语翻译《圣经》发行，后者在 1736 年推出了该语言的语法。但尽管尝试在其中传教，但该语言的知识并未渗透特别深刻。马来语是行政人员、经理、商人和统治者之间的一种交流方式，因此它一直存在。考虑到荷兰帝国行政的高度权力下放的性质，这在很大程度上保持了本土权力酋长国的地位并通过它们进行调解，这起初运作良好。

And so Malay became the language of the Dutch Indies, first as a practical short-term measure, but by the eighteenth century by official policy.^* In 1731-3 the Bible was issued in a Malay translation by Melchior Leydekker and Georg Henrik Werndly, and the latter brought out a grammar of the language in 1736. But despite the attempts to preach in it, knowledge of the language did not penetrate particularly deeply. Malay was a means of communication among administrators, managers, merchants and rulers, and so it stayed. Given the highly devolved nature of Dutch imperial administration, which largely kept the native power chiefdoms in place and was mediated through them, this at first worked well.

但随后在荷属印度群岛使用的语言的历史并不是一帆风顺的。在十八世纪中叶，随着世界市场开始重视爪哇的咖啡而不是安汶的香料，越来越需要与爪哇统治者直接打交道，他们的马来语知识从来都不是很好。在斯坦福莱佛士 (1811-16) 领导下的英国空缺之后荷兰政府的回归是在一个新的基础上：VOC 在其盈利能力崩溃后于 1795 年被废除，管理人员需要与对象人群。1811 年的一项法令要求官员了解爪哇语。莱佛士本人在接任时非常赞成，他在 1813 年表示：“迄今为止，与该国居民的交流主要是通过文盲的口译员，或者直接通过口译员，²³

But the subsequent history of the language as used in the Dutch Indies was not a smooth one. In the mid-eighteenth century, as world markets came to value coffee from Java over spices from Ambon, the need grew to have direct dealings with the Javanese rulers, whose knowledge of Malay had never been good. The return of Dutch administration after the British interregnum under Stamford Raffles (1811-16) was on a new basis: the VOC had been abolished in 1795 after a collapse in its profitability, and there was a new concern for administrators to be in contact with the subject population. A decree of 1811 called for officials to know Javanese. Raffles himself, when he took over, was very much in favour, opining in 1813: ‘Hitherto the communication with inhabitants of the country has been chiefly through illiterate Interpreters, or when direct, through the medium of a barbarous dialect of Malays, confounded and confused by the introduction of Portuguese and Dutch.’²³

但当荷兰人重新掌权时，随之而来的是一场持续整个 19 世纪的争论，即爪哇语和马来语的相对重要性，1827 年、1837 年和 1839 年的决议再次提倡马来语。了解大多数人的实际语言的实际价值是显而易见的，但令人尴尬的事实仍然是，爪哇语具有复杂的变形和不同的子语言，标志着不同程度的礼貌，比马来语更难学习。结果从来都不好，大多数官员都恢复了他们破碎和不体面但总是有用的dienst-Maleisch（'服务-马来语'），不太尊重地称为brabbel-Maleisch或klontong-Maleisch（'jabber-' 或 'clod-马来语'）。²⁴

But when the Dutch were back in charge, there followed a controversy, which was to last throughout the nineteenth century, concerning the relative weight to be given to Javanese and Malay, with resolutions in 1827, 1837 and 1839 promoting Malay again. The practical value of knowing the actual language of a majority of the people was clear, but the embarrassing fact remained that Javanese, with elaborate inflexions and distinct sub-languages marking different levels of politeness, was far harder to learn tolerably than Malay. Results were never good, and most officials reverted to their broken and undignified, but always serviceable, dienst-Maleisch (’service-Malay’), known less respectfully as brabbel-Maleisch or klontong-Maleisch (’jabber-’ or ‘clod-Malay’).²⁴

尽管它的所有缺点（罗马拼写的标准系统仅在 1901 年²⁵被指定）它是这种马来语已成为印度尼西亚国的官方语言，在印度尼西亚语的如意标题下。然而，即使在今天，实际上也只有 17-3000 万人将其作为第一语言，这可能是可以将其用作第二语言的人的十分之一。相比之下，7500 万人的第一语言是爪哇语，以及在印度尼西亚某处被列为使用的 726 种语言。荷兰人通过他们断断续续的政策，成功地为他们的旧殖民地提供了一种共同语言，但不是他们自己的。

For all its faults (a standard system of Romanised spelling was specified only in 1901²⁵) it is this Malay which has become the official language of the state of Indonesia, under the wishful title of Bahasa Indonesia. Even today, though, only 17-30 million people there actually have it as a first language, perhaps a tenth of those who can use it as a second language. Compare this with the 75 million whose first language is Javanese, and the 726 languages that are listed as spoken somewhere within Indonesia. The Dutch, through their fitful policy, had succeeded in giving a common language to their old colony, but not their own.

法语国家

La francophonie

La langue franšaise est une femme。Et cette femme est si belle, si fière, si modeste, si hardie, si touchante, si voluptueuse, si chaste, si high, si familière, si folle, si sage, qu' on l' aime de toute son šme, et qu ' on n' est jamais tenté de lui ětre infidèle。

La langue franšaise est une femme. Et cette femme est si belle, si fière, si modeste, si hardie, si touchante, si voluptueuse, si chaste, si noble, si familière, si folle, si sage, qu’ on l’ aime de toute son šme, et qu’ on n’ est jamais tenté de lui ětre infidèle.

法语是女人。而那个女人是那么美丽，那么骄傲，那么谦虚，那么大胆，那么动人，那么妖娆，那么纯洁，那么高贵，那么熟悉，那么疯狂，那么睿智，以至于一个人全心全意地爱着她，从不动心。对她不忠。

The French language is a woman. And that woman is so beautiful, so proud, so modest, so bold, so touching, so voluptuous, so chaste, so noble, so familiar, so mad, so wise, that one loves her with all one’s soul, and is never tempted to be unfaithful to her.

阿纳托尔法国，1844-1924 年

Anatole France, 1844-1924

这句话广为法语使用者和爱好者所熟知，但其特点是具有自我意识和自我关注的特点。^*法国人热情地接受了他们的语言具有特殊优点的观念，甚至——这对这种情绪化和民族中心主义的想法感到好奇——它比其他语言更理性。也许比其他人更诚实地开始征服全球，他们开始断言他们正在履行一项文明使命，超越了为自己赚取外国利润和为他们的上帝赚取外国皈依者。

This quotation, widely known to speakers and lovers of French, is eminently but characteristically self-conscious and self-regarding.^* The French have taken enthusiastically to the notion that their language has particular virtues, even—and this is curious for such an emotional and ethnocentric idea—that it is more rational than other languages. Perhaps more honestly than others set on global conquests, they came to assert that they were fulfilling a mission civilisatrice which went beyond the making of foreign profits for themselves, and foreign converts for their God.

结果，就母语和第二语言使用者的语言社区的实际扩展而言，他们称之为法语国家，^*是适度的，至少按照其直接竞争对手（和邻国）的标准：法语现在可以数 77全球有 100 万以母语为母语的人（其中三分之二在法国本土），另外还有 5100 万以第二语言为母语的人。^†这使其在语言人口列表中排名第十，实际上是欧洲主要语言中最小的一种，甚至比在其母大陆以外几乎不使用的德语人口还要少。

The outcome, in terms of actual expansion of the language community of native and second-language speakers, what they call la francophonie,^* has been modest, at least by the standards of its direct competitors (and neighbours): French can now count 77 million native speakers worldwide (two-thirds of them in France itself), and another 51 million second-language speakers.^† This places it tenth in the list of language populations, effectively the smallest of the major European languages, and less populous even than German, which is hardly spoken at all outside its home continent.

欧洲的法语

French in Europe

法语起源于高卢所说的罗曼语种，被广泛认为是法兰克人的王国。它的现代名称franšais [frásέ] 来自日耳曼形容词frankisk，通过拉丁化franciscus 而来。由于政治和地形的原因，它开始以东北部法兰西岛地区的方言为代表和主导。法兰西岛有许多不同方向的通航河流，因此是一个天然的十字路口。所以这是一个很多方言的人相遇的地方，差异被拉平了。更重要的是，从克洛维斯时代（五世纪末）开始，它主要在其中的某个地方拥有法兰克人的皇家宫廷。不同的城市兴盛衰落，但到了 13 世纪，巴黎市显然享有特殊的声望。一位诗人写道：

French is by origin the species of Romance spoken in Gaul, which was broadly taken to be the realm of the Franks. Its modern name for itself, franšais [frásέ], comes from the Germanic adjective frankisk, through the Latinisation franciscus. For political and topographical reasons, it came to be typified and led by the dialect of the Ile-de-France region in the north-east. The Ile-de-France has many navigable rivers heading in different directions, hence is a natural crossroads. And so it was a place where speakers of many dialects met, and differences were levelled out. What is more, from the time of Clovis (late fifth century) it mostly had the royal court of the Franks somewhere within it. Different cities flourished and waned, but by the thirteenth century the city of Paris evidently enjoyed a particular cachet; a poet wrote:

Sim' escuse de mon langage 请原谅我的语言，

Si m’ escuse de mon langage Excuse my language,

粗鲁、 粗鲁和野蛮粗鲁、笨拙和狂野，

Rude, malostru et sauvage rude, ungainly and wild,

Car nés ne sui pas de Paris。 因为我不是巴黎人。²⁶

Car nés ne sui pas de Paris. for I am not a native of Paris.²⁶

法国早期历史上的一个里程碑是 1539 年的 Villers-Cotterěts 法令，其中包括国王弗朗索瓦一世和许多其他规定，要求官方文件，无论是来自法院还是教区登记处，都应在母语中提供。 non autrement——用法语母语，而不是其他语言，特别是拉丁语。²⁷但尽管这句话听起来很普通，但国王实际上指的是他自己的母语，而不是他臣民的母语：该行为被解释为需要使用巴黎法语，因此引起了merveilleuses 的抱怨（“奇妙的抱怨”）在讲普罗旺斯语的南部。²⁸此后，法国政治中心开始关注语言，并采取行动加强官方层面的一致性，尽管在其领域内持续存在不同的口语。

A milestone in the early history of French was the Ordinance of Villers-Cotterěts in 1539, by which King Franαois I, among many other provisions, required that official documents, whether from courts or parish registers, should all be produced en langage maternel fronαois et non autrement—in French mother tongue, and not otherwise, specifically not in Latin.²⁷ But despite the homely-sounding phrase, the king was in fact referring to his own mother tongue, not that of his subjects: the act was interpreted as requiring the use of Parisian French, and so provoked merveilleuses complaintes (’wondrous complaints’) in the Provençal-speaking south.²⁸ The French political centre was henceforth to be language conscious, and to take action to enforce consistency at the official level, despite the persistence of different spoken languages in its realms.

法语是什么语言？在耳朵看来，法语在其罗曼语表亲中的一个主要特征是在最后音节中几乎所有元音的丢失，以及后来的最后辅音。（最后的 a通常幸存下来，但被简化为模糊的 [ē] 'uh' 声音。）由于有意义的词尾（屈折变化）的拉丁系统崩溃，这种松弛的发音导致语法发生了一些重大变化，在至少就他们在句子中标记名词的功能和动词的人称（I vs you vs he/she/it）而言。因此，法语成为一种词序相当严格的语言，句子的前面是一串短代词。拉丁语有dico tibi illud，“我告诉你”，法语有je te le dis[žētētēdi]，以及标记主语“I”的拉丁语结尾 -o 已被可分离的主语前缀je [žə] 有效取代。^*但在其他方面，法语很像葡萄牙语，将音节末尾的 n 和 m 替换为鼻音化的 twang，将其 y 音变为 [ž]，并且在元音之间将 s 发音为 [z]。常见的 Romance unum bonum vinum rubium，“好酒红色”，在法国成为un bon vin rouge。L 在元音之后大部分变为 [w]（就像在伦敦和河口英语中一样），并写成u：maledictum , 'cursed', 出来为maudit, pellem , 'skin', as peau, collum , '脖子'，作为cou。

What sort of language was French? To the ear, a major characteristic of French among its Romance cousins was the loss of almost all vowels in final syllables, and later of final consonants. (Final a usually survived, but was reduced to an indistinct [ē] ‘uh’ sound.) This slack pronunciation led to some major changes in the grammar, due to the breakdown of the Latin system of meaningful word endings (inflexion), at least in so far as they marked the function of nouns in sentences, and the person (I vs you vs he/she/it) of verbs. So French became a language with a rather rigid word order, and strings of short pronouns up at the front of sentences. Where Latin had dico tibi illud, ‘I tell you that’, French has je te le dis [žētētēdi], and the Latin ending -o to mark the subject ‘I’ has effectively been replaced by a separable subject prefix je [žə].^* But in other ways, French was rather like Portuguese, replacing n and m at the end of syllables with a nasalised twang, changing its y sound to [ž], and voicing s to [z] when it came between vowels. Common Romance unum bonum vinum rubium, ‘a good wine red’, became in France un bon vin rouge. L after a vowel mostly changed to [w] (as it does in Cockney and Estuary English), and was written with u: maledictum, ‘cursed’, came out as maudit, pellem, ‘skin’, as peau, collum, ‘neck’, as cou.

法语也是元音扼杀的一些极端过程的牺牲品，尤其是所谓的中元音，e和o：以至于它的精确发音在几个世纪以来发生了很大变化，当然也被赋予了相当大的语言势利空间，如果人们的双元音没有发出恰到好处。这些是对法语拼写造成严重破坏的过程，因此很久以前写的（或多或少的发音）seniōres rēgālēs fāmōsī dēbent habēre unum bellum palātium，“著名的王室领主必须有一座精美的宫殿”，首先出现在像现在拼写一样发音，les seigneurs royaux fatux doivent avoir un beau palais，但随后听起来完全不同：[le seiñœr rwayo famœ dwavt avwar œT bo paləP]。

And French was also prey to some extreme processes of vowel strangulation, especially of what are called mid vowels, e and o: so much so that its precise pronunciation has varied greatly down the centuries, and of course been given considerable scope for language snobbery, if people’s diphthongs did not come out just right. These are the processes that have played havoc with French spelling, so that what was long ago written (and pronounced, more or less) seniōres rēgālēs fāmōsī dēbent habēre unum bellum palātium, ‘famous royal lords must have a fine palace’, came first to be pronounced much as it is now spelt, les seigneurs royaux fameux doivent avoir un beau palais, but then went on to sound quite different: [le seiñœr rwayo famœ dwavt avwar œT bo paləP].

在公元二千年初期，这种语言开始在法国以外传播。值得注意的是，在 1066 年，诺曼入侵者将它移植到英吉利海峡以北，而他们自己只讲了几代人。（参见第 12 章，“耐力测试：告别诺曼法语”，第 458 页。）事实证明，语言的进步并不是永久性的。它作为英格兰精英的语言繁荣了两个多世纪，但逐渐与法兰西岛失去了联系。正如乔叟在 14 世纪末期写下他的女修道院长：

In the early second millennium AD, this language began to spread outside France. Notably, in 1066 it was transplanted north of the English Channel, by Norman invaders, who themselves had been speaking it only for a couple of generations. (See Chapter 12, ‘Endurance test: Seeing off Norman French’, p. 458.) As it turned out, the advance of the language was not permanent. It flourished for over two centuries as a language for the elite in England, but gradually lost touch with the Ile-de-France. As Chaucer wrote of his Prioress towards the end of the fourteenth century:

和弗伦什她

在斯特拉特福德大学鲍伊的

成绩单上说得很开心，因为帕里斯的弗伦什是在不知情的情况下雇用的。²⁹

And Frenssh she spak ful faire and fetisly

After the scole of Stratford atte Bowe

For Frenssh of Parys was to hire unknowe.²⁹

然后是黑死病：随之而来的是一场社会革命，说英语的平民能够进入英国城市中更有影响力的职位。法国人在英国绝迹。^*

Then came the Black Death: a social revolution followed, and English-speaking commoners were able to move into more influential positions in the English cities. French died out in England.^*

大约在同一时间，十字军东征也将法语传播到其本土之外，但方向相反。这些军事冒险得到了法国的大部分支持，他们确实成功地在巴勒斯坦建立了法兰克领地，并持续了 12 世纪。然而，语言社区并没有在第十三届穆斯林重新征服中幸存下来。然而，一个长期的影响是创造了一种特殊的联系，将“法兰克人”与东方普遍存在的欧洲人的想法联系起来——见于广泛的阿拉伯术语feringī和仍然有用的术语lingua franca , 表示一种更广泛交流的非官方语言，该语言首先在黎凡特使用。^†

About the same time, the Crusades also spread French outside its native soil, but in the opposite direction. These military escapades derived most of their support from France, and they did succeed in setting up Frankish domains in Palestine which lasted out the twelfth century. Nevertheless, the language communities did not long survive the Muslim reconquests in the thirteenth. One long-term effect, though, was to create a special association of ‘the Frank’ with the idea of a European at large in the East—seen in the widespread Arab term for a European, feringī, and the still useful term lingua franca, denoting an unofficial language of wider communication, which was first used in the Levant.^†

在法国政府开始认真努力将其权力和语言传播到国外之前，巴黎的法语标准已经传播到邻国。只要边界和语言都存在，比利时和瑞士的边界就一直包括说罗曼语的人，它们都没有试图建立一个相互竞争的国家标准。日内瓦有自己独特的罗曼语方言萨瓦语，但自 13 世纪以来一直使用法语进行公务；它是宗教改革战争期间法国新教徒的有效首都。再往南是萨沃伊、尼斯和摩纳哥。他们都有横跨阿尔卑斯山的历史联系，长期以来一直拒绝成为法国大都市的一部分。但他们在很大程度上接受了它的语言。

The Parisian standard for French spread to neighbouring countries before the French state started its serious efforts to spread its power and language abroad. Neither Belgium nor Switzerland, whose boundaries have always included Romance speakers as long as both the boundaries and the language have existed, ever attempted to set up a competing national standard. Geneva had its own distinct Romance dialect, Savoyard, but has used French for official business since the thirteenth century; it was the effective capital of the French Protestants during the wars of the Reformation. Farther south are Savoy, Nice and Monaco. They all had historic links across the Alps, and long resisted becoming part of metropolitan France. But they have largely accepted its language.

为什么法国人与欧洲的高雅文化如此联系在一起，尤其是向东传播？根本原因是法国人口和农业财富的增长；法国的富人买得起最好的，他们的品味很有影响力。^§法国是中世纪和近代早期欧洲人口最稠密的国家，因此倾向于为其他国家设定标准。法语成为欧洲商人的商业语言。同样的地理中心原则使巴黎成为法国的十字路口，使法国本身成为西欧基督教世界的十字路口。1164 年，索尔兹伯里的约翰写信给托马斯·贝克特：“我绕道巴黎。当我看到丰富的食物、人民的幸福、对神职人员的关怀、整个教会的威严和荣耀、哲学家的各种活动时，我以为我正在充满钦佩地看到雅各布的梯子，它的顶部触及天空，天使在其上上下穿梭。³⁰

Why did French gain such an association with high culture in Europe, especially spreading eastward? The fundamental reason was the growth of France’s population and agricultural wealth; the rich of France could afford the best, and their taste was influential.^§ France was the most densely populated country in medieval and early modern Europe, and so tended to set the standard for the rest. French became the business language of European merchants. And the same principle of geographical centrality that had made Paris the crossroads of France made France itself the crossroads of west European Christendom. In 1164 John of Salisbury wrote to Thomas à Becket: ‘I took a detour by Paris. When I saw the abundance of foods, the happiness of the people, the consideration accorded to the clergy, the majesty and glory of the whole Church, the diverse activities of the philosophers, I thought I was seeing, filled with admiration, Jacob’s ladder, its top touching the sky and angels passing up and down upon it.’³⁰

这种情况直到十九世纪才改变。法国仍然是欧洲最富有、人口最多的国家；在欧洲政治的权力基础扩展到西欧之外之前，它的地理优势根本无法受到挑战。15 世纪文艺复兴时期意大利城邦的崛起和 16 世纪的宗教改革，法国的文化优势受到了动摇，因为法国国王选择坚决地将法国与天主教会联系起来。法国本身一度不再是行动的中心，但宗教改革促使许多有影响力的说法语的人向东逃亡：法国新教徒胡格诺派在荷兰语和德语区定居，并发生了爆炸法语出版，尤其是在荷兰边境。宗教改革增加了法语作为一种文化语言的东方动力。

This situation did not change until the nineteenth century. France remained the richest and most populous country in Europe; its geographical advantages simply could not be challenged until the power base of European politics spread beyond western Europe. Certainly, the cultural predominance of French was shaken by the rise of the Italian city-states in the fifteenth-century Renaissance, and by the sixteenth-century Reformation, since the French king chose to associate France resolutely with the Catholic Church. France itself ceased to be the centre of the action for a time, yet the Reformation prompted many influential French speakers to flee eastward: Huguenots, the French Protestants, took up residence in the Dutch- and German-speaking lands, and there was an explosion of French-language publishing, especially just over the border in the Netherlands. The Reformation added to the French language’s eastward momentum as a language of culture.

在 17 世纪，法国在欧洲的权力和影响力达到了顶峰，在路易十三（1610-43 年）和著名的“太阳王”路易十四（ 1643-1715年）的长期统治期间。越来越自满的法国开始反思自己的文化属性。正如所有国家在享有卓越地位时所做的那样，法国人开始寻找一些可以解释他们成功的特殊美德。他们越来越多地看到自己语言本身的卓越表现。路易十三的首相红衣主教黎塞留于 1635 年创立了法兰西学院，其关注超越了实际：根据其章程，其主要职能是“为我们的语言制定一定的规则，使其纯洁、雄辩并能够处理艺术和科学”。

In the seventeenth century, French power and influence in Europe reached their height, during the long reigns of Louis XIII, 1610-43, and of Louis XIV, the famed Roi Soleil, ‘Sun King’, 1643-1715. Increasingly complacent, France began to reflect on its own cultural attributes. As all nations do when they enjoy pre-eminence, the French began to look for some particular virtues that could explain their success. Increasingly, they saw evidence of excellence in their language itself. Cardinal Richelieu, Louis XIII’s prime minister, founded the Académie Franαaise in 1635, with a concern that transcended the practical: by its statutes its principal function was ‘to give certain rules to our language and to render it pure, eloquent and capable of treating the arts and sciences’.

这是语言意识迈出的新一步，这是世界上第一个致力于语言护理的学院。^*法国人对准确性和简洁性的特别关注在当时得到了体现。事实上，1539 年的 Villers-Cotterěts 法令中禁止使用法语的条款紧接在一条要求法庭判决中明确表达的条款之前：它们必须“写得非常清楚，以至于不会，也不可能有任何模棱两可或不确定性，也不是要求解释的地方”。现在在 1637 年，已经著名的哲学家勒内·笛卡尔发表了他的《方法论》。这部作品的一个显着特点是它是用法语而不是拉丁语写成的，可能是本着学院章程的激进精神行事。笛卡尔不是自愿的革命者。事实上，他在《论语》中的格言之一是“遵循最温和的意见和最远离过度的意见，正如他所生活的最明智的人在实践中通常接受的那样”，并且“改变他的愿望而不是改变他的秩序。世界'。³¹但在这里，在欧洲知识分子辩论的核心，他提出知识必须完全建立在清晰和独特的观念之上。³²废除对神圣启示的需要，这种方法是新的和激进的，并被视为典型的法国人。^*它经常被认为标志着现代哲学和现代科学的开始，即使对于笛卡尔来说，一如既往地谨慎行事，它使信仰和道德的所有实际问题保持不变。

This was a new step in language consciousness, the world’s first academy dedicated to the care of a language.^* The particular concern of the French for accuracy and concision was crystallised at the time. In fact, the article of the Ordinances of Villers-Cotterěts in 1539 which enjoined the use of French had been immediately preceded by one that required clarity of expression in court judgments: they were to be ‘done and written so clearly that there would not be, nor could be, any ambiguity or uncertainty, nor place to ask for interpretation’. Now in 1637 the already famous philosopher René Descartes published his Discours de la méthode. One notable feature of this work was that it was written in French, rather than Latin, acting perhaps in the radical spirit of the academy’s statutes. Descartes was not willingly a revolutionary; indeed, one of his maxims in the Discours was to ‘follow the most moderate opinions and those most remote from excess as were commonly received in practice by the most sensible of those he lived with’, and ‘change his desires rather than the order of the world’.³¹ But here, at the heart of the European intellectual debate, he proposed that knowledge must be founded exclusively on clear and distinct ideas.³² Abolishing the need for divine revelation, this approach was new and radical, and came to be seen as quintessentially French.^* It is often held to mark the beginning of modern philosophy and modern science, even if for Descartes, playing it safe as ever, it left all practical matters of faith and morals unchanged.

而法国人对其语言优势的信念很快就被其他不幸的人所认同。笛卡尔的伟大继任者莱布尼茨（1646-1716）虽然是莱比锡的德国人，但他所有的主要作品都是用法语写成的。法国文化的智力优势已成为一个自我实现的预言。为了被精英广泛阅读，在这些日子里，人们只需要用法语写作。

And the French belief in their linguistic advantages soon came to be shared by others not so fortunate. Descartes’ great successor Leibniz (1646-1716), though a German from Leipzig, wrote all his major works in French. The intellectual superiority of French culture had become a self-fulfilling prophecy. To be read widely by the elite, one simply had in these days to write in French.

17世纪后期，法国文化，尤其是其经典剧作家高乃依、拉辛和莫里哀在欧洲风靡一时，凡尔赛宫为宫廷风格和礼仪树立了标杆。法语小说到处都是富有的年轻女士最喜欢的娱乐。尤其是在文化自信最少的欧洲地区，精英们非常重视法语的流利程度：瑞典、波兰，尤其是俄罗斯，从凯瑟琳大帝 (1762-96) 统治时期开始，法语成为被确立为上流社会的语言。伏尔泰，那个时代的伟大智慧，为阿斯特拉罕有讲法语的人，莫斯科有法语教师而欢欣鼓舞。³³托尔斯泰的《战争与和平》, 一部故事设定在下一代的小说，对话的大部分内容，包括开场白，^†都是用法语写的——大概是为了现实主义——不是用俄语而是用法语写的。

In the late seventeenth century, French culture, especially its classic dramatists Corneille, Racine and Molière, enjoyed a vogue throughout Europe, and Versailles set the standard everywhere for court style and etiquette. Novels in French were everywhere a favourite amusement for rich young ladies. It was especially in the areas of Europe with least cultural self-confidence that the elite set a high value on fluency in French: Sweden, Poland and above all Russia, where starting in the reign of Catherine the Great (1762-96) French became established as the language of polite society. Voltaire, the great wit of the age, rejoiced famously that there were French speakers in Astrakhan, and French language teachers in Moscow.³³ In Tolstoy’s War and Peace, a novel whose action is set in the following generation, substantial parts of the dialogue, including the opening lines,^† are written—presumably for realism—not in Russian but in French.

正是在这一时期，法语也取代了拉丁语成为外交语言，赋予了它另一个与优雅和影响力的联系。到 1642 年，黎塞留政府已经用法语与大多数北方邻国通信：但西班牙、意大利和瑞士一直抵制它，更喜欢他们自己的语言。在那个世纪下半叶，在与神圣罗马帝国（其国内语言是德语）的谈判中，法国人逐渐说服他们将交流语言从拉丁语转变为法语。下个世纪，从1712年的《拉施塔特条约》开始，双方转而使用法国。条约开始用法语编写，即使是与法国没有直接联系的大国也是如此。丹麦人用它来表达他们的哥本哈格商业特质1691 年，俄罗斯人和奥斯曼土耳其人在 1774 年在 Küαük Kainarca（现在保加利亚的 Kaynarja）达成和平。³⁴在 19 世纪早期拿破仑试图征服整个欧洲之后，法国本身的普遍受欢迎程度显然下降了，但直到 1919第一次世界大战后举行的和平会议，美国人和英国人坚持以自己的语言工作，从而确保了该条约以法文和英文的形式起草和出版。

It was in this period that French also replaced Latin as the language of diplomacy, giving it another link with elegance and influence. By 1642 Richelieu’s government had been corresponding in French with most of their northerly neighbours: but Spain, Italy and Switzerland had kept up resistance to it, preferring their own languages. In the second half of that century, in negotiations with the Holy Roman Empire (whose domestic language was German), the French gradually presuaded them to shift the language of communication from Latin to French. In the next century, from the Treaty of Rastatt in 1712, the two sides switched to French exclusively. Treaties came to be written in French, even by powers with no direct French connections. The Danes used it for their traité de commerce de Copenhague in 1691, and the Russians and Ottoman Turks in the terms of their 1774 peace made at Küαük Kainarca (now Kaynarja in Bulgaria).³⁴ The general popularity of France itself evidently took a dive after Napoleon’s attempts in the early nineteenth century to conquer the whole of Europe, but French ceased to play its general intermediary role only in the twentieth century, ironically at Versailles itself, when during the 1919 peace conference held after the First World War the Americans and the British insisted on working in their own language, and so ensured that the treaty was drafted and published in both French and English.

第一个帝国

The first empire

海外法国人le franšais d'outre-mer呢？这里的发展与法语在欧洲的稳定、稳固的传播大不相同，法语几乎是自发地成为精英们的声望语言。法国人在海外的投射很大程度上是皇室政策的结果。

What of le franšais d’ outre-mer, French overseas? Developments here were very different from the steady, and sturdy, spread of French round Europe through which it became, almost by spontaneous acclaim, the prestige language for elites. The projection of French overseas was very much a result of royal policy.

该政策在法国国王指挥的两次殖民扩张中出现，在 18 世纪下半叶被全面失败和通货紧缩打断。这些扩张的阵势都非常雄心勃勃——在 1714 年和 1914 年，法国再次拥有世界上陆地面积第二大的殖民帝国^*——但是，除了加勒比地区的糖业巨头之外，他们每个人都只生产了一个可以吸引大量法国移民的领土：十七和十八世纪的加拿大和十九世纪的阿尔及利亚。在这两种情况下，法国或其定居者都无法长期保持政治控制。因此，法国帝国主义在语言效果上比任何其他欧洲竞争对手更像荷兰语。也就是说，即使在外国（特别是英国）的统治下，法语也只有在其定居者保持稳固的身份和大量人口的情况下才存在：法语在加拿大得以生存和发展，就像荷兰人（一种）一样南非依然强劲。阿尔及利亚的局势被政治笼罩。^*但在其他殖民地，法语作为精英的通用语言幸存下来，如果有的话。

The policy came in two fits of colonial expansion directed by the French king, punctuated by comprehensive defeat and deflation in the second half of the eighteenth century. These fits of expansion were both extremely ambitious—in 1714, and again in 1914, France held the second-largest colonial empire by land area in the world^*—but, aside from the sugar barons’ domain in the Caribbean, each of them produced only one territory that was to attract substantial French immigration: Canada in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and Algeria in the nineteenth. In neither case was France, or its settlers, long able to retain political control; and so French imperialism has been more like Dutch in its linguistic effects than any of its other European competitors. That is to say, the French language has persisted only where its settlers have retained a solid identity and a large population, even under foreign (specifically British) domination: French has survived and grown in Canada, just as Dutch (of a kind) has remained strong in South Africa. The situation in Algeria is clouded by politics.^* But in the other colonies the French language has survived, if at all, as a lingua franca for the elite.

尽管它在 15 世纪已经是一个大国，但法国并不是最早的探险航行的参与者。尽管如此，在接下来的几代人中，仍有很多北美地区需要被认领。1534-6 年，法国国王派雅克·卡地亚 (Jacques Cartier) 去发现一条通往东方的西北通道，发现了圣劳伦斯河，并探索到了魁北克和蒙特利尔（然后是斯塔达科纳和霍切拉加）。^†后来，毛皮贸易商和传教士扩大了新大陆可以为法国声称的部分：1603-15 年，塞缪尔·德·尚普兰（Samuel de Champlain）进入五大湖；1673 年，Père Marquette 和 Louis Jolliet 向南突入密西西比河；并在 1678-82 年间，罗伯特·卡维利尔·德拉萨将其整个航线绘制到墨西哥湾。法国由此包抄并包围了沿大西洋沿岸散布的英国殖民地。

Although it was already a major power in the fifteenth century, France was not a player in the earliest voyages of exploration. Still, there was plenty of North America left to be claimed in the next few generations. Jacques Cartier, sent by the French king to discover a north-west passage to the East, discovered instead the St Lawrence river and explored it as far as Quebec and Montreal (then Stadacona and Hochelaga) in 1534-6.^† Later, fur traders and missionaries enlarged the part of the new continent that could be claimed for France: in 1603-15 Samuel de Champlain entered the Great Lakes; in 1673 Père Marquette and Louis Jolliet broke out southward into the Mississippi; and in 1678-82 Robert Cavelier de la Salle charted its whole course down to the Gulf of Mexico. France had thereby outflanked and surrounded the English colonies, which were being strung out along the Atlantic coast.

然而，这是一个不稳定的情况，因为英国殖民者的人数远远超过法国人，在 17 世纪中叶可能是 40 比. ³⁵可以说，在宗教改革和之后驱逐法国新教徒是这两个大国之间不平衡的根源。正如我们所看到的，他们的离开使法语作为一种文化和高尚思想的语言传播到中欧和东欧。但出于同样的原因，法国已经失去了大量愿意移民的人口，他们是构成英国十三个殖民地支柱的清教徒、冒险家和乌托邦主义者。新法国吹嘘那些来来去去的人的出生率飞速发展，但从未像新英格兰那样吸引移民。

It was an unstable situation, however, since the English colonists heavily outnumbered the French, perhaps by forty to one in the mid-seventeenth century: they would still be twenty times more numerous a century later, when the French settler population had multiplied by ten.³⁵ Arguably, the expulsion of French Protestants in the Reformation and afterward was at the root of this imbalance between the two powers. As we have seen, their departure had seeded the spread of French, as the language of culture and high thinking, into central and eastern Europe. But by the same token, France had lost the mass of its population of willing emigrants, the kind of puritans, adventurers and Utopians who formed the backbone of Britain’s Thirteen Colonies. Nouvelle-France boasted a meteoric birth rate among those who came and stayed, but never became a magnet to immigrants equal to New England.

在同一时期，主要由黎塞留在国内负责，法国的定居点也在马提尼克岛（1625 年）和瓜德罗普岛（1635 年）以及圭亚那大陆的卡宴（1637 年）上种植；在大西洋的另一边，法国人在西非海岸（1639 年）和东部的马达加斯加（1643 年）声称拥有塞内加尔。最远的是，一位法国耶稣会传教士亚历山大·德·罗德斯于 1624 年到达印度支那东南部，当时被称为交趾支那。^*

In the same period, largely with Richelieu in charge at home, French settlements were also being planted on the Caribbean islands of Martinique (1625) and Guadeloupe (1635), and at Cayenne on the mainland in Guyana (1637); on the other side of the Atlantic, the French claimed Senegal on the west African coast (1639) and Madagascar in the east (1643). Farthest of all, a French Jesuit missionary, Alexandre de Rhodes, made it in 1624 to southeastern Indo-China, then known as Cochin-China.^*

然而，在法国宣称拥有的广阔领土中，只有圣劳伦斯河地区，被称为新法兰西（新法兰西）和新斯科舍省（当时被称为l'Acadie ），才得到讲法语的殖民者的大量定居。最初是la Cadie，源自一些印度名字）。^*这里最初的法国政策是希望“我们的儿子嫁给你的女儿，我们将成为一个民族”。不幸的是，这并没有以适合法国人的方式发生，因为早期的趋势是到达的男性定居者成为本地人，并在他们的野蛮环境中抚养他们的孩子母亲的语言。1666 年，经过三代法国殖民统治，路易十四的殖民地事务大臣让-巴蒂斯特·科尔伯特（Jean-Baptiste Colbert）抱怨说，想要进行贸易（主要是为了毛皮）的法国人仍然必须使用当地人的语言进行交流。³⁶

However, the only parts of the extensive territories claimed for France which received significant settlement by French-speaking colonists were the St Lawrence river area, known as la Nouvelle-France (New France), and Nova Scotia, then known as l’Acadie (originally la Cadie, derived from some Indian name).^* Here the original French policy had been to hope that ‘our sons will marry your daughters and we will become one people’. Unfortunately, this did not happen in a way that suited the French, since the early tendency was for arriving male settlers to go native, and bring up their children in their sauvage mothers’ languages. In 1666, after three generations of French colonial presence, Louis XIV’s minister for the colonies, Jean-Baptiste Colbert, complained that Frenchmen who wanted to trade—mostly for furs—still had to communicate in the natives’ language.³⁶

解决这个问题的部分方法是派出受过良好教育的法国女孩，filles à marier，嫁给定居者并建立讲法语的家庭。其中有著名的“国王的女儿们”，大多是资产阶级家庭的孤儿，他们的旅费和生活费——有时还有嫁妆——由财政部承担。大约 900 人在 1665 年至 1673 年间被派出，以增加人口（根据 1665 年的人口普查为 3215 人），并提高性别比例（男女比例为 2:1）。虽然总督殖民地的让·塔隆（Jean Talon）告诉科尔伯特，他更喜欢准备像男人一样工作的乡村女孩，而不是这些精致的年轻女士，她们似乎是一笔不错的投资。新法兰西的人口在 1713 年达到 20,000 人，在 1755 年达到 55,000 人。平均每名妇女生育 7.8 个孩子。虽然只有大约 40% 的移民说un bon français，超过一半的女性这样做了，移民家庭的不同方言似乎在 17 世纪已经趋于平缓，有利于在母亲膝下学习的标准法语。1698 年，海军总司令评论说：“这里的人们说得很好，没有任何不好的口音。尽管法国几乎所有省份都有混合语言，但在加拿大各省都无法区分他们的方言。³⁷

Part of the solution to this was to send out well-brought-up French girls, filles à marier, to marry the settlers and create French-speaking homes. Among them were the famous filles du Roy, ‘king’s daughters’, mostly orphans from bourgeois families, whose travel and subsistence costs—and in some cases dowries—were borne by the Treasury. Some nine hundred of them were sent out between 1665 and 1673, to boost the population (3215 according to the census of 1665), and improve the sex ratio (2:1 male to female). Although the intendant of the colony, Jean Talon, told Colbert that he would have preferred village girls, ready to work like men, rather than these delicate young ladies, they seem to have been a good investment. The population of Nouvelle-France reached 20,000 in 1713 and 55,000 in 1755. The fertility rate averaged a whopping 7.8 children per woman. Although only some 40 per cent of the immigrants spoke un bon français, over half of the women did, and the variant dialects of the immigrant families seem to have been levelled out in the seventeenth century, in favour of standard French learnt at Mother’s knee. In 1698 the Controller-General of the navy remarked: ‘People speak here perfectly well without any bad accent. Although there is a mixture from almost all the provinces in France, none of their dialects can be distinguished in the Canadian provinces.’³⁷

1759 年将魁北克城拱手让给英国的法国将军蒙卡尔姆侯爵此前曾承认：“加拿大农民的法语说得很好。” ³⁸

And the marquess of Montcalm, the French general who was to lose the city of Quebec to the British in 1759, had previously admitted: ‘The Canadian peasants speak French very well.’³⁸

1763年的巴黎条约标志着法国在北美的帝国的终结。美国法国屈服于英国殖民地的^压倒性人数，即使政变来自英国海军在大西洋的统治. 尽管加拿大很快成为来自十三个殖民地的大量说英语的忠诚者的目的地，他们不愿生活在一个独立的美利坚合众国，^†在仍然是欧洲人口很少的领土的定居地区，法国人仍然占主导地位，大约是七倍。据估计，1791 年加拿大有 140,000 名讲法语和 20,000 名讲英语的人。^§自那以后，法国人对他们社区的存在进行了令人敬畏的辩护，围绕着天主教会、法国民法和继续使用他们的语言而两极分化。

The Treaty of Paris in 1763 spelt the end of France’s empire in North America. American France yielded to the overpowering numbers in the British colonies, even if the coup de gršce had come from the dominance of the British navy in the Atlantic^* The French defeat did not, however, put paid to French-speaking in the north-east. Even though Canada soon became the destination for large numbers of English-speaking loyalists from the Thirteen Colonies, unwilling to live in an independent United States of America,^† the French were still vastly preponderant, approximately by a factor of seven, in the settled areas of what was still a territory with a small European population. It is estimated that in 1791 there were 140,000 francophones and 20,000 anglophones in Canada.^§ The French have since put up a redoubtable defence of their community’s existence, polarised around the Catholic Church, French civil law and the continued use of their language.

然而，越来越多的说英语或采用英语的移民加入了他们的行列，当然到了下个世纪中叶，当欧洲人口约为 150 万时，讲法语的人已不再占多数。人口流动还没有达到顶峰。1821 年至 1910 年间，又有 230 万人被录取。³⁹ 1998 年，该国人口达到 3050 万，其中 670 万或 22% 的人以法语为母语，而 60% 的人从小会说英语。

They were, however, increasingly joined by immigrants who either spoke or adopted English, and certainly by the midpoint of the next century, when the European population was about 1.5 million, French speakers had ceased to be the majority. And the population movements had not yet peaked. Another 2.3 million were admitted between 1821 and 1910.³⁹ In 1998 the country’s population had reached 30.5 million, of whom 6.7 million or 22 per cent spoke French natively, as against 60 per cent brought up to speak English.

尽管结局令人失望，但加拿大是法语移植到海外的主要成功故事。但这肯定不是唯一的故事。法国在制糖业也占有重要地位，在整个 17 世纪，法语人口最多的殖民地实际上是法属安的列斯群岛、瓜德罗普岛和马提尼克岛：到 1700 年，它们拥有 25,000 名法国奴隶和 70,000 名黑人奴隶。⁴⁰他们的后代还在那里，现在人口刚刚超过一百万，都说法语或法语克里奥尔语。海地也是，在 1697 年通过海盗的行动成为法国人（阻挠)，虽然法国所有者的任期因 1804 年的奴隶革命而以暴力方式结束，但在同一行业中变得繁荣起来。今天也有大约 750 万人说法语和法国克里奥尔语。法国王室的其他殖民地要么是人口稠密地区（印度海岸的钱德纳戈尔、亚纳姆、本地治里、卡拉卡尔和马埃）的贸易站，要么是通往印度（塞内加尔、留尼汪岛和毛里求斯岛）的海军航线上的中转站，和（简要地）马达加斯加）或从未成功的大规模征服的臀部（法属圭亚那）。^*他们中没有一个曾经吸引过来自欧洲的主要定居点，尽管直到今天几乎所有人都拥有小型法语社区，尤其是在本地治里仍有 40,000 人；留尼汪岛有 160,500 人会说法语，其中有 50 万（占岛上人口的 90%）说法语克里奥尔语。⁴¹

Despite this disappointing finale, Canada is the main success story of French as transplanted overseas. But it is certainly not the only story. France had also had a major piece of the action in the sugar business, and throughout the seventeenth century the most populous francophone colony had in fact been the French Antilles, Guadeloupe and Martinique: by 1700 they were home to 25,000 French and 70,000 black slaves.⁴⁰ Their descendants are still there, with a population now of just over a million, all speaking French, or French creoles. Haiti too, becoming French in 1697 through the action of pirates (filibusters), became prosperous in the same business, although the French owners’ term was ended violently by slave revolution in 1804. There too French and French creoles are spoken to this day, by some 7.5 million. The other colonies of the French Crown were either trading posts in highly populated regions (Chandernagore, Yanam, Pondicherry, Kāraikāl and Mahe along the coast of India), way-stations on naval routes to India (Senegal, the islands of Réunion and Mauritius, and (briefly) Madagascar) or the rumps of larger-scale conquests that never worked out (French Guiana).^* None of them ever attracted major settlement from Europe, though almost all of them host small francophone communities to this day, notably 40,000 still in Pondicherry; and 160,500 can speak French in Réunion, amid half a million (90 per cent of the island’s population) who speak a French creole.⁴¹

法国大革命迎来了帝国战争的新阶段，但除了拿破仑在 1798-9 年有点浪漫地入侵埃及之外，它们都在欧洲大陆内进行。在不到一代人的时间里，他们都一文不值。具有讽刺意味的是，法国在近代早期、大革命和拿破仑统治时期声名鹊起，对法语的传播几乎没有任何贡献，即使他们派遣讲法语的士兵到欧洲各地。

The French Revolution ushered in a new phase of imperial wars, but with the exception of Napoleon’s somewhat romantic foray to Egypt in 1798-9, they were all waged within the continent of Europe; and they all amounted, in less than a generation, to nothing at all. Ironically, the great claims to fame of France in the early modern period, the Revolution and the reign of Napoleon, contributed little if anything to the spread of the French language, even if they sent French-speaking soldiers all over Europe.

但随后，随着 1815 年君主制的复辟，法国人开始了新一轮的海外帝国主义。^†

But then, with the restoration of the monarchy in 1815, the French entered on a new bout of overseas imperialism.^†

第二帝国

The second empire

他们的动机好坏参半。在一个重要的案例中，法国的行为就像古罗马一样，1830 年，试图从地中海清除海盗的企图最终以对阿尔及利亚的全面入侵而告终，从而分离了曾经是奥斯曼帝国的一个省。仍然与罗马模式一致，随之而来的是大量移民（罗马人的colōnī ，法国人的冒号）：1847 年已经有 110,000 人，他们的人数上升到近下个世纪百万。⁴²但这是一个例外情况，尽管它在法国人对新帝国的构想中最为突出。在许多其他情况下，法国的行动是由传教士的同情心或热情领导的，就像在印度洋声称的保护国一样（科摩罗，1840 年）和太平洋地区（在les īCles de la Société，1843 年，大溪地，1846 年，新喀里多尼亚，1853 年）。在某种程度上，类似的动机似乎导致法国从其古老的塞内加尔基地在 1817 年的 50 年内扩大控制，训练本土步兵（tirailleurs）和牧师，然后采取行动对抗疟疾，并建造学校和道路. 正是对基督教传教士的迫害为法国在 1859 年入侵交趾支那提供了正当理由：到 1887 年，一个法属印度支那人控制了整个现在的越南、柬埔寨和老挝。

Their motives were mixed. In one important case, France acted like ancient Rome, when in 1830 an attempt to rid the Mediterranean of pirates ended up with the full-scale invasion of Algeria, detaching what had been a province of the Ottoman empire. Still in accord with the Roman model, this was followed by an influx of settlers (colōnī for the Romans, colons for the French), in fairly large numbers: there were already 110,000 of them in 1847, and their numbers rose to just under a million in the next century.⁴² But this was an exceptional case, even though it loomed largest in French conceptions of their new empire. In many other cases, French action was led by missionary compassion or zeal, as with the protectorates claimed in the Indian Ocean (Comores, 1840) and in the Pacific (in les īCles de la Société, 1843, Tahiti, 1846, Nouvelle-Calédonie, 1853). Similar motives, at some level, seem to have led to the expansion of French control from its ancient base in Senegal in the fifty years from 1817, training native infantry (tirailleurs) and priests and then taking action against malaria, and building schools and roads. It was persecution of Christian missions that gave France its justification for invading Cochin-China in 1859: by 1887 a French Union indochinoise controlled the whole of what is now Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos.

但这些殖民收购发生之际，欧洲人开始对自己在技术上优于世界其他任何地方的人印象深刻。法国再次开始寻找其成功的解释：典型地，它开始将自己视为一种可以使世界变得更好的力量，不仅传播天主教基督教和对法律的尊重，而且传播共济会，圣-西蒙尼式的产业政策，简而言之就是法国文明。很容易将这一点与在做好事的同时做好事的雄心结合起来，因此当法国和比利时也加入“当然是殖民地”（英国称为“争夺非洲”）时，几乎没有任何保留意见。

But these colonial acquisitions came at a time when Europeans were beginning to be highly impressed by their own technical superiority over people anywhere else in the world. Once again France began to look for explanations of its success: characteristically, it came to see itself as a power that could make a difference to the world for the better, spreading not just Catholic Christianity and respect for law, but also freemasonry, Saint-Simonian industrial policy, and in short la civilisation franαaise. It was easy to combine this with an ambition to do well while doing good, and so there were few reservations felt when France, and Belgium too, joined in ’la course aux colonies’, what Britain knew as ‘the scramble for Africa’.

法国和英国在获得的领土规模上是最大的赢家：这两个帝国在 19 世纪的最后几十年都大幅增长。法国人从他们在阿尔及利亚和塞内加尔的现有领土扩张，但他们也在科特迪瓦（1842 年）和加蓬（1843 年）建立了新的桥头堡。首先，从 1876 年到 1885 年，Afrique-Équatoriale Franαaise（法属赤道非洲）从加蓬海岸划出，包括后来的加蓬、刚果、中非共和国和乍得；然后从1883年到1894年，西非（法属西非）从西部和西南部被占领，包括现代的塞内加尔、毛里塔尼亚、马里、几内亚、科特迪瓦、布基纳法索、尼日尔和贝宁。

The French and the British were the big winners in the sheer scale of territory acquired: both empires grew massively in the last decades of the nineteenth century. The French expanded from their existing possessions in Algeria and Senegal, but they also established new bridgeheads in Côte d’Ivoire (1842) and Gabon (1843). First, from 1876 to 1885, Afrique-Équatoriale Franαaise (French Equatorial Africa) was carved out from the Gabon shore, including what were to become Gabon, Congo, the Central African Republic and Chad; then from 1883 to 1894 Afrique-Occidentale Française (French West Africa) was taken from the west and south-west, comprising the modern Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Guinea, Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, Niger and Benin.

法国人并不是比赛中唯一的法语国家。1877-9 年，比利时国王利奥波德（Léopold）收养了英国探险家亨利·斯坦利爵士（Sir Henry Stanley）作为他的私人代理人，厚颜无耻地声称拥有现在被称为刚果的地区，这一主张在 1885 年被其他欧洲大国接受。然后，在 1896 年，法国继续废黜马达加斯加王后，以立即废除她旧领地的奴隶制来证明他们的行动是正当的。最重要的是，法国还在地中海沿岸的阿尔及利亚邻国、1881 年的突尼斯和 1912 年的摩洛哥声称拥有保护国。

And the French were not the only francophones in the race. In 1877-9, Belgium’s King Léopold, adopting as his personal agent the British explorer Sir Henry Stanley, had brazenly claimed the area now known as the Congo, a claim accepted by the other European powers in 1885. Then, in 1896, the French went on to depose the queen of Madagascar, justifying their action by the immediate abolition of slavery in her old domains. And on top of it all, France was also claiming protectorates among Algeria’s neighbours along the Mediterranean coast, Tunisia in 1881, and Morocco in 1912.

到 1913 年，从北大西洋的阿特拉斯山脉到东非大裂谷的五大湖，非洲三分之一的土地都使用法语。与亚历山大的冒险或七世纪伟大的穆斯林圣战相比，这是一种扩展：五十年前，在阿尔及利亚和塞内加尔以外的非洲还没有听到这种语言。

By 1913, French was the language of the rulers of a good third of Africa’s land area, from the Atlas mountains on the north Atlantic to the Great Lakes of the Rift Valley. It was an expansion to compare with the adventures of Alexander, or the great Muslim jihad of the seventh century: fifty years earlier, the language had not been heard in Africa outside Algeria and Senegal.

在许多方面，法国人努力使自己配得上他们突然出现的新领域，带来了公路、铁路和电报，对疟疾和其他热带疾病的科学攻击，以及基督教信仰、法语，以及——对少数人来说特权灵魂——对笛卡尔理性主义的欣赏。他们似乎确实成功地向他们的臣民传达了一种感觉，即获得权力和独立的唯一可行途径是掌握自己的技能：这种说服是他们的理想之一，他们称之为rayonnement，“喜气洋洋”。与其他欧洲帝国相比，他们更加纠结于他们对这些主题的真正兴趣是什么：剥削、同化、传福音、教育或简单的政治结盟。是荣耀吗法国是在寻求，还是在寻求文明使命？法国人如此认真地对待自己的文化，无法将这些领域视为法国的一部分：法国文明是不可分割的。法语在所有地方都被用于行政管理，并被用作中学和高等教育的教学语言，即使在印度支那和北非等有着用其他语言识字的古老传统的地方也是如此。^*在大多数地方，殖民者都渴望获得完整的法国公民身份。

In many ways, the French exerted themselves to be worthy of their sudden new domains, bringing roads, railways and the telegraph, scientific assaults on malaria and other tropical diseases, as well as the Christian faith, the French language, and—to a few privileged souls—an appreciation of Cartesian rationalism. They do seem to have succeeded in transmitting to their subjects a sense that the only practicable route to power and independence lay through mastery of their own skills: this kind of persuasion was one of their ideals, what they called rayonnement, ‘beaming’. Far more than other European empires, they struggled with the question of what their true interest in these subjects was: exploitation, assimilation, evangelisation, education or simple political association. Was it la gloire that France was seeking, or sa mission civilisatrice? Taking their own culture so seriously, the French could not see these domains as anything other than parts of France: la civilisation française was indivisible. Everywhere French was used for administration, and instituted as the language of instruction in secondary and higher education, even where—as in Indo-China and North Africa—there was an ancient tradition of literacy in some other language.^* Colonials could in most places aspire to full French citizenship.

但是，除了在阿尔及利亚——当地的穆斯林人口还远远没有准备好将他们的基督教征服者视为榜样——法国人总是太薄弱，无法真正传播他们自己的社会。几乎没有充分的经济理由将它们带到这些国家，或将它们留在那里，而且很快就显示出来了。与其他欧洲帝国发生的情况相比，典型的法国人在国外仍然是军人、医生、传教士或教师。杰出的法国士兵拿破仑曾以轻视英国为“小商人的国家”而闻名——一个小店主的国家——但正是在法国殖民地缺乏这样的人，这表明他们是多么不稳定。与葡萄牙人、西班牙人、英国人甚至荷兰人的属地不同，法兰西帝国的任何地方都没有吸引大量移民。而 19 世纪和 20 世纪的法国政府不能也不愿意像 17 世纪那样为任何移民提供资金。因此，除了阿尔及利亚，法语仍然是统治精英的语言，即使——至少在黑非洲——其他人可能会衷心地渴望它的价值观。

But, except in Algeria—where the native, Muslim, population were far less ready to see their Christian conquerors as role models—the French were always too thin on the ground truly to propagate their own society. There were few solid economic reasons to bring them out to these countries, or to keep them there, and rather soon it showed. In contrast to what happened in the other European empires, the typical Frenchman abroad remained a military man, a doctor, a missionary or a teacher. Napoleon, the pre-eminent French soldier, had famously slighted England as ’une nation de petits commerαants’—a nation of shopkeepers—but it was precisely the lack of such people in the French colonies which demonstrated how unstable they were. Unlike Portuguese, Spanish, British or even Dutch possessions, there was no part of the French empire which attracted mass immigration. And the French government in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was not able or willing, as it had been in the seventeenth, to finance any emigration. Consequently, French remained, everywhere but Algeria, a language of the governing elite, even while—at least in black Africa—the rest of the population might be heartily aspiring to its values.

第一次世界大战结束后，当德国和奥斯曼帝国的领地被瓜分后，法语管理下的殖民地数量有所增加。喀麦隆和多哥来到法国，卢旺达和布隆迪来到比利时。叙利亚和黎巴嫩也被置于法国的托管之下。但几乎所有人都在第二次世界大战结束后的十五年内获得独立。作为战后解决方案的一部分，近东阿拉伯国家被建立为独立的共和国。印度支那和北非，以及马达加斯加和科摩罗，不得不靠武力赢得自由；在撒哈拉以南非洲，总的来说，他们在 1960 年的恳求下获得了它。太平洋、加勒比和南美洲的小国实际上仍然是帝国的一部分：

The number of colonies under French-speaking administration grew after the end of the First World War, when the German and Ottoman possessions were parcelled out. Cameroon and Togo came to France, and Rwanda and Burundi to Belgium. Syria and Lebanon were also placed under a French mandate. But almost all were granted independence in the fifteen years after the end of the Second World War. The Near Eastern Arab countries were established as independent republics as part of the immediate post-war settlement. Indo-China and North Africa, as well as Madagascar and the Comoros, had to win their freedom by force of arms; in sub-Saharan Africa, by and large they were granted it at their earnest entreaty in 1960. The tiny nations of the Pacific, the Caribbean and South America are still, in effect, part of the empire: but they are now part of the French Union: according to the constitution adopted by the referendum of 27 October 1946,

la France forme forme avec les peuples d'outre-mer une Union fundée sur l' égalité des droits et des devoirs, sans contrast de race ni de 宗教。

la France forme avec les peuples d’ outre-mer une Union fondée sur l’ égalité des droits et des devoirs, sans distinction de race ni de religion.

法国与海外人民组成了一个以权利和义务平等为基础的联盟，不分种族或宗教。

France forms with the overseas peoples a Union founded on equality of rights and duties, without distinction of race nor religion.

其所有成员作为移民（即当他们来到法国时）都是法国公民。值得注意的是，语言不包括在欧盟没有区别的一个方面：那是因为在欧盟，每个人的语言都应该是法语。

And all its members as ressortissants (i.e. when they come to France) are French citizens. It is noticeable that language is not included as an aspect in which the Union is free from distinction: that is because in the Union, everyone’s language is expected to be French.

与对清晰和理性的明确尊重相一致，法语社区寻求对自己进行排序，并对自己有一个整体的概念，显然远远超过其他任何人。所以它的特点是它给自己一个国际政治、技术和文化组织，被称为法语国家组织。令法国政府感到满意的是，这项倡议并非来自法国，而是来自一些杰出的第二语言使用者。尽管如此，可能还是有某种政治动机：创始人是突尼斯总统哈比卜·布尔吉巴、柬埔寨的诺罗敦·西哈努克亲王、塞内加尔总统利奥波德·桑戈尔、黎巴嫩的查尔斯·埃卢和尼日尔的哈马尼·迪奥里。尽管如此，法国确实提供了该组织高达三分之二的预算。它于 1970 年 3 月 20 日在中非尼日尔的尼亚美成立，并定期举行首脑会议，内阁部长出席，这是 2002 年在贝鲁特举行的第九次会议。成员不限于法国的前殖民地；事实上，埃及最近向秘书长布特罗斯·布特罗斯·加利提供了：

In conformity with its explicit respect for clarity and reason, the French-language community seeks to order itself, and have an overall conception of itself, apparently far more than any other. So it is characteritic that it has given itself an international political, technical and cultural organisation, known as la francophonie. It is a matter of some satisfaction to the French government that the initiative for this came not from France but from a number of distinguished second-language speakers. Still, there may perhaps have been a certain political motivation: the founders were President Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia, Prince Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia, President Léopold Senghor of Senegal, Charles Hélou of Lebanon, and Hamani Diori of Niger. Nevertheless, France does provide up to two-thirds of the organisation’s budget. It was founded on 20 March 1970 at Niamey in Niger, central Africa, and has held summit meetings regularly, with cabinet ministers in attendance, the ninth at Beirut in 2002. Membership is not restricted to former colonies of France; indeed, Egypt recently provided the secretary-general, Boutros Boutros Ghali: characteristically it chooses to emphasise some conceptual or moral, rather than historic, relatedness.

令人惊讶的是，它目前的重点是保护和促进文化多样性，这无疑是一种新奇事物，因为它是法语国家的当务之急，而且并非没有一丝l' esprit malin，高卢人的恶作剧，针对的是长期的竞争对手，盎格鲁撒克逊人。但这完全符合对人权进行深刻的、有时是无私的考虑的传统。然而，政治利益将被淘汰，近年来，法国政府甚至难以保护和促进其自身领域内的语言多样性。例如，教育部长 2002 年的行动旨在将布列塔尼语学校纳入国家系统，从而在全国范围内资助它们，这违反了 1992 年法国宪法中的一项条款——即法兰西共和国是法国人。^*

Its current emphasis, rather surprisingly, is on protecting and enabling cultural diversity, certainly a novelty as a francophone preoccupation, and not without a whiff of l’ esprit malin, Gallic mischief, directed at the perennial rivals, les anglo-saxons. But it is well within the tradition of incisive, and sometimes disinterested, consideration of the rights of man. Political interests will out, however, and it has been difficult for the French state, in recent years, even to protect and foster such linguistic diversity as remains within its own domains. The action of the minister of education in 2002, for example, aimed at incorporating Breton-language schools into the state system, and so funding them nationally, fell foul of an article inserted into the French constitution as late as 1992—that the language of the French Republic is French.^*

第三罗马，以及所有的俄罗斯

The Third Rome, and all the Russias

^†

但要离开欧洲的窗口很难，这是事实。但是，话虽如此，亚洲——这真的可能是我们未来的出走——我再次惊呼！如果我们能够完成对这个想法的掌握，即使是部分，哦，那将是多么有活力啊！亚洲，我们的亚洲俄罗斯——这也是我们的病根，我们不仅要更新它，而且要彻底复活和重建它！一个原则，一个新的原则，一个对事情的新看法，这就是必要的！

But to turn away from the window on Europe is hard, that is a fact. But, that being said, Asia—this could really be our exodus in our future—again I exclaim it! And if we could accomplish the mastery of that idea, even in part, oh, what a root would then be revitalized! Asia, our Asiatic Russia,—this too is our sick root, which we need not just to refresh, but utterly to resurrect and reconstruct! A principle, a new principle, a new view on the affair, here is what is necessary!

Fyodor M. Dostoyevsky，Gök-Tepe：亚洲对我们来说是什么？，1881 ⁴³

Fyodor M. Dostoyevsky, Gök-Tepe: What Is Asia to Us?, 1881⁴³

俄语是帝国传播的最后一种伟大的欧洲语言，在许多方面都与其他语言不同。

Russian, the last of the great European languages spread by an empire, is in many ways unlike the others.

它的领土不是通过海上远征扩展的，而是通过陆路军事行动来扩展的。因此，它从其在北欧平原的故乡向南和向东占据了广阔的连续地带。它的范围在很大程度上不是由商人或传教士扩大的，而是由半游牧的哥萨克人、探险家和军人扩大的：不是出于事业，也不是出于为基督赢得灵魂的责任，而是出于掠夺和支持其国家的全球利益。俄罗斯开始有意识地存在，对其南部说突厥语的鞑靼人没有自然防御，而它对西部波兰说斯拉夫语的表亲也没有自然防御。它位于它所认同的文化区域的外围，即基督教欧洲。但它占据了一个很容易让马入侵者进入的平原，并且还有一个通航河流网络穿过。冰在一年的大部分时间里都拒绝它进入公海。它唯一的天然防御在于其严寒的冬季，其土地在春季和秋季的绝对粘性，以及它的敌人需要穿越很远才能穿透它。条件有利于一个单一大国的发展和巩固，纵深防御：我们称之为俄罗斯的大国。

Its domain was extended not by seaborne expeditions but overwhelmingly by military campaigns overland; hence it has come to occupy areas in a vast contiguous swath to the south and east from its homeland in the north European plain. Its bounds were expanded for the most part not by traders or missionaries, but by semi-nomadic Cossacks, explorers and military men: not out of enterprise, or a duty to win souls for Christ, but for reasons of rapine, and to buttress the global interests of its state. Russia began its conscious existence with no natural defences against the Turkic-speaking Tatars to its south, and it remained without natural defences against its Slavic-speaking cousins in Poland to the west. It was on the periphery of the cultural area with which it identified, Christian Europe; but it occupied a plain that was easily accessible to horse invaders, and also crossed by a network of navigable rivers. Ice denied it access to the open sea for most of the year. Its only natural defences lay in the severity of its winters, the sheer stickiness of its land in spring and autumn, and the vast distances that its enemies would need to cross in order to penetrate it. Conditions favoured the growth and consolidation of a single large power, with defence in depth: that power we call Russia.

然而，与欧洲其他成功的帝国建设者有一些相似之处。向东扩张到西伯利亚有商业动机，就像法国人以及后来的英国人在加拿大北部荒野所做的那样，户外运动者为了获取它们的毛皮而诱捕动物。在上个千年的大部分时间里，俄罗斯东正教教堂是俄罗斯身份的有力象征，^*伴随着俄罗斯军队穿越东南欧、北亚和中亚向太平洋进发。由于它的语言明显是俄罗斯自己的过时形式，因此这首先类似于英国国教的帝国惯例。就像 19 世纪的英国和法国一样，俄罗斯政府有意识地规划了其全球扩张的后期阶段。中亚，特别是咸海以南突厥斯坦的“丝绸之路”地区，在 1871-81 年间被入侵，以保护南部边境，并作为棉花的主要来源。最重要的是，俄语在这些大大扩展的边界内的长期传播是由讲俄语的移民从东北部流入新的俄罗斯领土的：^†

Nevertheless, there were points of similarity with the other successful empire-builders of Europe. There had been a commercial motive for the expansion eastward into Siberia, the drive of outdoorsmen to trap animals for their fur, just as the French, and later the British, were to do in the northern wilderness of Canada. The Russian Orthodox Church was for most of the last millennium a potent symbol of Russian identity,^* which accompanied the advance of Russia’s forces across south-eastern Europe and north and central Asia to the Pacific Ocean. Since its language was pointedly an antiquated form of Russia’s own, this resembles above all the imperial practice of the Church of England. And just like the British and the French in the nineteenth century, the Russian government consciously planned the later, stages of its global expansion. Central Asia, specifically the ‘Silk Road’ area of Turkestan south of the Aral Sea, was invaded in 1871-81 to protect the southern border, and as a prime source of cotton. Above all, the long-term spread of the Russian language within these vastly expanded borders was guaranteed by a flow of Russian-speaking immigrants out of the north-east into the newly Russian territories: after the 1861 abolition of the serfdom that had tied them to the land, half a million sought better fortunes eastward into Siberia in the rest of the nineteenth century.^†

俄语的起源

The origins of Russian

建立俄罗斯的东部斯拉夫人是威尼蒂人的后裔之一，正如我们所见（见第 7 章，“Einfall：日耳曼和斯拉夫的进步”，第 304 页），他们在公元一千年初期居住在波罗的海沿岸; 他们中的许多人并没有向南迁移到巴尔干半岛并入侵希腊（参见第 6 章，“衰落的暗示”，第 257 页），而是向东定居，与他们北部的波罗的海部落进行不安的竞争——西部和东北部的乌拉尔部落，其中包括芬兰人。事实上，有人声称罗斯的大部分原始人口都是芬兰血统，因此也有芬兰血统。斯拉夫人将在第二个千年的最初几个世纪定居在其中。

The eastern Slavs who founded Russia were among the descendants of the Veneti who, as we have seen (see Chapter 7, ‘Einfall: Germanic and Slavic advances’, p. 304), populated the shores of the Baltic in the early first millennium AD; a large number of them had not travelled southward to populate the Balkans and invade Greece (see Chapter 6, ‘Intimations of decline’, p. 257), but had rather settled towards the east, in uneasy rivalry with Baltic tribes to their north-west, and the Uralian tribes, among them the Finns, to the northeast. Indeed, the claim is made that the majority of the original population of Rus were of Finnish descent and hence language. The Slavs would have settled among them in the first centuries of the second millennium.

这些人说的语言与他们西边的德国邻国和北边的波罗的海邻国（拉脱维亚人、立陶宛人和普鲁士人）的语言有关，但语气明显更柔和，因为辅音是颚化的，并且经常带有擦擦音。在 e 和 i 之前：^*因此，发音 š、c 和 ž 非常普遍；比较他们语言中最古老形式的主祷文的中间部分：

These people spoke a language that was related to that of their German neighbours to the west, and that of their Baltic neighbours (Latvians, Lithuanians and Prussians) to the north, but noticeably softer in its tone, in that consonants were palatalised and often affricated before e and i:^* as a result, the sounds š, c and ž are highly prevalent; compare the middle of the Lord’s Prayer in the oldest forms of their languages:

[注^*在下一页]

[note ^* on next page]

东部斯拉夫人的语言将继续形成现代俄语、乌克兰语和白俄罗斯语，在形式上几乎可以被视为方言，他们一直是农民而不是游牧民族，尽管对毛皮的追求始终是他们东部边境的优先事项。到第一个千年末，他们建立在广阔的森林地区，从诺夫哥罗德附近的波罗的海沿岸向南到基辅，向东延伸到喀山。虽然人们说俄语，但他们的贵族是由维京人组成的（称为varági或瓦兰吉人），从波罗的海沿水道入侵的海员，起初他们会说挪威语，但就像许多日耳曼征服者一样，他们已经放弃了自己的语言。他们在更南方的首都，诺夫哥罗德，斯摩棱斯克和 882 年在基辅的首都组织俄罗斯人。德维纳河和沃尔霍夫河通过港口与第聂伯河相连，因此与黑海建立了联系，进而与拜占庭帝国建立了联系。988 年，这种联系导致弗拉基米尔（“征服世界”）和他的基辅宫廷皈依东正教。在接下来的四个世纪中，该宗教传播到整个东部斯拉夫人。

The eastern Slavs, whose language would go on to form modern Russian, Ukrainian and Belorussian, almost close enough in form to be considered dialects, had been farmers rather than nomads, although the quest for furs was always a priority on their eastern frontier. By the end of the first millennium they were established in a vast forested area which ran from the Baltic coast near Novgorod due south to Kiev, and out to the east as far as Kazan. Although the people spoke Russian, their aristocracy was made up of Vikings (known as varyági or Varangians), seafarers who had invaded along the waterways from the Baltic, and who at first would have been Norse-speaking, but like so many Germanic conquerors had given up their own language. They organised the Russians on the basis of capitals ever farther south, in Novgorod, Smolensk and, in 882, in Kiev. The Dvina and Volkhov were linked by portages with the Dnieper, and so communications were established with the Black Sea, and thence the Byzantine empire. In 988 this link resulted in the conversion of Vladímir (’conquer the world’) and his Kievan court to Orthodox Christianity. In the following four centuries, the religion spread to cover the full range of eastern Slavs.

基辅领地的南部是长满草的草原，在第一个千年的后半期，由一系列主要讲突厥语的游牧民族骑着马，他们不断从东方抵达，征服并定居为新的主人：阿瓦尔人、可萨人、保加利亚人、马扎尔人、佩切涅格人、钦察-波洛夫茨人、阿兰人，最后是成吉思汗的蒙古人。在此期间持续不断的战争，在俄罗斯文学的第一部幸存作品Slovo o Polku Igoreve中不朽，伊戈尔的战役，设定于 1054 年，显然写于 12 世纪：

To the south of the Kievan domain was grassy steppe, dominated in the second half of the first millennium by a series of largely Turkic-speaking nomadic peoples on horseback, who kept arriving from the east, conquering and settling down as the new masters: Avars, Khazars, Bulgars, Magyars, Pechenegs, Kipchak-Polovtsians, Alans, and finally Genghis Khan’s Mongols. There was persistent warfare over the period, immortalised in the first surviving work of Russian literature, Slovo o Polku Igoreve, the Lay of Igor’s Campaign, set in 1054 and apparently written in the twelfth century:

Uže, knyaže, tuga umi polonila;

se bo dva sokola slėtėsta su otnya stola zlata

poiskati grada Timutorokanya，

一个 lyubo ispiti šelomomi Donu。

Uže sokoloma krilitsa pripėšali poganïxu sablyami ,

a samayu oputaša vu putinï želėznï…

Uže, knyaže, tuga umi polonila;

se bo dva sokola slėtėsta su otnya stola zlata

poiskati grada Timutorokanya,

a lyubo ispiti šelomomi Donu.

Uže sokoloma krilitsa pripėšali poganïxu sablyami,

a samayu oputaša vu putinï želėznï…

王子啊，悲伤现在俘虏了你的心；

因为有两只猎鹰从他们父亲的

黄金宝座上飞出，夺取了特穆托罗坎市，^*

或者从他们的头盔中喝下顿河。

猎鹰的翅膀现在已经被异教徒的军刀夹住了，

它们自己也被铁链锁住了……

O Prince, grief has now taken your mind captive;

for two falcons have flown from their father’s golden throne

to gain the city of Tmutorokan,^*

or else to drink of the Don from their helmets.

The falcons’ wings have now been clipped by the sabres of infidels,

and they themselves are fettered in fetters of iron…

最后，作为金帐汗国汗国的蒙古人在 1240 年洗劫了基辅并结束了该市对俄罗斯人的霸权。蒙古宗主权，带来沉重的贡品，在俄罗斯领土上得到承认，甚至在 1242 年尽管他最近战胜了瑞典人和条顿骑士团，但他还是在诺夫哥罗德北部的亚历山大·尼耶夫斯基^王子手中。人们认为，这种持续了近三个世纪的早期屈服，直到伊凡四世格罗兹尼（“可怕的”）的胜利才最终结束，在俄罗斯人的灵魂中种下了一种持久的悲观情绪，建立了一种根深蒂固的传统社会底层是农奴制，上层是专制。

At last the Mongols, constituted as the khanate of the Golden Horde, sacked Kiev and ended that city’s hegemony of the Russians in 1240. Mongol suzerainty, entailing a heavy burden in tribute, came to be recognised all over the Russian territories, even in 1242 by Prince Alexander N^yevskiy up north in Novgorod, despite his recent victories over the Swedes and the Teutonic knights. It has been reckoned that this early subjection, which lasted for almost three centuries, and was definitively ended only by the victories of Ivan IV Groznïy (’the Terrible’), planted a lasting pessimism in the Russian soul, establishing a deep-seated tradition of serfdom at the bottom of society, and absolutism at the top.

新的俄罗斯政体一旦出现，将不是基于基辅，而是基于东北 800 公里（按俄罗斯标准，750公里）的莫斯科。1328 年，东正教大都会相应地移动了他的座位。莫斯科在罗斯拥有良好的中心地位，它战胜其他城邦的部分原因在于它保持统一，在 14 世纪有幸在每一代人中产生了一个男性继承人。1380 年，莫斯科大公德米特里·顿斯科伊（Dmitriy Donskoy）击败了蒙古人，1480 年，伊凡三世终于放弃了他们的宗主权。莫斯科王子 ( knyazi)）在世界上正在上升：大约在同一时间，伊万与最后一位拜占庭皇帝（1453年被废黜）的侄女索菲亚·帕莱奥洛古结婚，并声称通过君士坦丁诺斯·莫诺马霍斯（拜占庭皇帝）特别捐赠的徽章继承了帝国地位) 到十一世纪的弗拉基米尔·莫诺马赫（基辅王子）。莫斯科开始被描绘为第三罗马，普斯科夫的修道士菲洛费在十五世纪末写信给伊凡三世：“你是全宇宙所有基督徒中唯一的皇帝……因为两个罗马已经沦陷，第三个站着，不会有第四个。⁴⁴

The new Russian polity, when it came, would be based not on Kiev but on Moscow, 800 kilometres (by Russian measure, 750 vërst) to the north-east. In 1328 the Orthodox Metropolitan moved his seat accordingly. Moscow had a good central position within Rus, and its triumph over the other city-states was partly due to the fact that it stayed unified, having the luck to produce a single male heir in each generation in the fourteenth century. The Grand Prince of Moscow, Dmitriy Donskoy, defeated the Mongols in 1380, and in 1480 Ivan III finally repudiated their suzerainty. The Moscow princes (knyazi) were going up in the world: about the same time, Ivan married Sophía Palaiológou, the niece of the last Byzantine emperor (deposed in 1453), and claimed to have inherited imperial status through a special donation of insignia from Constantinos Monómakhos (Byzantine emperor) to Vladimir Monomakh (Prince of Kiev) in the eleventh century. Moscow began to be represented as the Third Rome, and the monk Filofey of Pskov wrote to Ivan III at the end of the fifteenth century: ‘Thou art the sole Emperor of all the Christians in the whole universe…For two Romes have fallen, the third stands, and there shall be no fourth.’⁴⁴

1547 年，伊凡四世是第一位不是王子而是加冕为T ^s ar ^y的统治者，也就是说（俄语发音）凯撒。^*他继续通过征服和合并金帐汗国的主要残余，喀山的突厥汗国（1552 年）和里海的阿斯特拉罕（1556 年）来证明他应得的。当地贵族被俄罗斯人吸收，因此开始了同化过程。通过这些步骤，俄罗斯人开始了他们将自己强加于其他语言社区的职业生涯，他们的语言区域的帝国扩张将在接下来的三个半世纪中持续下去，并最终在 20 世纪名义上覆盖整个北半部亚洲大陆的一部分。

In 1547, Ivan IV was the first ruler to be crowned not prince but T^sar^y, that is to say (in Russian pronunciation) Caesar.^* He went on to prove he deserved it by conquering and incorporating both the major remnants of the Golden Horde, the Turkic khanates of Kazan (in 1552) and Astrakhan on the Caspian Sea (in 1556). The local nobility were absorbed into the Russian, and so a process of assimilation was begun. With these steps, Russians began their career of imposing themselves on other language communities, an imperial expansion of their language zone which would continue for the next three and a half centuries, and end up in the twentieth century with nominal coverage of the whole northern half of the land-mass of Asia.

俄罗斯东然后西

Russian east then west

这种传播的大部分是在没有沙皇、他的政府或军队的积极主动下发生的。征服喀山和阿斯特拉罕的直接影响是消除了俄罗斯向东渗透的障碍。这个机会很快就被抓住了。斯特罗加诺夫家族碰巧垄断了毛皮贸易和盐矿开采：他们现在与顿河地区的哥萨克军队交战，最初是为了抵御西西伯利亚的可汗，但后来攻击了额尔齐斯河下游的可汗首都. 首都于 1582 年沦陷。在接下来的 57 年里，哥萨克人迅速而持续地前进，并于 1639 年到达太平洋，于 1648 年建立鄂霍次克市。他们继续向南沿海岸移动到阿穆尔河，但很快被汉语强迫放弃与满洲接壤的地区；1689 年的尼布楚条约确定了中俄边界，有效地持续了两个世纪。

The greater part of this spread came about without the active initiative of the Tsar, his government or his armies. The immediate effect of the conquests of Kazan and Astrakhan was to remove the barrier to Russian penetration out towards the east; and this opportunity was soon taken up. The Stroganov family happened to hold the monopoly of fur-trading and salt-mining: they now engaged an army of Cossacks from the Don area, initially to protect against the khan of western Siberia, but then to attack the khan’s capital on the lower Irtysh. The capital fell in 1582. Over the next fifty-seven years the Cossacks advanced rapidly and consistently, and in 1639 they reached the Pacific, founding the city of Okhotsk in 1648. They proceeded to move south down the coast to the Amur river, but were soon compelled by the Chinese to give up the area bordering Manchuria; the Sino-Russian border was defined, effectively for two centuries to come, at the Treaty of Nerchinsk in 1689.

虽然他们的名字是突厥语，^†哥萨克人说俄语。他们是一大群杂乱无章的骑兵，好战的基督徒，无序但自豪，在突厥游牧民族的威胁和统治的漫长世纪中，他们采取了游牧方式，从波兰和乌克兰到整个南部草原国家都可以找到他们。哈萨克斯坦。在他们穿越西伯利亚的过程中，他们在主要河流过境点建造了堡垒，其中一些现在是主要城市（其中包括 1604 年的托木斯克、1628 年的克拉斯诺亚尔斯克、1632 年的雅库茨克）；但他们只在他们前进所经过的土地上安顿下来。紧随其后的是士兵、传教士、税吏（以突厥语名yasak命名的贡品），那是用毛皮支付的）和极少数的俄罗斯定居者，要么是寻找土地的农民，要么是政府派遣的政治流放者；但语言的影响起初是微弱的。俄罗斯人仍然聚集在主要河流沿岸，起初被各种各样的古代西伯利亚民族所包围。在接下来的三个世纪里，随着采掘业开始发展，更多来自西方的定居者加入了他们的行列。

Although their name is Turkic,^† the Cossacks spoke Russian. They were a large but miscellaneous group of horsemen, militant Christians, disorderly but proud, who had taken up nomadic ways in the long centuries of threat and domination by Turkic nomads, and were found all over the southern steppe country from Poland and Ukraine through to Kazakhstan. During their advance across Siberia, they built fortresses at the major river crossings, some of them now major cities (among them Tomsk in 1604, Krasnoyarsk in 1628, Yakutsk in 1632); but they only scantily settled the lands through which they advanced. They were followed by a dusting of soldiers, missionaries, tax-collectors (exacting the tribute, called by the Turkic name yasak, that was paid in fur pelts) and a very few Russian settlers, either peasants looking for land, or political exiles sent by the government; but the linguistic impact was at first thin. The Russians remained congregated along the major rivers, surrounded at first by a diversity of ancient Siberian peoples. Over the next three centuries, as extractive industries began to develop, they were joined by more settlers from the west.

占领西伯利亚的早期扩张，连同北欧平原的俄罗斯心脏地带，占据了现在俄罗斯一部分的大部分地区。那里的非俄罗斯人口总是太稀少，离任何非俄罗斯文明来源太远，无法组织独立的国家。

This early expansion to occupy Siberia, taken together with the Russian heartland in the north European plain, accounts for most of the area that is now part of Russia. The non-Russian populations there were always too sparse, and too remote from any non-Russian source of civilisation, to organise independent states.

俄罗斯的其他邻国显然不是这样，他们中的大多数人发现自己在俄罗斯扩张的四个世纪中屈服于俄罗斯的征服。它们分为四组：西部的斯拉夫语国家；西北部的波罗的海和乌拉尔语国家；南部的高加索州；和东南部的中亚国家。碰巧的是，在 21 世纪初撰写本文时，他们中的大多数人已重新获得独立，并正在寻求重建与前俄罗斯时代的联系；少数还没有的人，尤其是高加索地区的车臣人和印古什人，正在或多或少地血腥地寻求脱离。关于俄罗斯的老殖民地，一个值得注意的事实是，很少有人高度重视使用俄语所象征的历史联系，或者实际上，如果俄罗斯人将其作为通用语接受，他们将有可能进行合作。值得探究的是，为什么只有在欧洲帝国语言中，俄语留下了这种相当毒化的遗产。

This was emphatically not true of Russia’s other neighbours, most of whom found themselves succumbing to Russian conquest in the four centuries of Russia’s expansion. They fall into four groups: the Slavic-language states to the west; the Baltic and Uralic-language states to the north-west; the Caucasian states to the south; and the central Asian states to the south-east. As it happens, at the time of writing in the early twenty-first century, most of them have regained their independence, and are seeking to rebuild links with their pre-Russian pasts; the few that have not, notably the Chechens and Ingush of the Caucasus, are seeking more or less bloodily to secede. It is a notable fact about Russia’s old colonies that very few of them value highly the historic links symbolised by use of the Russian language, or indeed the potential for collaboration that Russian would give them if accepted as a lingua franca. It is worth enquiring why, alone of the European imperial languages, Russian has left this rather poisoned inheritance.

西部的斯拉夫语国家不仅包括乌克兰（Ukraína，“边境”）和白俄罗斯（Byelarús ^y，“白罗斯”），还包括波兰（Pól ^y ša，“开阔平原”）。^*早期俄罗斯朝这个方向的扩张并没有首先扩大讲俄语的地区，因为立陶宛王国利用 1240 年基辅被毁的机会接管了俄罗斯西部的大部分土地。后来，1385年立陶宛通过王朝联姻与波兰结为密切同盟，1569年两国正式结盟，因此在试图收复西方俄罗斯人的过程中，莫斯科新的权力中心实际上面临着与波兰的斗争。 . 当伊凡雷帝在 16 世纪拿起武器时，他在向西扩张这个基督教王国方面的成功远不如他在东部对抗鞑靼人的成功。从 1558 年开始，长达 25 年的利沃尼亚战争只会让俄罗斯失去在波罗的海的立足点，并动摇其君主制。在里面smútnoye vrémya，“混乱时期”，随后，波兰从 1610 年到 1612 年入侵并短暂控制了莫斯科。然而，当 1613 年新罗曼诺夫王朝统治下的俄罗斯恢复秩序时，西方的压力再次出现，莫斯科的影响力逐渐减弱。增加：1667 年沙皇阿列克谢占领了斯摩棱斯克、基辅和乌克兰东部；1772 年和 1793 年，沙皇叶卡捷琳娜二世（叶卡捷琳娜大帝）和乌克兰和白俄罗斯的其他地区。

The Slavic-language states of the west include not just Ukraine (Ukraína, ‘On the Border’) and Belarus (Byelarús^y, ‘White Rus’), but also Poland (Pól^yša, ‘Open Plains’).^* Early Russian expansion in this direction did not at first expand the area of Russian speakers, since the kingdom of Lithuania had taken advantage of the destruction of Kiev in 1240 to take over most of the western Russian lands. Later, in 1385, Lithuania entered into a close alliance with Poland through a dynastic marriage, and the two countries were formally confederated in 1569, so in attempting to regain the western Russians, the new power centre in Moscow was actually facing a struggle with Poland. When Ivan the Terrible took up arms in the sixteenth century, he was significantly less successful in expanding against this Christian kingdom to his west than he had been against the Tatars to his east. Twenty-five years of Livonian wars from 1558 served only to lose Russia its foothold on the Baltic, and to destabilise its monarchy. In the smútnoye vrémya, the ‘confused time’, that followed, Poland invaded and briefly held Moscow from 1610 to 1612. Nevertheless, when order was restored in Russia under the new Romanov dynasty in 1613, the westward pressure was reasserted, and gradually Moscow’s sway was increased: Smolensk, Kiev and the eastern Ukraine were gained by Tsar Aleksey in 1667; and the rest of the Ukraine and Belarus by Tsaritsa Yekaterina II (Catherine the Great) in 1772 and 1793.

在这一点上，大多数讲俄语的人都回到了俄罗斯政府之下，这可以说是自 1240 年以来的第一次，但波兰对 1793 年定居点的叛乱导致了战争，俄罗斯决定性地获胜。结果是，几乎立即，在 1795 年，俄罗斯控制了整个波兰东部直到内曼河和德涅斯特河，这种情况一直持续到 1918 年第一次世界大战后重新绘制欧洲地图。从语言上讲，这种控制已经影响不大：虽然波兰语与俄语密切相关，但不如乌克兰语和白俄罗斯语；最重要的是，波兰人（作为一个天主教国家）的政治和宗教历史非常独特，事实上他们的识字率和总体生活水平远远超过了俄罗斯人。首先，在沙皇亚历山大一世的统治下，该国被赋予了一部单独的宪法——但沙皇发现很难尊重其条款；后来，尤其是在 1863-4 年（波兰起义时）之后，人们开始尝试“俄罗斯化”。除其他措施外，俄语被强制用作公务语言；不仅华沙大学，而且所有波兰学校都被要求完全使用俄语。这被证明是行不通的，波兰人幸免于难。

At this point, most of the Russian speakers were back under a Russian government, arguably for the first time since 1240, but a rebellion by Poland against the settlement of 1793 led to war, which Russia won decisively; the result was that almost immediately, in 1795, Russia gained control of the whole east of Poland up to the Neman and Dniester rivers, a situation that prevailed until the remapping of Europe that followed the First World War in 1918. Linguistically, this control had little effect: although the Polish language is fairly closely related to Russian, it is less so than Ukrainian and Belorussian; above all, the Poles’ political and religious history (as a Catholic nation) had been quite distinct, and in fact their literacy and general standard of living far exceeded those of the Russians. To start with, under Tsar Aleksandr I the country was accorded a separate constitution—but the Tsar found it hard to respect its terms; later, especially after 1863-4 (when Poland rebelled), attempts were made at ‘Russification’. Among other measures, Russian was imposed as the language for official business; and not only the University of Warsaw but all Polish schools were required to operate exclusively in Russian. This proved unworkable, and Polish survived.

相比之下，大约在同一时间，在 1863 年，一项更为严厉的乌克兰语言法出台，禁止出版除民间传说、诗歌和小说之外的所有乌克兰语书籍，随后在 1867 年进一步禁止进口此类书籍从国外; 乌克兰语也被禁止上台。这更有效。鼓励乌克兰人将自己视为“小俄罗斯人”——这对俄罗斯人来说很方便，因为只有乌克兰人可以归入他们的类别，俄罗斯人才会占帝国人口的大多数。^*内政部长在 1863 年写道：“从来没有一种独特的小俄语，以后也不会有。普通民众使用的方言是受波兰影响的俄语。⁴⁵1867 年，莫斯科大学校长发出呼吁：“愿一种文学语言覆盖从亚得里亚海和布拉格到阿尔汉格尔斯克和太平洋的所有土地，愿每个斯拉夫民族，不论其宗教信仰如何，都采用这种语言作为与他人交流的方式。⁴⁶

By contrast, about the same time, in 1863, a Ukrainian language law was introduced, far harsher, banning publication of all books in Ukrainian besides folklore, poetry and fiction, and was followed up in 1867 by a further ban on imports of such books from abroad; Ukrainian was prohibited on the stage too. This was more effective. Ukrainians were encouraged to see themselves as ‘Little Russians’—conveniently for the Russians, since only if Ukrainians could be classed with them would Russians make up a majority of the population in the empire.^* The Minister of the Interior wrote in 1863: ‘there never has been a distinct Little Russian language, and there never will be. The dialect used by the common people is Russian contaminated by Polish influence.’⁴⁵ And in 1867 the rector of Moscow University could make the appeal: ‘May one literary language alone cover all the lands from the Adriatic Sea and Prague to Arkhangelsk and the Pacific Ocean, and may every Slav nation irrespective of its religion adopt this language as a means of communication with the others.’⁴⁶

乌克兰语作为一种具有自己文化的语言的独立身份，在苏联拥有自己的共和国，事实上，截至 1990 年，它自己的国家很大程度上归功于这些令状并没有越过边界进入乌克兰人加利西亚——说着飞地（现代利沃夫以南），不知何故留在了俄罗斯之外，奥匈帝国之内。它包含所有乌克兰人的20％。在那里，乌克兰语拼写和乌克兰语表达可以在印刷页面上毫无阻碍地蓬勃发展，以提醒所有乌克兰人他们可能是什么。斯大林于 1945 年结束了该地区的独立，但没有长期影响。加利西亚继续成为 1980 年代乌克兰民族主义运动的中心，这是乌克兰脱离苏联的关键。⁴⁷

The separate identity of Ukrainian as a language with its own culture, its own republic within the Soviet Union and indeed, as of 1990, its own state owed much to the fact that these writs did not run over the border into Galicia, a Ukrainian-speaking enclave (south of modern Lvov) that had somehow remained outside Russia, inside the Austro-Hungarian empire. It contained 20 per cent of all Ukrainians. There Ukrainian spelling and Ukrainian expressions could flourish, without hindrance, on the printed page, to remind all Ukrainians of what they might be. Stalin ended the region’s independence in 1945, but to no long-term effect. Galicia went on to become the centre of the Ukrainian nationalist movement in the 1980s, the key to Ukraine’s secession from the Soviet Union.⁴⁷

俄罗斯北部然后南部

Russian north then south

在西北部，俄罗斯还设法控制了主要的波罗的海和乌拉尔语地区。东北部的乌拉尔地区，主要是卡累利阿，至少自 1472 年莫斯科征服北方诺夫哥罗德帝国以来，一直是俄罗斯人的狩猎场。这里的人是土著，他们与俄罗斯人的接触始于一个世纪之久比其他西伯利亚人更早，基本上属于同一类型。基本上他们被忽略了。

In the north-west, Russia also managed to gain control of the principal Baltic-and Uralic-language areas. The Uralic areas of the north-east, mainly Karelia, had been hunting grounds of the Russians at least since Moscow had conquered the northern empire of Novgorod in 1472. The people here were indigenous, and their contact with the Russians, though started a century earlier than the other Siberians’, is essentially of the same type. Fundamentally they were ignored.

爱沙尼亚和利沃尼亚的到来要晚得多，并从十三和十四世纪占领它们的德国殖民者那里带来了相当多的欧洲经验。1721 年，伟大的俄罗斯现代化者沙皇彼得一世（“彼得大帝”）将它们从瑞典的控制权中夺走，这是他为确保俄罗斯进入波罗的海的长期活动的一部分。再往南，立陶宛和拉脱维亚与波兰一起于 1795 年获得；再往北一点，在与瑞典的另一场成功的战争之后，芬兰于 1809 年由亚历山大一世以对芬兰人相当有利的条件成立。

Estonia and Livonia came only much later, and brought with them a fair amount of European experience from the German colonists who had occupied them in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries; they were wrested from Swedish control by the great Russian moderniser Tsar Pëtr I (’Peter the Great’) in 1721 as part of his long-standing campaign to find Russia secure access to the Baltic. Farther south, Lithuania and Latvia were gained along with Poland in 1795; and farther north, Finland was incorporated in 1809 by Aleksandr I, on terms rather favourable to the Finns, after another successful war against Sweden.

在这些地区中，俄罗斯移民和俄语的渗透仅在波罗的海地区显着，特别是爱沙尼亚和拉脱维亚。但在这里，反常的是，德国的影响力仍然非常强大。事实上，说德语的Ritterschaften的传统权力结构，即“骑士”，一直作为政府的中间级别，直到 1917 年革命，德国的Ritter如此忠诚给沙皇。但是，对这种非俄罗斯人的容忍度在 19 世纪后期确实开始减弱：在 1880 年代，行政部门和法院引入了俄语，并鼓励了俄语学校，并试图在除了入门级。1893 年，位于塔尔图的多帕特大学被改建为尤里耶夫大学，这是一所严格使用俄语的机构。但当 1899 年下一任沙皇尼古拉二世在芬兰尝试类似的语言措施时，俄罗斯机构普遍抵制，1904 年俄罗斯总督被暗杀。由于当时俄罗斯与日本处于战争状态，俄罗斯人选择谨慎行事，并恢复了芬兰人使用自己语言的自由，这是俄罗斯人自己赋予他们的宪法所保证的。

Among these areas, the penetration of Russian immigrants, and of the Russian language, was only significant in the Baltic areas, especially Estonia and Latvia. But here, perversely, the German influence remained very strong; indeed, the traditional power structure of German-speaking Ritterschaften, ‘knighthoods’, persisted as an intermediate level of government until the revolution in 1917, so loyal were the German Ritter to the Tsar. But the toleration of this un-Russian hold-out did begin to wane in the late nineteenth century: Russian was introduced in administration and the courts in the 1880s, and Russian-language schools were encouraged, with an attempt to make the language compulsory at all but the introductory level. In 1893 Dorpat University, in Tartu, was converted into Yuriev, a strictly Russian-language institution. But when in 1899 the next Tsar, Nikolay II, tried similar language measures in Finland, there was a general boycott of Russian institutions, and in 1904 the Russian governor-general was assassinated. Since Russia was at war with Japan at the time, the Russians chose to play it safe, and restored the Finns’ liberty to use their own language, as guaranteed in the constitution that the Russians themselves had given them.

俄罗斯人接管波罗的海地区背后的驱动力是他们需要获得贸易机会。这一动机也促成了俄罗斯向南推进的开始，但这很难被描述为赤裸裸的俄罗斯侵略，因为自 16 世纪以来，突厥汗国的最后一个克里米亚鞑靼人对他们领土的袭击一直持续存在。俄国的力量在 17 世纪增长，直到他们觉得可以做点什么。但是，在又一个世纪试图镇压鞑靼人之后，凯瑟琳大帝终于在 1783 年击败并摧毁了鞑靼人的国家。1792 年，她在黑海找到了俄罗斯主要的温水港——敖德萨。这很快就变成了一个高度俄罗斯化的地区，俄罗斯移民和鞑靼移民继续大规模移民。^*

The drive behind the Russians’ takeover of the Baltic regions had been their need for access to trade. This motive also played a part in the beginnings of Russia’s push south, but this could hardly be represented as naked Russian aggression, since raids into their territory from the last of the Turkic khanates, the Crimean Tatars, had been persistent since the sixteenth century. Russian strength grew in the seventeenth century, until they felt that something could be done; but it was only after a further century of attempts to put down the Tatars that in 1783 Catherine the Great at last defeated and destroyed their state. In 1792, she was then able to found Russia’s principal warm-water port, Odessa on the Black Sea. This soon became a highly Russianised area, with continuing Russian immigration, and Tatar emigration, on a massive scale. Most of the Tatars went west and south into the Ottoman empire, which still surrounded most of the Black Sea coast.^*

但在俄罗斯帝国向南扩张的过程中，这种程度的俄语渗透是非同寻常的。俄罗斯向这个方向扩展的主要原因是与格鲁吉亚结盟这一相当奇怪的原因。

But in the spread of Russia’s empire southward, this degree of Russian-language penetration was exceptional. The major reason for the extension of Russian in this direction was the rather curious one of an alliance with Georgia.

在高加索山脉以南，格鲁吉亚和亚美尼亚这两个基督教民族，各自以其独特的语言清楚地标出，与南部的穆斯林帝国：奥斯曼帝国和波斯人对抗。凯瑟琳大帝在她战胜克里米亚鞑靼人的同一年，说服格鲁吉亚东部公国卡尔塔利娜-卡赫提亚的伊拉克国王签订了格奥尔基耶夫斯克条约，据此俄罗斯将保证格鲁吉亚对（穆斯林）敌人的完整性，以换取对其外交政策的控制。格鲁吉亚被视为穆斯林南部边缘的有用缓冲地带。凯瑟琳于 1796 年去世，但她和她的继任者以极其片面的方式解释了该条约：他们没有在 1795 年帮助格鲁吉亚人抵抗波斯人的入侵，但从 1801 年到 1806 年，他们着手吞并了第一个卡尔塔利娜-卡赫提亚，然后是所有其他格鲁吉亚公国，团结并加强它们，但作为一个俄罗斯省。他们还对波斯本身开战，于 1805 年占领了邻近的（讲突厥语的）阿塞拜疆领土。亚美尼亚人也一度成为俄罗斯帝国的热心成员，尤其是当俄罗斯击败波斯人和奥斯曼帝国时，将亚美尼亚人纳入埃里温省（1828 年）并短暂占领了安纳托利亚的东北部（1829 年）。这保证了亚美尼亚人大量涌入高加索地区，尤其是阿塞拜疆的纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫地区。亚美尼亚人也一度成为俄罗斯帝国的热心成员，特别是当俄罗斯击败波斯人和奥斯曼帝国，并入亚美尼亚埃里温省（1828 年）并短暂占领安纳托利亚东北部（1829 年）时。这保证了亚美尼亚人大量涌入高加索地区，尤其是阿塞拜疆的纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫地区。亚美尼亚人也一度成为俄罗斯帝国的热心成员，特别是当俄罗斯击败波斯人和奥斯曼帝国，并入亚美尼亚埃里温省（1828 年）并短暂占领安纳托利亚东北部（1829 年）时。这保证了亚美尼亚人大量涌入高加索地区，尤其是阿塞拜疆的纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫地区。

South of the Caucasus mountains, the two Christian peoples of Georgia and Armenia, each quite clearly marked out by their unique languages, confronted Muslim empires to their south: the Ottomans and the Persians. Catherine the Great, in the same year in which she overcame the Crimean Tatars, prevailed on King Irakli of the eastern Georgian principality of Kartalina-Kakhetia to enter into the Treaty of Georgievsk, whereby Russia would guarantee Georgia’s integrity against its (Muslim) enemies, in return for control of its foreign policy. Georgia was seen as a useful buffer on the edge of the Muslim south. Catherine died in 1796, but she and her successors interpreted the treaty in an extremely one-sided way: they did not aid the Georgians against the Persian invasion in 1795, but from 1801 to 1806 they proceeded to annex first Kartalina-Kakhetia, and then all the other Georgian principalities, uniting and so strengthening them, but as a Russian province. They also made war on Persia itself, taking in the neighbouring (Turkic-speaking) territory of Azerbaijan in 1805. Armenians too for a time became enthusiastic members of the Russian empire, especially when Russia defeated both the Persians and the Ottomans, incorporating the Armenian province of Yerevan (1828) and briefly occupying the north-eastern quarter of Anatolia (1829). This guaranteed a massive influx of Armenians into all parts of the Caucasus, but especially the Nagorno-Karabagh area of Azerbaijan.

这些干预措施似乎在战略上不明智，因为高加索山脉是俄罗斯大草原拥有的为数不多的自然边界之一。现在，俄罗斯无偿向其以外的财富提供人质。但习惯于保卫无边无际平原的俄罗斯战略家似乎只对前进政策感到满意。罗斯季斯拉夫·法杰耶夫将军在 1860 年评论说：“如果俄罗斯的视野结束于高加索山脉的白雪皑皑的山顶，那么整个亚洲大陆的西半部都将不在我们的势力范围之内，而且鉴于土耳其和波斯目前的无能，不会漫长的等待另一个主人。⁴⁸

These interventions may seem to have been strategically ill advised, since the Caucasus range was one of the few natural borders that the Russian steppes possessed. Now Russia was gratuitously offering hostages to fortune beyond it. But Russian strategists, used to defending boundless plains, seem to have been happy only with a forward policy. General Rostislav Fadeyev commented in 1860: ‘If Russia’s horizons ended on the snowy summits of the Caucasus range, then the whole western half of the Asian continent would be outside our sphere of influence and, given the present impotence of Turkey and Persia, would not long wait for another master.’⁴⁸

这些跨高加索省份的代价是“六十年高加索战争”，这是法杰耶夫将军的书名。所需要的不过是俄罗斯征服了整个山脉，只是为了确保他们能够进入基督教南部。由于拥有宗教优势，战斗尤其激烈：几乎整个地区都是（并且一直是）穆斯林。征服是成功的，但只能通过巨大的残暴来实现，而车臣目前的斗争表明，150 年后，许多怨恨仍未平息。

The price of these trans-Caucasian provinces was the ‘sixty years of Caucasian wars’, which was the title of General Fadeyev’s book. What was required was nothing less than the Russian conquest of the whole mountain range, simply in order to assure their access to the Christian south. The fighting was particularly bitter for having a religious edge: almost the whole area was (and has remained) Muslim. The conquest was achieved, but only through immense brutality, and the current struggles in Chechnya show that many resentments are still unassuaged 150 years later.

俄语成为所有这些省份的行政和教育语言——当然不是教会或清真寺的语言。但总的来说，它并没有取代该地区的母语，这是世界上语言最多样化的语言之一。对于北方的山区人民来说，对于南方受过高等教育和耕种的格鲁吉亚人和亚美尼亚人来说，情况都是如此。在他们的社会中，阿塞拜疆人也发展了自己的文学语言。俄罗斯政府，尤其是在 19 世纪后期，其零星地试图使人口更加俄罗斯化，例如关闭亚美尼亚教区学校并在 1885 年用俄罗斯学校取而代之，但随后又取消了该命令，因此赢得的朋友寥寥无几。既然格鲁吉亚、亚美尼亚和阿塞拜疆在两个世纪后成为独立的国家，可以看出，俄语的渗透率（以第一语言使用者的百分比衡量）仍然很低。亚美尼亚 2%；格鲁吉亚 7%；阿塞拜疆 6%。⁴⁹

Russian became the language of administration and education in all these provinces—not of course of the Church or of the mosque. But in general it did not supplant the native languages of the region, which is one of the most linguistically diverse in the world. This was as true of the mountain peoples of the north as of the hyper-educated and cultivated Georgians and Armenians of the south. In their society, the Azeris too developed a literary language of their own. The Russian government, especially in the late nineteenth century, won few friends with its sporadic attempts to make the population more Russian, for example closing Armenian parish schools and replacing them with Russian schools in 1885, but then rescinding the order. Now that Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, after two centuries, have become independent nations, it can be seen that the penetration of Russian (measured by percentage of first-language speakers) remained very low. Armenia 2 per cent; Georgia 7 per cent; Azerbaijan 6 per cent.⁴⁹

可以简要讲述俄罗斯向穆斯林中亚扩张的故事，因为此时俄罗斯已经将自己塑造成与欧洲其他大国非常相似的模式，急于保证在他们的“影响范围”。这片广阔的地区，一直以穆斯林为主，似乎比帝国的任何其他地方都具有不同的、更遥远的地位：俄罗斯人称其居民为^inoródt ï ， “外星人”。^* 18 世纪末叶卡捷琳娜大帝开始对哈萨克斯坦草原土地的征服，于 1848 年完成：因此它向定居者开放，与当时在美国西部被殖民的模式相同。同时。

The story of Russia’s expansion into Muslim central Asia can be briefly told, since by this time Russia had cast itself very much in the same mould as the other great powers of Europe, anxious to guarantee as high a degree of control as possible within their ‘spheres of influence’. This vast area, which was always predominantly Muslim, seemed to have a different, more distant status than any other part of the empire: the Russians called its inhabitants inoródt^sï, ‘aliens’. The conquest of the steppe-land of Kazakhstan,^* begun under Catherine the Great in the late eighteenth century, was completed in 1848: it was thus opened up to settlers, rather on the same model as the American West that was being colonised at the same time.

原则上，语言（和宗教）宽容是俄罗斯人对待帝国这一部分的一个特点。无论鞑靼人接受基督教信仰（1803 年鞑靼人可以使用圣经和教理问答）还是继续信奉伊斯兰教，鞑靼语（即恰合台突厥语）都被授权为草原的行政语言。在与穆斯林游牧民族打交道时，俄罗斯人必须记住，他们总是可以选择越过边境撤军，或者更令人担忧的是，他们可能会成为奥斯曼帝国的第五纵队。因此，总的来说，如果他们接受俄罗斯的统治，他们会努力为他们提供一个有吸引力的选择。1773 年叶卡捷琳娜二世的神圣主教会议法案为俄罗斯的穆斯林设立了一个宗教委员会，即muftiyya。她还为想要避开什叶派伊朗前往麦加朝圣的逊尼派穆斯林颁布了过境权。她甚至在布哈拉资助了一所穆斯林宗教学校，一所宗教学校。穆斯林就读于俄罗斯的军事学院，拥有自己的（志愿）团，甚至在普通的俄罗斯团中担任军官——这与英国或法国帝国当代的做法截然不同。⁵⁰

In principle, linguistic (and religious) toleration was a feature of the Russians’ approach to this part of the empire. Whether the Tatars accepted the Christian faith (the Bible and catechism were available in Tatar in 1803) or remained with Islam, Tatar (i.e. Chagatay Turkic) was authorised as the administrative language for the steppes. In dealing with Muslim nomads, the Russians had to keep in mind that they always had the option of decamping over the border, or, more worryingly, that they might become a fifth column for the Ottomans. In general, therefore, they endeavoured to offer them an attractive option if they accepted Russian rule. Catherine II’s Holy Synod Act of 1773 established a religious directorate for Muslims in Russia, the muftiyya. She also decreed transit rights for Sunni Muslims who wanted to avoid Shia Iran on their pilgrimages to Mecca. And she even financed a Muslim religious school, a madrasa, in Bukhara. Muslims attended Russia’s military academies, had their own (volunteer) regiments, and even served as officers in ordinary Russian regiments—something very different from the contemporary practice of the British or French empires.⁵⁰

但尽管如此，草原确实变得有效地俄罗斯化了。真正改变语言图景的是欧洲定居者的出现：1887 年为 20%，1911 年为 40%，1939 年为 47%。51^赫鲁晓夫1950 年代的“处女地”政策又增加了 150 万。（根据 2000 年民族志，哈萨克斯坦母语为俄语的人数现在为 623 万，占 38%。）⁵²

But for all this, the steppes did become effectively Russified. It was the incidence of European settlers which really changed the linguistic picture: 20 per cent in 1887, 40 per cent in 1911, 47 per cent in 1939.⁵¹ Khrushchev’s ‘Virgin Lands’ Policy of the 1950s added a further 1.5 million. (The number of native Russian speakers in Kazakhstan according to the 2000 Ethnologue is now 6.23 million, 38 per cent.)⁵²

1854 年，俄罗斯在克里米亚被其帝国同侪英国、法国和奥斯曼帝国击败。或许是为了寻求一些安慰，俄罗斯立即着手征服中亚，就在哈萨克大草原的正南。正如 Dosteyevsky 的开场白向我们展示的那样，在没有现代武器的情况下针对当地人的殖民战争更容易获胜，并且在某种程度上让欧洲人感到振奋。

In 1854, Russia was defeated in the Crimea by its imperial peers, Britain, France and the Ottomans. Perhaps seeking some consolation, Russia immediately proceeded to the conquest of central Asia, due south of the Kazakh steppes. Colonial wars against natives without modern weapons were far easier to win, and somehow heartening for Europeans, as the opening quote from Dosteyevsky shows us.

该地区的主要剩余力量是希瓦、布哈拉和浩罕酋长国。尽管入境者在技术上优于居民，但战争持续了 22 年，并于 1876 年结束。东部的浩罕被吞并，但其他两个酋长国布哈拉（Bukhara）和希瓦（Khiva）在里海沿岸，大部分被视为附属国。“土耳其斯坦”被创建为省级信封，以容纳这些新收购。俄罗斯的主要关注点是在费尔干纳河谷发展集约化棉花种植，这吸引了大量定居者进入该地区，该地区是现代乌兹别克斯坦的一部分。然而，这些地区的定居点从未达到与北部草原相比的水平：⁵³

The principal remaining powers in this area were the emirates of Khiva, Bukhara and Kokand. Despite the technical advantages of the incomers over the residents, the war took twenty-two years, and ended in 1876. Kokand, in the east, was annexed, but the other two emirates, Bukhara, which had contained the legendary Samarkand, and Khiva on the Caspian shore, were largely left as dependent powers. ‘Turkestan’ was created as a provincial envelope to hold these new acquisitions. Russia’s main concern came to be the development of intensive cotton cultivation in the Ferghana valley, and this attracted large numbers of settlers into the area, which is part of modern Uzbekistan. Nevertheless, settlement in these areas never reached levels comparable to those of the steppes to the north: the four corresponding modern states are (from west to east) Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, and their population of 39 million embraces only 9 per cent native Russian speakers.⁵³

俄罗斯的地位

The status of Russian

这完成了我们对沙皇帝国如何传播俄语的简要回顾。仍然需要考虑为什么它从未成为一种声望很高的语言：为什么它不像所有其他远离欧洲的欧洲帝国语言，它没有成为被征服人民参与西方化、全球化未来的愿望的象征。所有 19 世纪的欧洲帝国现在都解体了：但他们的语言仍在世界范围内使用。为什么在当前排名前十的语言中，只有俄语会在 21 世纪失去使用者？

This completes our brief review of how Russian was spread by the Tsar’s empire. It remains to consider why it never became a prestige language: why, unlike all the other imperial European languages that established themselves far from Europe, it did not come to symbolise the conquered peoples’ aspirations to take part in a Westernised, globalised future. All the nineteenth-century European empires are now dissolved: but their languages are still used worldwide. Why is Russian, alone of the current top ten languages, set to lose speakers in the twenty-first century?

俄罗斯帝国的四个主要机构对于俄罗斯在其祖国东北欧以外的传播至关重要。他们是东正教教会、军队、国家官僚机构和受过教育的精英——在俄语中通常被称为知识分子。所有这些仍然以某种形式存在，但在 21 世纪初，它们中的任何一个似乎都不可能保持活跃，无论是作为主导力量还是作为世界范围内的灵感来源。

Four major institutions of the Russian empire had been crucial to the spread of Russian beyond its homeland in north-eastern Europe. They were the Orthodox Church, the army, the state bureaucracy and the educated elite—usually known in Russian as the intelligentsia. All these still exist in some form, but none of them, in the early twenty-first century, seem likely to remain lively, either as dominant forces or as sources of inspiration worldwide.

教会很早就依附于它的当地语言，现在通常被称为古教会斯拉夫语，但总是觉得自己是俄罗斯语的适当虔诚的版本。即使在重大的礼仪改革中，旧方法的倡导者也可以写信给沙皇：“用好俄语说“主怜悯我”。将所有那些Kyrie Eleisons 留给希腊语：那是他们的语言，朝他们吐口水！你是俄罗斯人，阿列克谢，不是希腊语。说你的母语，不要为它感到羞耻，无论是在教堂还是在家里！⁵⁴其独特的圆顶在小屋之间升起，提供了俄罗斯最知名的标志，因为它的领土遍布西伯利亚。只要有沙皇，它就使他们合法化。直到 18 世纪，教会学校一直是俄罗斯识字的主要来源。但它从未从 1721 年彼得大帝的“神圣主教会议”改革中恢复过来，当时他使自己成为教会的最高保护者，废除了教区内部的内部民主，从而有效地使其成为国家的一个臂膀。因此，沙皇和教会虽然相互支持，但却与俄罗斯社会的基层隔绝了。他们越来越无法承担任何民众参与的风险。1812 年拿破仑入侵后，语言领域出现了一个明显的例子，prostóye naryéciye，“简单的用语”，即简单的俄语。福音派被选为“看不见的拿破仑”的代理人，破坏了对上帝圣言的尊重，1821 年俄罗斯圣经在神圣主教会议的命令下被烧毁。^*

The Church had early attached itself to its local language, now usually known as Old Church Slavonic, but always felt to be Russian in an appropriately reverent version. Even in the midst of major liturgical reforms, an advocate of the old ways could write to the Tsar: ‘Say in good Russian “Lord have mercy on me”. Leave all those Kyrie Eleisons to the Greeks: that’s their language, spit on them! You are Russian, Alexey, not Greek. Speak your mother tongue and be not ashamed of it, either in church or at home!’⁵⁴ Its distinctive domes rising among the huts provided the most recognisable signs of Russia as its domain spread out across Siberia; as long as there were Tsars, it legitimated them. Church schools were the main source of Russian literacy well into the eighteenth century. But it never recovered from the ‘Holy Synod’ reforms of Peter the Great in 1721, when he made himself supreme protector of the Church, abolishing its internal democracy from the parishes up, and so effectively making it into an arm of the state. Thereby both Tsar and Church, although mutually supportive, became quite cut off from the grass roots of Russian society. They became increasingly unable to take the risks of any popular involvement. A telling example came in the linguistic sphere when, in the aftermath of Napoleon’s 1812 invasion, the reforming Tsar Alexander I favoured the establishment of an Imperial Russian Bible Society, as a branch of the British and Foreign Bible Society: a multilingual publishing initiative was planned, but the project came unstuck on the proposal to distribute the Bible in prostóye naryéciye, ‘simple diction’, i.e. plain Russian. The evangelicals were cast as agents of ‘the Invisible Napoleon’, undermining the respect due to the word of God, and in 1821 the Russian Bibles were burnt on the orders of the Holy Synod.^*

另一个在本质上广泛传播俄语的机构是军队。这在其帝国竞争对手中因其种族和语言的统一而与众不同。对于 1762-3 的军事委员会来说，“军队的力量最根本在于共同语言、宗教、习俗和血统的存在”；一个世纪后，俄罗斯军事评论员对 1859 年和 1866 年战争的评论强调了他们军队的纯正俄罗斯性，与奥地利人种族和语言的破烂形成鲜明对比：当时，90% 的士兵来自俄罗斯本土地区，白俄罗斯和乌克兰，以及大多数穆斯林免于服兵役。⁵⁵不过，在某种程度上，部队的种族纯洁性削弱了其单一语言的影响：如果有更多的非俄罗斯人被迫加入，他们中的更多人将不得不学习俄语。但事实上，服役 25 年或更长时间的俄罗斯退伍军人在服役后重返公民生活的余地很小。他们通常会以车夫、家庭佣人或学校教师的身份进入城镇。⁵⁶这样一来，与古罗马的退役士兵相比，他们无法为自己的语言传播播下种子。

Another institution which by its nature spread the use of Russian far and wide was the army. This was distinctive among its imperial competitors for its ethnic and linguistic unity. For the Military Commission of 1762-3, ‘the strength of the Army consists in, most basic of all, the existence of common language, religion, customs and blood’; a century later, Russian military commentators on the wars of 1859 and 1866 stressed the pure Russianness of their army in contrast with the Austrians’ ragbag of races and languages: at the time, 90 per cent of the soldiers were from the homeland area of Russia, Belarus and the Ukraine, and most Muslims were exempt from military service.⁵⁵ In a way, though, the ethnic purity of the force diminished the effect of its single language: if more non-Russians had been obliged to join up, more of them would have had to learn Russian. In fact, though, there was little scope for Russian veterans, having served for twenty-five years or more, to return to civil life after their service. They would typically end up in towns, as coachmen, domestic servants or schoolteachers.⁵⁶ In this way, they were less able to seed the spread of their language than, say, the retired soldiers of ancient Rome.

官僚机构，沙皇政府的可见武器，当然无处不在。但它在传播俄罗斯话语方面的影响力不如预期。自从彼得大帝认识到他们在进行改革方面的特殊潜力以来，它的更高层次不成比例地（在 18 世纪和 19 世纪高达 20%）充满了来自波罗的海的讲德语的人。⁵⁷其职能范围极小，主要是征收人头税和招募军队，必然限制了其在社会中的作用和互动。

The bureaucracy, the visible arm of the Tsar’s government, was of course everywhere. But its influence in terms of spreading Russian discourse was less than might have been expected. Its higher levels were disproportionately (up to 20 per cent in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries) full of German speakers from the Baltic, ever since Peter the Great had recognised their special potential to carry through his reforms.⁵⁷ And the minimal scope of its functions, mainly the gathering of poll tax and the recruitment of troops, must have limited its role and interaction in society.

最后是知识分子。从某种意义上说，几乎只有这一群体才将俄语置于全球文化版图上，并在 18 世纪和 19 世纪取得了文学上的蓬勃发展。彼得大帝的改革旨在建立一个世俗的俄罗斯，这激发了它的灵感，他的灵感来自他在访问英国，尤其是德国时所遇到的事情。米哈伊尔·罗蒙诺索夫（Mikhail Lomonósov，1711-75 年），这个时代最伟大的学者——他以某种方式设法从大天使渔夫的家庭中脱颖而出——结合了化学和语言学方面的专业知识，并开始定义一种俄罗斯文学语言，一种将将外国借用和口语化融入从教堂斯拉夫语继承而来的相当笨重的风格中。以法兰西学院为蓝本的俄罗斯学院于 1783 年成立；它在 1789-94 年编纂了一本主要词典，并定义了一部于 1802 年出版的俄语语法。尽管正如我们在考虑法语的历史时所看到的那样，外国影响力在俄罗斯精英的社会生活中仍然很强大，但受过教育的新几代人俄罗斯作家挺身而出迎接新语言的挑战，其中包括普希金、果戈理、托尔斯泰、陀思妥耶夫斯基和屠格涅夫，仅举其中最著名的一位。他们认真对待定义俄罗斯文学可以为俄罗斯和世界做些什么的任务。最著名的是，屠格涅夫和陀思妥耶夫斯基都在 1880 年纪念普希金的庆祝活动中将他们的想法反映给了普希金：屠格涅夫说普希金与受过教育的人交谈正如我们在考虑法语历史时看到的那样，外国影响力在俄罗斯精英的社会生活中仍然很强大，受过教育的新一代俄罗斯作家迎接了他们新语言的挑战，其中包括普希金、果戈理、托尔斯泰、陀思妥耶夫斯基和屠格涅夫，仅举出最有名的。他们认真对待定义俄罗斯文学可以为俄罗斯和世界做些什么的任务。最著名的是，屠格涅夫和陀思妥耶夫斯基都在 1880 年纪念普希金的庆祝活动中将他们的想法反映给了普希金：屠格涅夫说普希金与受过教育的人交谈正如我们在考虑法语历史时看到的那样，外国影响力在俄罗斯精英的社会生活中仍然很强大，受过教育的新一代俄罗斯作家迎接了他们新语言的挑战，其中包括普希金、果戈理、托尔斯泰、陀思妥耶夫斯基和屠格涅夫，仅举出最有名的。他们认真对待定义俄罗斯文学可以为俄罗斯和世界做些什么的任务。最著名的是，屠格涅夫和陀思妥耶夫斯基都在 1880 年纪念普希金的庆祝活动中将他们的想法反映给了普希金：屠格涅夫说普希金与受过教育的人交谈他们认真对待定义俄罗斯文学可以为俄罗斯和世界做些什么的任务。最著名的是，屠格涅夫和陀思妥耶夫斯基都在 1880 年纪念普希金的庆祝活动中将他们的想法反映给了普希金：屠格涅夫说普希金与受过教育的人交谈他们认真对待定义俄罗斯文学可以为俄罗斯和世界做些什么的任务。最著名的是，屠格涅夫和陀思妥耶夫斯基都在 1880 年纪念普希金的庆祝活动中将他们的想法反映给了普希金：屠格涅夫说普希金与受过教育的人交谈nátiya，这个国家是通过彼得的改革而产生的，但俄罗斯的人民，将通过学习阅读他来获得意识；陀思妥耶夫斯基反驳说，普希金的吸引力在本质上是独一无二的，这给俄罗斯带来了巨大的优势：“成为一个真正的俄罗斯意味着试图为欧洲的矛盾带来和解，并缓解欧洲在所有方面的痛苦。 - 人类和无所不包的俄罗斯灵魂。⁵⁸

Finally, there was the intelligentsia. In a sense, it was this group almost alone which put Russian on the global cultural map, with the literary efflorescence that they achieved in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Peter the Great sparked it off, with his reforms aimed at creating a secular Russia, inspired by what he had encountered in his visits to Britain and above all Germany. Mikhail Lomonósov (1711-75), the greatest scholar of this era—who had somehow managed to promote himself out of an Archangel fisherman’s family—combined expertise in chemistry and linguistics, and started the task of defining a Russian literary language, one that would incorporate foreign borrowings and colloquial speech into the rather ponderous style inherited from Church Slavonic. A Russian Academy, modelled on the Académie Française, was established in 1783; it compiled a major dictionary in 1789-94, and defined a Russian grammar that was published in 1802. Although, as we have seen in considering the history of French, foreign influence remained strong in the Russian elite’s social life, the newly educated generations of Russian authors rose to the challenge of their new language, and included Pushkin, Gogol, Tolstoy, Dostoyevsky and Turgenev, to name only the most famous. They took seriously the task of defining what Russian literature could do for Russia and the world. Most famously, Turgenev and Dostoyevsky both projected their ideas back to Pushkin at the celebrations in his memory in 1880: Turgenev said that Pushkin spoke to the educated nátiya, the nation that had come about through Peter’s reforms, but that the Russian naród, the people, would come to awareness through learning to read him; Dostoyevsky countered that Pushkin was intrinsically—and uniquely—universal in his appeal, something that gave Russia an immense advantage: ‘To become a genuine Russian means to attempt to bring reconciliation to the contradictions of Europe and to offer relief for Europe’s anguish in the all-human and all-embracing Russian soul.’⁵⁸

令人惊讶的是，俄罗斯作家确实成功地吸引了整个欧洲的读者，尽管在屠格涅夫的民族中不可避免地比陀思妥耶夫斯基的民粹派中更多。但他们在国内实现宇宙抱负受到俄罗斯知识分子基础非常狭窄的限制，几乎与绝大多数公众隔绝。俄罗斯人口的一般识字率在 1880 年代初期仍然不超过 10%，尽管此后迅速上升，到本世纪末，50 岁以下人口的识字率接近 30%。⁵⁹当然，那些能够阅读的人并不都喜欢最高尚的东西，他们更喜欢冒险故事、浪漫故事和星座运势。⁶⁰

Amazingly, Russian writers did succeed in reaching an audience all over Europe, though inevitably more among Turgenev’s nátii than Dostoyevsky’s naródï. But the realisation of their cosmic aspirations at home was limited by the very narrow base of the intelligentsia within Russia itself, almost cut off from the vast majority of their public. General literacy of the Russian population was still not above 10 per cent in the early 1880s, although it rose rapidly thereafter, approaching 30 per cent among the under-fifties by the end of the century.⁵⁹ And of course, those who could read did not all have a taste for the highest, preferring adventure stories, romances and horoscopes.⁶⁰

但是，俄罗斯知识分子根本没有试图在他们的理想中为亚洲群众创造一席之地，他们的武装部队已经投入了如此长时间，如此血腥，将其带入沙皇的领土。从伊凡雷帝征服喀山到 19 世纪早期的征服，外国贵族在他们自己的领土被征服时，总是在俄罗斯体系内得到承认，并赋予其财产权。从未积极努力让他们参与文化活动。偶尔，来自自己传统的知识分子设法接受了西方教育，他们会尝试设计一种住宿方式。最好的例子是克里米亚鞑靼教育家 Ismail Bey Gaspirali（他采用了 Gasprinsky 这个名字）。首先在乡村宗教学校接受教育（伊斯兰宗教学校），他去圣彼得堡学习俄语，去巴黎学习法语。接下来在伊斯坦布尔度过了四年（1871-5 年），他回到克里米亚，坚信俄罗斯的穆斯林必须通过俄语接近现代性，撰写了他的第一本重要著作Russkoye Musulmanstvo（“俄罗斯伊斯兰教”），并长期编辑期刊Tercüman -Perevodcik（鞑靼语和俄语中的“翻译”）。加斯皮拉里的和平观点在克里米亚鞑靼社区并不容易被接受，但到 1905 年，他的团队已经成功建立了 350 多所学校，提供俄语和鞑靼语双语。更能说明问题的是俄罗斯人的反应：当局没有鼓励潜在盟友建立这种桥梁，而是拒绝让加斯皮拉利召集全穆斯林代表大会；相反，他们努力减少非俄罗斯人（以及工人和农民）的政治参与，在 1907 年为第二届杜马（“议会”）提出了一项选举法，序言是：“国家杜马，旨在加强俄罗斯国家，在精神上也必须是俄罗斯人。加斯皮拉利没有取得更多进展。⁶¹

But the Russian intelligentsia made no attempt at all to make a place within their ideals for the Asian multitudes that their armed forces had exerted themselves so long, and so bloodily, to bring within the Tsar’s domains. From Ivan the Terrible’s conquest of Kazan to the conquests of the early nineteenth century, foreign nobility had always been recognised, and accorded property rights within the Russian system, when their own territories had been subdued; no effort had ever been made actively to involve them culturally. Occasionally, intellectuals from their own traditions who managed to get a Western education would try to devise an accommodation. The best example of this is the Crimean Tatar educationist Ismail Bey Gaspirali (who adopted the name Gasprinsky). Educated first in a village madrasa (Islamic religious school), he went to St Petersburg to learn Russian, and Paris to learn French. Next spending four years in Istanbul (1871-5), he returned to Crimea with the conviction that Russia’s Muslims must approach modernity through Russian, writing his first important book, Russkoye Musulmanstvo (’Russian Islam’), and long editing a journal, Tercüman-Perevodcik (’Interpreter’ in Tatar and Russian). Gaspirali’s peaceable views were not easily accepted in the Crimean Tatar community, but by 1905 his group had succeeded in founding over 350 schools, bilingual in Russian and Tatar. More revealing was the reaction from the Russians: rather than encourage this bridge-building from a potential ally, the authorities refused to allow Gaspirali to convene an all-Muslim congress; rather they worked to diminish the political participation of non-Russians (as well as workers and peasants), proposing an electoral law for the second Duma (’Parliament’) in 1907 with the preamble: ‘The State Duma, created to strengthen the Russian state, must be Russian also in spirit.’ Gaspirali made no more progress.⁶¹

最重要的是，俄罗斯一直缺乏的是资产阶级，一个具有独立地位和手段的商人和专业人士阶级，可以作为统治阶级和工人阶级之间社会流动和收入流动的纽带。土地。在革命前的时代，俄罗斯人很少进行大规模的贸易和工业发展；受过教育的小班从不建立重要的行会或专业协会。俄罗斯仍然是一个由沙皇专断的、原则上不受限制的权力支配的政体。这样做的语言效果是，俄语在任何地方都没有在一个有抱负和影响力的社区中建立起坚实的基础。

What Russia always lacked, above all, was a bourgeoisie, a class of merchants and professionals of independent status and means, which could serve as a link, both for social mobility and for flow of income, between the governing class and the workers on the land. Large-scale trade and industrial development was rarely undertaken by Russians in the pre-revolutionary era; and the small educated classes never built up significant guilds or professional associations. Russia remained a polity dominated by the arbitrary, and in principle unlimited, powers of the Tsar; and the linguistic effects of this were that the Russian language nowhere developed a strong base in a community with aspirations and influence.

简而言之，至少在 20 世纪之前，尽管沙皇政府在政治和军事上统一了俄罗斯，但作为一个语言社区并没有统一，甚至没有共同成长。在东北部的波罗的海省份和南部的穆斯林土地上，俄罗斯人根本没有超越定居者和少数行政人员的行列。

In short, at least until the twentieth century, Russia, although unified politically and militarily by the Tsar’s government, was not unified, nor even growing together, as a language community. In the Baltic provinces to the north-east, and the Muslim lands to the south, Russian was simply not penetrating beyond the ranks of settlers, and the small number of administrators.

苏联实验

The Soviet experiment

对俄语传播的描述主要集中在沙皇的帝国，因为 1917 年的俄国革命以及之后的苏联时代对语言状况几乎没有净影响。尽管有早期的预期，并试图在所有非俄罗斯地区（包括白俄罗斯和乌克兰）分离，但事实证明，新政府几乎能够在所有地方重申其控制权。芬兰凭借武力，确实设法永久脱离了自己。但在 1920 年代和 1930 年代曾短暂独立的其他波罗的海国家从 1940 年开始发现自己重新处于俄罗斯的控制之下。到 1922 年，帝国的其他地区全部回归。

This account of the spread of Russian has concentrated on the Tsar’s empire, because the Russian revolution of 1917, and the Soviet era that came after it, had little net effect on the language situation. Despite early expectations, and attempts at secession in all the non-Russian areas (including Belarus and the Ukraine), the new government proved able to reassert its control almost everywhere. Finland, by dint of arms, did manage to detach itself permanently; but the other Baltic states, which had a brief period of independence in the 1920s and 1930s, found themselves back under Russian control from 1940. Other parts of the empire were all back in the fold by 1922.

在苏联时期确实发生了变化的一件事是语言政策。正如我们所看到的，沙皇的政策，即使在他们过去的十年里，也是“加强俄罗斯国家，并在精神上保持俄罗斯”，而苏联对联盟的官方政策几乎是截然相反的。原则上，联盟的所有人民都是平等的；不会有官方语言。此外，每个人都有权利，不仅可以出于各种目的使用自己的语言，还可以使用这些语言进行教育。显然，俄语仍然是欧盟不同地区之间交流的唯一选择；革命后没有改变的一件事是对整个国家的集中控制。

One thing that did change under the Soviets was language policy. Whereas, as we saw, the policy of the Tsars, even in their last decade, was ‘to strengthen the Russian State, and keep it Russian in spirit’, the Soviets’ official policy for the Union was almost the polar opposite. In principle, all the peoples of the Union were to be equal; there would be no official language. Furthermore, everyone had rights, not only to the use of their own languages for all purposes, but also to education in them. Russian evidently remained the only choice for communication among different parts of the Union; one thing that did not change after the revolution was the centralised control of the country as a whole.

一项直接的实际政策是提高大众识字率。这一过程在沙皇统治下就开始了，但正如人口普查所显示的那样，这一进程大获成功。1897 年，9 至 49 岁的人中有 28.4% 能够阅读；1920年，这个数字上升到44.1%；到 1926 年已经是 56.6%；1939年，87.4%；1959年，98.5%；1970 年为 99.7%。⁶²由于这包括俄语以外的其他语言的识字能力（即使在 1970 年，也只有 77.5% 的人声称将俄语作为第一或第二语言⁶³），因此必要的先决条件是为该国的语言提供有效的书写系统。俄语正字法在 1918 年被简化为更加拼音，主要是通过替换字母 i、θ 和，没有明显的发音。（它们仍然可以在本节开始的陀思妥耶夫斯基的段落中看到。）没有书写传统的联盟的其他语言被赋予了字母表。在 1920 年代，这些字母主要基于拉丁字母，因为这种字母表是由语音学家最彻底地开发出来的。这些系统通常涉及苏联语言学家在确定方言之间的标准形式、平衡多数使用与相互可理解性和易于获取的考虑方面的相当技巧。大体上实现了稳定，创造了数十种新的“文学语言”（literaturnïye yazïki）。然后，政治权力形势的性质开始显现出来。

An immediate practical policy was to build mass literacy. This process had begun under the tsars, but the continuation was triumphantly successful, as the censuses showed. In 1897, 28.4 per cent of those aged between nine and forty-nine had been able to read; in 1920, the figure went up to 44.1 per cent; by 1926 it was already 56.6 per cent; in 1939, 87.4 per cent; in 1959, 98.5 per cent; and in 1970, 99.7 per cent.⁶² Since this included literacy in languages other than Russian (even in 1970, only 77.5 per cent claimed to have Russian as a first or second language⁶³), a necessary precondition of this was provision of effective writing systems for the country’s languages. Russian orthography was simplified in 1918 to be more phonetic, mostly by replacing the letters i, θ and , which did not have a distinct pronunciation. (They can still be seen in the passage of Dostoyevsky that begins this section.) Other languages of the Union that had no writing tradition were given alphabets. In the 1920s, these were based mostly on Latin letters, since this alphabet had been most thoroughly developed by phoneticians. The systems often involved considerable skill by Soviet linguists in fixing a standard form among dialects, balancing considerations of majority usage with mutual intelligibility and ease of acquisition. By and large stability was achieved, creating dozens of new ‘literary languages’ (literaturnïye yazïki). Then the nature of the political power situation began to make itself felt.

与之前的俄罗斯帝国一样，苏联一直从中央坚定地进行统治，自 1918 年以来更具体地说是从莫斯科进行统治。因此，俄罗斯人事实上的统治地位——诚然受到更大的社会和政治流动性的影响——开始优先于所有人的理论平等，尤其是在 1930 年代，苏联独自建立了一个稳定的马克思主义导向的政权，现在四面被敌人包围。现在，俄语的首要地位开始显得更加重要，甚至令人欣慰。在 1930 年代，出于选择或强制，所有不同的民族（波罗的海、格鲁吉亚、亚美尼亚和意第绪语除外）都宣布支持将其正字法转换为用于俄语的西里尔字母的某些变体。社会主义世界的边界与旧俄罗斯帝国的边界重合，这一奇怪的事实现在以完全不同的方式泛滥。正如后来的一位辩护者所说：

The Soviet Union had remained, like imperial Russia before it, steadfastly governed from the centre, since 1918 more specifically from Moscow. The de facto dominance of Russians, therefore—admittedly leavened by much greater social and political mobility—began to take precedence over the theoretical equality of all, especially when it became clear in the 1930s that the Soviet Union was alone in having set up a stable Marxist-oriented regime, now surrounded on all sides by enemies. Now the primacy of Russian began to seem more important, even comforting; and in the 1930s, by choice or force, all the different nationalities (except for the Baltics, Georgian, Armenian and Yiddish) came to declare in favour of switching their orthographies to some variant of the Cyrillic alphabet used for Russian. The strange fact that the boundaries of the socialist world were coincident with those of the old Russian empire was now suffused in quite a different light. As a later apologist put it:

因为[俄语]是联盟最发达的国家的语言，它引导了这个国家经历了革命性的变革，赢得了所有其他民族的爱戴和尊重，俄语自然而然地被转变为交流与合作的语言社会主义国家的所有人民。这是由……以兄弟般的友谊、相互信任和相互帮助的纽带取代以前的心理障碍。⁶⁴俄罗斯人现在能够取得重大进展。普及教育成为现实，俄语被列为所有学校的必修课。远远超过在沙皇统治下，它应该有可能被全国每个人都知道和使用。然而，不知何故，这并没有发生。正如我们已经注意到的，在 1970 年仍有 22.5% 的人声称对它没有有效的指挥权。无论是通过传统社区的生存——尤其是在中亚地区——还是保持对俄罗斯主导地位的怨恨——尤其是在波罗的海地区——许多人继续努力过没有俄语的生活。

Because [Russian] is the language of the Union’s most developed nation, which has guided the country through its revolutionary transformations and has won itself the love and respect of all other peoples, the Russian language is naturally being transformed into the language of communication and cooperation of all the peoples of the socialist state. This has been produced by… a replacement of previous psychological barriers by bonds of brotherly friendship, mutual trust and mutual help.⁶⁴ Russian was now in a position to make major strides. Universal education was a reality, and Russian was introduced as a compulsory subject in all schools. Far more than under the tsars, it should have been possible for it to become known and used by everyone throughout the country. Somehow, though, this did not happen. As we have already noted, in 1970 there were still 22.5 per cent who claimed not to have effective command of it. Whether through the survival of traditional communities—especially in central Asia—or the preservation of resentment at Russian dominance—especially in the Baltic—many continued to contrive to live their lives without Russian.

当苏联于 1992 年 1 月 1 日解体时，其所有组成共和国，包括乌克兰和白俄罗斯，都分裂为独立国家。俄语在教育方面的前景，因此作为帝国旧地区的长期通用语言，立即被削弱了。

When the Soviet Union was dissolved on 1 January 1992, all its constituent republics, including Ukraine and Belarus, split off as independent states. The prospects for Russian in education, and hence as a long-term lingua franca among the old parts of the empire, were immediately diminished.

但是，虽然俄语的使用不再能在旧联盟的范围内强制执行，但它不可避免地成为一种重要的政治象征，其细微差别取决于当地历史。在波罗的海国家中，拉脱维亚和爱沙尼亚正在设置语言考试，以迫使其居民俄罗斯人证明自己的语言能力；这些在立陶宛是不必要的，那里讲俄语的少数民族要少得多。^*白俄罗斯政府在 1995 年政策发生根本转变后，仍将俄语作为其工作语言，并贬低其本国语言。^†在一个地区拥有大量讲俄语的少数民族的共和国，特别是摩尔多瓦和哈萨克斯坦，必须非常明智地平衡他们可以在多大程度上维护他们的多数语言。在哈萨克斯坦，俄语被认为是一种官方交流语言，而糟糕的政客对哈萨克语的掌握程度如何仍然是一个长期的笑话。相比之下，在中亚，在独立前实际上是最多产俄语的政治阶层中，民族语言的使用明显复苏，而俄语的衰落。⁶⁵在这里，就像在波罗的海一样，英语作为第二语言的使用越来越多。^§只有在俄罗斯最古老的殖民地西伯利亚，可以说俄语的使用是安全的，而且可能还在增加使用俄语的人。可悲的是，这是因为西伯利亚的大多数土著语言社区都处于高度濒危状态，他们的传统生活方式被大量欧洲俄罗斯人的存在打破了。他们太小、太孤立、太虚弱，除了与俄罗斯人合作之外，无法设想任何未来。

But although the use of Russian can no longer be enforced across the extent of the old Union, it has inevitably become an important political token, with different nuances dependent on local history. Among the Baltic states, Latvia and Estonia are setting linguistic exams to force their resident Russians to prove competence in their own languages; these are unnecessary in Lithuania, where the Russian-speaking minority is so much smaller.^* The Belarusian government is maintaining Russian as its working language, after a radical shift in policy in 1995, and demeaning its own national language.^† Republics with large Russian-speaking minorities inhabiting a single region, notably Moldova and Kazakhstan, have to be highly judicious in balancing the degree to which they can assert their majority language. In Kazakhstan Russian is recognised as a language of official communication, and it remains a standing joke how poor politicians’ command of Kazakh tends to be. In central Asia, by contrast, there has been a discernible resurgence of national language use—and decline of Russian—among the political classes who were actually among the most prolific Russian speakers before independence.⁶⁵ Here, as in the Baltics, English is growing in use as a second language.^§ Only in Siberia, Rus’s oldest colony, can it be said that use of Russian is secure, and probably still gaining speakers. Sadly, this is because most of Siberia’s indigenous language communities are highly endangered, their traditional way of life shattered by the presence among them of large numbers of European Russians. They are too small, too isolated, and too weakened, to be able to envisage any future but collaboration with Russians.

在任何地方，使用俄语更重要的是作为对苏联过去的感受和对未来的渴望的标志，而不是作为与邻国交流方式的实际选择。即使在共产主义垮台之后，俄语仍然是一种高度意识形态化的语言。

Everywhere, use of Russian is more significant as a sign of feelings about the Soviet past, and of aspirations for the future, than as a practical choice of means of communication with the neighbours. Russian, even after the fall of communism, remains a highly ideological language.

结论

Conclusions

一种帝国语言在传播它的帝国解体后仍然存在的主要原因有四个。

There are four main reasons why an imperial language lives on after the dissolution of the empire that spread it.

首先是因为它仍然是解散帝国的人的语言。这可以称为克里奥尔原因。所有与欧洲母国作战并获得独立的美洲殖民地都是如此：在任何情况下，在大不列颠的十三个殖民地，在墨西哥，在中美洲和南美洲的共和国，以及巴西王国，发动革命的人不是土著人民，而是欧洲殖民者的后裔，他们与母国本身一样对都市语言有着浓厚的兴趣。同样，它在南非保留了南非荷兰语，在加拿大和阿尔及利亚保留了法语。从某种意义上说，定居者的语言社区一直没有中断。

The first is because it remains the language of the people who dissolve the empire. This can be called the creole reason. It was true of all the American colonies that fought and obtained independence from their mother countries in Europe: in every case, in the Thirteen Colonies of Great Britain, in Mexico, in the republics of Central and South America, and the kingdom of Brazil, the people who made the revolutions were not the indigenous people but the descendants of the European colonists, who were as attached to the metropolitan language as the mother country herself. Likewise it maintained Afrikaans in South Africa, and French in Canada and Algeria. In some sense, the settlers’ language communities have continued unbroken.

第二个原因是因为新独立的国家希望保持与大都市强权的贸易或文化，甚至可能是国防的联系。这可以称为怀旧的原因。这也是法国人在撒哈拉以南非洲坚持下去的部分原因。这也是为什么菲律宾仍然有西班牙语的痕迹，也是为什么 2002 年独立的东帝汶选择继续——或者更确切地说是恢复——使用葡萄牙语的原因。

The second reason is because the newly independent countries want to retain a link, of trade or culture, perhaps even of defence, with the metropolitan power. This can be called the nostalgia reason. It is part of the reason why French has hung on in sub-Saharan Africa. It is also why there is still a trace of Spanish in the Philippines, and also why East Timor, independent in 2002, opted to continue—or rather resurrect—its use of Portuguese.

第二个原因往往与第三个原因结盟，这可以称为统一原因。一个殖民大国不可避免地会在一个领域强加一种单一的语言，这最终对于维持它作为一个连贯的单位至关重要。当权力发生变化时，语言也可能发生变化（例如，当西班牙人在西班牙帝国的不同领地中取代了纳瓦特尔和盖丘亚语时）。但很可能不会，特别是在没有新征服者而只是争取独立斗争的高潮的情况下。在这种情况下，殖民语言可能会继续存在：这是法语在撒哈拉以南非洲这么多国家持续存在的另一个原因：用 270 多种土著语言中的任何一种来管理喀麦隆都是不切实际的。这就是为什么马来人被荷兰人以及追随他们的印度尼西亚政府视为统一的“印度尼西亚语”的原因。

The second reason is often found in alliance with a third, which can be called the unity reason. A colonial power inevitably imposes a single language on a domain, which ends up being essential to maintaining it as a coherent unit. When the power changes, the language may change too (as for example it did when Spanish replaced both Nahuatl and Quechua in different dominions of the Spanish empire). But quite likely it does not, especially where there is no new conqueror but simply the culmination of a struggle for independence. In that case, the colonial language may linger on: this is another reason for the persistence of French in so many countries of sub-Saharan Africa: it just would not be practicable to administer Cameroon in any one of its 270-plus indigenous languages. And this is, perversely, why Malay was taken up as the unifying ‘Bahasa Indonesia’—by the Dutch just as much as the Indonesian government that followed them.

还有第四个原因，全球性原因。一个国家可能坚持使用一种帝国语言，不是因为它与旧的殖民大国联系在一起，而是因为它提供了一种超越它的手段。对于在当前时代保持或采用英语的国家来说，情况非常普遍。但这确实是 18 世纪和 19 世纪俄罗斯精英采用法语的真正动机。

There is a fourth reason, the globality reason. A country may persist with an imperial language, not because it gives a link to the old colonial power, but because it provides a means to transcend it. This is very widely true of countries that maintain or adopt English in the current era; but it is just as truly the motive for the Russian elite’s adoption of French in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

鉴于这四个原因，可以更清楚地看到俄语明显未能在其使用者帝国不复存在的情况下强势生存。

The apparent failure of the Russian language to survive strongly where its speakers’ empire is no more can be viewed more clearly in the light of these four reasons.

克里奥尔语的理由只适用于西伯利亚，因为总的来说，只有在这里，俄罗斯帝国主义者才大量定居，足以压倒土著人民。他们在爱沙尼亚和拉脱维亚正在接近这种集中，而在哈萨克斯坦则更少：但那里的权力——以及语言的未来——最终仍留在了以前的居民手中。

The creole reason applies only in Siberia, since by and large it is only here that the Russian imperialists settled in large enough numbers to overwhelm the indigenous people. They are approaching this sort of concentration in Estonia and Latvia, and less so in Kazakhstan: but the power there—and hence the linguistic future—has ultimately remained with the previous inhabitants.

与俄罗斯人保持怀旧联系的需要在旧苏联王国并不普遍。可悲的是，他们的老臣民似乎对俄罗斯长达几个世纪的强权记忆犹新。但有一个例外：白俄罗斯，其政府正通过与俄罗斯更密切的联系积极寻求改善，其对俄语的热情也相应强烈。

The need to retain nostalgic links with the Russians is not widespread in the old Soviet realms; sadly, their old subjects seem to remember little with affection from the long centuries of Russian power. But there is one exception: Belarus, whose government is actively seeking betterment through closer links with Russia, and whose enthusiasm for Russian is correspondingly strong.

总的来说，不同的共和国可以通过使用自己的语言在自己的领土上实现实质上的统一；没有统一的理由坚持使用俄语，除了俄罗斯本身，其西伯利亚领土是旧帝国中语言最多的地区。正如我们所看到的，那里的小语言社区太弱了，无法对俄语组织的统一控制提出实质性的抵抗。

By and large, the different republics can achieve substantial unity, each on its own territory, through use of its own language; there is no unity reason to persist with Russian, except in Russia itself, whose Siberian territories are by far the most multilingual in the old empire. And as we have seen, the tiny language communities there are too weak to put up substantial resistance to the unifying grip of organisation in Russian.

最后，关于全球性：对于俄罗斯人来说也很遗憾，在当今世界交流的时代，很明显，最有利可图的联系不是与俄罗斯文化的先行者建立的；其他国家似乎更自由、更时尚、更强大，尤其是更富有。

Finally, as to globality: sadly too for Russian, in the current age of world communications, it is very evident that the most profitable links are not to be had with the doyens of Russian culture; other lands appear to be freer, more stylish, more powerful and, above all, richer.

然而，具有讽刺意味的是，俄罗斯可能有朝一日卷土重来。正如 19 世纪所表明的那样，俄罗斯知识分子能够发挥人类想象力的非凡能力。正如 20 世纪所表明的那样，他们的科学家在获得可观的财政支持时——即使是在严格、狭隘的国家控制下——与世界上任何人都是平等的。鉴于一个稳定且比以往更加自由的政府，俄罗斯文化可能还会发展成一种形式，使俄罗斯的前殖民地乐于培养它和它的语言。

Ironically, though, it may be on just this ground that Russian may one day stage a comeback. As the nineteenth century showed, the Russian intelligentsia is capable of remarkable flights of human imagination; and as the twentieth century showed, their scientists, when given respectable financial support—even under tight, and blinkered, state control—are the equal of any in the world. Given a stable and more liberal government than it has hitherto known, Russian culture may yet grow into a form that will make Russia’s former colonies glad to cultivate it, and its language.

我们对大多数欧洲帝国主义列强的语言生涯的快速回顾揭示了帝国主义获得、行使和失去帝国的各种令人眼花缭乱的方式，无论是否长期传播帝国主义的语言。西班牙语言的严重传播开始于它建立帝国后的大约两个世纪。葡萄牙语似乎几乎独立于其使用者的进步而在印度洋传播。最终，它在巴西发展得最为强劲，葡萄牙人在巴西的才华横溢，商业活动的空间最小。相比之下，荷兰语几乎没有传播开来，尽管荷兰人本身比作为帝国主义者的葡萄牙人更有效、更持久。法国的海外征服几乎和它们建立起来一样快地消失了。但有时法国人在那里幸存下来，即使是在新的领主之下，曾经接触过法语的人在驱逐征服者后也有一种明显的倾向，想要与它保持联系。另一个对比是，500 多年来，俄罗斯从其东北欧中部平原向各个方向扩张，直到遇到任何强大到足以抵抗它的力量。直到 1992 年，它的传播似乎是不可逆转的。然而，在过去的十年中，它表明在所有这些世纪的稳定发展中，它交到的朋友是多么的少。基本上直到它遇到任何强大到足以抵抗它的力量。直到 1992 年，它的传播似乎是不可逆转的。然而，在过去的十年中，它表明在所有这些世纪的稳定发展中，它交到的朋友是多么的少。基本上直到它遇到任何强大到足以抵抗它的力量。直到 1992 年，它的传播似乎是不可逆转的。然而，在过去的十年中，它表明在所有这些世纪的稳定发展中，它交到的朋友是多么的少。

Our quick review of the linguistic careers of most of the European imperial powers has revealed a bewildering variety of ways in which empire can be won, exercised and lost, with and without long-term transmission of the imperialist’s language. The serious spread of Spain’s language began some two centuries after it established its empire. The Portuguese language seemed to spread round the Indian Ocean almost independently of its speakers’ progress; and ultimately, it grew strongest in Brazil, where the Portuguese had least scope for their great talent, commerce. The Dutch language, by contrast, hardly spread at all, though the Dutch themselves were far more effective, and more permanent, than the Portuguese as imperialists. French overseas conquests tended to vanish almost as quickly as they were built up; but sometimes French survived there, even under new overlords, and there was a pronounced tendency for those once exposed to the French language to want to keep in touch with it after they had expelled the conquerors. In another contrast, over five hundred years Russian spread itself in every direction from its central plain of north-east Europe, essentially until it encountered any power strong enough to resist it. Until 1992, its spread seemed irreversible. And yet, in the last decade, it has shown how few friends it made in all those centuries of stable advance.

但是有一个简单的偏见似乎确实成立：任何外国帝国都倾向于传播某种语言。它可能不是当地语言，也不是主导力量的语言，因为马来人开始主宰荷属印度群岛；在外国控制离开后，这种情况可能不会持续很长时间，因为俄罗斯正在从俄罗斯的前殖民地溜走。但是，在一个受到共同的、外部的、控制的领土上，共同语言是一种实际的必要性，如果这种统治随着时间的推移而持续存在，这种必要性往往会促进语言的传播，并招募当地人来代表外国势力并与之互动。后代。

But there is one simplistic prejudice that does seem to hold up: any foreign empire does tend to spread some language. It may not be a local language, not that of the dominant power, as Malay came to dominate the Dutch Indies; and it may not persist long after the departure of foreign control, as Russian is slipping away from Russia’s ex-colonies. But a common language is a practical necessity in a territory brought under common, external, control, and this necessity tends to foster language spread if the domination persists over time, with recruitment of local people to represent, and interface with, the foreign power in later generations.

从这个意义上说，内布里哈是对的。

In this sense, Nebrija was right.

奇怪的是无效——德国的野心

Curiously ineffective—German ambitions

Mit der Dummheit kämpfen Götter selbst vergebens。

Mit der Dummheit kämpfen Götter selbst vergebens.

众神自己愚蠢地战斗是徒劳的

With stupidity the gods themselves fight in vain

弗里德里希·冯·席勒，奥尔良少女峰，1801 年，iii.6

Friedrich von Schiller, Die Jungfrau von Orleans, 1801, iii.6

一种主要的欧洲语言在我们的页面中基本上被忽视了，尽管它具有重要的文化地位，而且在 19 世纪曾试图将其传播到世界各地。这是德语，正是马丁路德的语言，它通过印刷文字的革命引领了宗教改革。（见第 9 章，第 326 页。）德语作为一种潜在的全球语言几乎容易发生意外，很多时候令人失望。

One major European language has been largely neglected in our pages, despite its major cultural status, and the sterling attempts to spread it round the world in the nineteenth century. This is German, none other than the language of Martin Luther, which led off the Reformation through a revolution in the printed word. (See Chapter 9, p. 326.) There is something almost accident-prone about German as a potential global language, many times disappointed.

在 5 世纪初期（见第 7 章，“Einfall：日耳曼和斯拉夫的进步”，第 304 页），它的演讲者遍及整个西罗马帝国，从英国到北非，在每个国家都永久地让他们的领导人成为世袭君主。他们占领的国家。然而，唯一取得的语言成就是在英格兰。否则，德语在很大程度上仍局限于其在北欧的原始领土，在此早期甚至在东部直至巴尔干地区被斯拉夫语所取代。（参见第 7 章，“巴尔干地区的斯拉夫黎明”，第 309 页。）^*但在 10 世纪，以及在 12 和 13 世纪，德国人大规模向东迁移，越过易北河，到达和超越现代波兰边境的奥得河，使他们成为主要讲德语的地区。在商人和犹太人的口中，德语也传播到东南欧的许多城市。

In the opening years of the fifth century (see Chapter 7, ‘Einfall: Germanic and Slavic advances’, p. 304) its speakers overran the whole western Roman empire, from Britain to North Africa, permanently installing their leaders as hereditary monarchs in every country they took. Yet the only linguistic gain made was in England. Otherwise German remained largely restricted to its original territory in northern Europe, and in this early period even lost ground to Slavonic in the eastern parts down into the Balkans. (See Chapter 7, ‘Slavonic dawn in the Balkans’, p. 309.)^* But in the tenth, and again in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, there were large migrations of Germans eastward across the Elbe up to and beyond the modern Polish border on the Oder, turning them into predominantly German-speaking regions. German also spread into many cities in south-eastern Europe, on the lips of merchants and Jews.

与此同时，在更远的北方，一些更有条理和好战的东西正在酝酿中。1226 年，神圣罗马帝国皇帝弗里德里希二世授予条顿骑士团与异教徒作战的天赋。他们用剑和犁取得了所有权，直到 1242 年才被著名的亚历山大·尼耶夫斯基^阻止进入俄罗斯。 ^†从 1280 年到 1410 年，他们的追随者在波罗的海沿岸建立了 1400 个村庄和 93 个城镇海岸，⁶⁶和德语是从普鲁士到爱沙尼亚建立的。经历了瑞典和俄罗斯霸主地位的变迁，直到 1917 年的动乱，德国地主成功地保持了他们的精英地位五个世纪。

Meanwhile, farther north, something much more structured and warlike was afoot. In 1226, the Teutonic knights, called in to fight the heathen, were gifted East Prussia by the Holy Roman Emperor, Friedrich II. They made good their ownership with the sword and the plough, and were only stopped from pressing on into Russia by the famed Aleksandr N^yevskiy in 1242.^† From 1280 to 1410, their followers founded 1400 villages and ninety-three towns along the Baltic shores,⁶⁶ and the German language was established from Prussia to Estonia. The German landowners succeeded in retaining their elite status for five centuries, through vicissitudes of Swedish and Russian overlordship, until the turmoil of 1917.

与此同时，重大事件震动了德国祖国。它以“神圣罗马帝国”的名义在中世纪被排除在外——经常与意大利的大部分地区结合在一起，尽管没有失去德语——但当宗教改革来临时，旧结构瓦解时，德国发现自己很脆弱. 在 17 世纪，该国被三十年战争（1618-48 年）广泛破坏，天主教徒对抗新教徒。但此后，尽管政治稳定和军事安全继续让他们望而却步，讲德语的人却因为他们创新的严肃态度——以及后来的浪漫主义——获得了科学、艺术和各种学术研究的黄金时代。德语语言文学在世界范围内享有盛誉，在国际上首次与法语相提并论。die Aufklärung ) 最早是用德语表达的。

Meanwhile great events had shaken the German fatherland. It had sat out the Middle Ages under the alias of the ‘Holy Roman Empire’—in combination often with much of Italy, though without any loss of its German language—but when the Reformation came and the old structures disintegrated, Germany found itself vulnerable. In the seventeenth century the country was widely devastated by the Thirty Years War (1618-48), pitting Catholics against Protestants. But thereafter, although political stability and military security continued to elude them, German speakers were rewarded for their innovative seriousness—and later their Romanticism—with a golden age in science, the arts and all kinds of scholarship; and the German language and literature achieved world prominence, for the first time equalling French in international respect. The eighteenth century was the era of Lessing, Goethe and Schiller, Mozart and Beethoven, Herder and the brothers Humboldt, Kant and Hegel, ensuring that many of the key ideas of the Enlightenment (known to Germans as die Aufklärung) were first expressed in German.

自神圣罗马帝国解体以来，南方讲德语的人在哈布斯堡王朝统治下的奥地利王国（ Österreich—— “东方王国”）中一直保持着相对统一的状态。但在 19 世纪，德国人在其北部的大部分领土被强行统一在普鲁士强大的、公开的军国主义领导下，并将其创建为一个新的德意志帝国，“德意志帝国”。作为一个 19 世纪的欧洲强国，这个新德国自然感到它需要海外殖民地：在短时间内，它在非洲占领了四个领土——多哥兰、喀麦隆、西南非洲（纳米比亚）和东非（坦噶尼喀）。 1880 年代，巴布亚东北部和 1890 年代太平洋上的大部分密克罗尼西亚群岛。当德国在第一次世界大战中战败时，德皇的所有这些新臣民才刚刚开始接受德语教学。1919 年在凡尔赛，德语失去了所有的海外领土，他们的政府被改用法语、英语和（在密克罗尼西亚）日语。

Since the breakdown of the Holy Roman Empire, German speakers in the south had remained relatively united in the kingdom of Austria (Österreich—’the easterly kingdom’), ruled by the Habsburg dynasty. But in the nineteenth century, most of the Germans’ territories to the north of this were forcibly united under the strong, avowedly militarist leadership of Prussia, billing its creation as a renewed deutsches Reich, ‘German Empire’. As a nineteenth-century European power, this new Germany naturally felt that it needed colonies abroad: in short order, it took possession of four territories in Africa—Togoland, Cameroon, Southwest Africa (Namibia) and East Africa (Tanganyika)—in the 1880s, and north-east Papua and most of the Micronesian islands in the Pacific in the 1890s. All these new subjects of the Kaiser were just beginning to receive instruction in the German language when Germany emerged defeated from the First World War; at Versailles in 1919, the German language lost all its overseas territories, their administrations being switched to French, English and (in Micronesia) Japanese.

广阔的德国精神在 1939 年进行了一次戏剧性而绝望的最后一击，在从大西洋到乌拉尔的欧洲大陆北部和中部的大部分地区短暂地建立了一个新的更大的帝国。但是总共六年的克里格，“全面战争”构成了它能够保持控制的整个时期，但时间太短，无法显示德语是否有任何语言上的进步。德国征服其欧洲邻国的方式当然不适合赢得朋友或仰慕者。但东边可能会有战后德国人定居点，旨在扫除说斯拉夫语的人，也许德国的克里奥尔人可能在一个庞大的强迫劳动营网络中的混合人口中长大。事实上，政客们对军事荣耀的疯狂推动最终几乎抹去了德语在 18 世纪和 19 世纪所取得的语言影响力。在 1930 年代，各个领域的严肃科学家、艺术家和知识分子，尤其是讲德语的犹太人，成群结队地流亡国外——尤其是到美国，在那里他们成为说英语的人；在战后时代，德国的纳粹协会仍然不鼓励在其本国以外的地方大量使用它。

The expansive German spirit made a dramatic and desperate last throw in 1939, briefly imposing a new and greater Reich over most of the northern and central reaches of continental Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals; but the six years of totalen Krieg, ‘total war’, which made up the full period for which it was able to maintain its grip, were too short to show whether any linguistic gains for German were in train. Germany’s style of conquest of its European neighbours was certainly not adapted to win friends or admirers; but there would probably have been post-war settlements of Germans to the east, aimed at sweeping aside speakers of Slavonic languages, and perhaps German-based Creoles may have grown up among mixed populations in a vast network of forced labour camps. As it was, the politicians’ demented push for military glory ended up almost erasing the language influence that German had achieved in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In the 1930s, serious scientists, artists and intellectuals in every field, especially German-speaking Jews, left in droves for exile abroad—especially to the USA, where they became English speakers; and in the post-war era, the still-fresh Nazi associations of German discouraged much use of it outside its home countries.

希特勒痛苦的直接Drang nach Weltherrschaft，“统治世界的动力”，很快就被幸运地击败了；但在文化上，它已经被证明是弄巧成拙的。看看德语是否能在 21 世纪变化的条件下开始提高其声望将会很有趣，德国和奥地利现在作为成熟的民主国家在欧洲的中心发挥主导作用，至少名义上，寻求“更紧密的结合”。

Hitler’s painfully direct Drang nach Weltherrschaft, ‘drive for world domination’, was mercifully soon defeated; but culturally, it had already proved self-defeating. It will be interesting to see whether the German language can begin to enhance its prestige in the changed conditions of the twenty-first century, with Germany and Austria now playing leading roles as well-established democracies, at the centre of a Europe which is, nominally at least, seeking ‘ever closer union’.

帝国结语：Kōminka

Imperial epilogue: Kōminka

Kōminka：臣民的帝国化……没有对天皇无限仁慈的深切感激，临时臣民就无法理解日本人的真正含义……虽然Kōminka作为一个概念似乎抽象而难以理解，其基本原理与《教谕》相同；理解一个就是理解另一个。

Kōminka: The imperialization of subject peoples… Without this sense of profound gratitude for the limitless benevolence of the Emperor, provisional subjects cannot grasp the true meaning of what it is to be Japanese… While Kōminka as a concept may seem abstract and difficult to grasp, its fundamental principles are the same as those of the Imperial Rescript on Education; to understand one is to understand the other.

Washisu Atsuya，台湾政府回忆录，台北，1943 年，p。339

Washisu Atsuya, Recollections of Government in Taiwan, Taipei, 1943, p. 339

臣民，孝顺父母，孝顺兄弟姐妹；夫妻要和睦，朋友要真；熊

Ye subjects, be filial to your parents, affectionate to your brothers and sisters; as husbands and wives be harmonious, as friends true; bear

谦虚和节制；将您的仁慈扩展到所有人；求学育艺，从而发展智力，完善道德；自愿促进共同利益；

yourselves in modesty and moderation; extend your benevolence to all; pursue learning and cultivate arts, and thereby develop intellectual faculties and perfect moral powers; voluntarily promote common interests;

从事公共事务时，始终尊重宪法，遵守法律；

embarking on public affairs always respect the Constitution and observe the laws;

遇到紧急情况，勇于服务；从而帮助皇座繁荣昌盛，永恒如天地。

in case emergency arises, serve courageously; and thus aid the prosperity of the Imperial Throne eternal as heaven and earth.

出自京生二话长语

From the Kyōiku ni kansuru Chokugo

1890 年 10 月 30 日的（《教育敕令》），展示在所有日本学校，在天皇像旁边

(Imperial Rescript on Education) of 30 October 1890, displayed in all Japanese schools, beside the portrait of the emperor

我们必须在亚洲边缘建立一个新的、欧洲式的帝国。

We have to establish a new, European-style empire on the edge of Asia.

井上薰，日本外相，1887 ⁶⁷

Inoue Kaoru, Japanese foreign minister, 1887⁶⁷

日本显然不是欧洲强国。但它为自己赢得一个海外帝国的动机是来自欧洲的灵感。作为欧洲帝国建设的续集，这次冒险的简短故事展示了这种语言传播的大部分因果关系、方法和最终的虚荣心。

Japan is evidently no European power. But the motive with which it won for itself an overseas empire was of European inspiration. And viewed as a sequel to European empire-building, the brief story of this venture displays much of the causation, the methods and ultimate vanity of this type of language spread.

日本一直是一个严格的孤立主义国家，直到 1853 年美国准将佩里的“黑船”访问该国。到 1858 年，它被迫与欧洲主要大国缔结贸易条约。德川幕府的传统统治随后因一系列暴力事件而动摇，这让一些日本人对外国人特别是英国海军的军事力量印象深刻。 1868年，高喊son no jō i等口号，“孝敬天皇；驱逐野蛮人'，和 fu koku kyō hei，'富国；强大的军队'，^*这些激进分子推翻了持续了两个半世纪的封建政府，并在年轻的明治天皇名义监督下建立了一个彻底西化的新政权，明治天皇于 1867 年即位。被派往欧洲和美国，以了解他们是如何组织的。到 1889 年，日本通过了一部新宪法，有两院（一院世袭，另一院由富人选举产生）、中央任命的县知事、直接对天皇负责的陆军总参谋部（因此不受文官控制）和国家公务员、警察部队、银行和教育系统。在一代人的时间里，日本已将自己与西方主要大国相提并论，并开始展示其独立性。

Japan had been a strictly isolationist state until visited in 1853 by the American Commodore Perry’s ‘Black Ships’; by 1858, it had been forced to conclude trade treaties with the major European powers. The traditional rule of the Tokugawa shogun was then unsettled in a number of violent incidents, which impressed some Japanese with the military power of the foreigners, especially the British navy. In 1868, shouting such slogans as son nō jō i, ‘honour emperor; expel barbarians’, and fu koku kyō hei, ‘rich country; strong army’,^* these radicals overthrew the feudally based government that had lasted for the previous two and a half centuries, and established a new, radically Westernising, regime under the nominal supervision of the young Emperor Meiji, who had conveniently come to the throne in 1867. Expeditions were dispatched to Europe and the USA to find out how they were organised. By 1889 Japan had adopted a new constitution, with two houses of parliament (one hereditary and another elected by wealthy householders), centrally appointed prefectural governors, an army general staff directly responsible to the emperor (and hence immune from civilian control), and a national civil service, police force, banking and educational system. Within a single generation, Japan had put itself on a par with the leading Western powers, and proceeded to demonstrate its independence.

日本殖民战争的主要战略动机是朝鲜。日本正在从西方吸取地缘政治的教训；德国帝国陆军顾问梅克尔少校将朝鲜描述为“刺向日本心脏的匕首”，认为朝鲜对敌对国家的价值。被剥夺了财产的武士，古代骑士阶级，是日本现代化进程的主要失败者，几乎在 1870 年代初期鼓动了对日本的彻底入侵。但在 1894 年，中国受邀进入朝鲜帮助平定叛乱，日本——援引条约权利确保朝鲜的中立——也来了。日本人开始全力以赴，绑架朝鲜国王和王后以表明他们的观点；事实证明，中国的抵抗不仅徒劳无功，而且代价高昂。在 1895 年战争的解决中，

The main strategic motive for Japan’s colonial wars was Korea. Japan was taking lessons in geopolitics from the West; and Major Meckel, the German adviser to the Imperial Army, had characterised Korea as ‘a dagger thrust at the heart of Japan’, thinking of its value to a hostile power. Dispossessed samurai, the ancient class of knights who were the main losers in Japan’s modernisation, had almost drummed up an outright invasion of the country early in the 1870s. But in 1894 China was invited into Korea to help subdue a rebellion, and Japan—citing a treaty right to ensure Korea’s neutrality—came too. The Japanese started throwing their weight about, kidnapping the Korean king and queen to make their point; and Chinese resistance proved not only futile but costly. In the settlement of the war in 1895, China was forced to cede the islands of Taiwan and the Pescadores to Japan: these became Japan’s first colony.

日本继续在韩国投资，并对其政府施加越来越大的压力，要求其实现现代化。1902 年，日本与英国结盟，为期 20 年。这使它有勇气抵抗俄罗斯对朝鲜的行动，并开始了 1904-5 年的日俄战争。与中国一样，俄罗斯也发现自己严重低估了日本的军事实力。陆战（主要在满洲）是血腥但没有结果的，但随后俄罗斯不仅失去了太平洋，还失去了波罗的海舰队。在随后的和平中，日本获得了满洲里的辽东半岛，拥有旅顺港和大连两个绝佳的港口，以及库页岛的南半部，称为日本的空港。与此同时，日本对韩国的持续压力现在没有来自俄罗斯或中国的竞争：韩国屈服了，首先成为保护国，然后在 1910 年成为殖民地。

Japan went on investing in Korea, and put increasing pressure on its government to provide for modernisation. In 1902 Japan struck an alliance with Great Britain, which was to last for twenty years. This emboldened it to resist Russian moves towards Korea, and start the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-5. Like China, Russia found that it had seriously underestimated Japan’s military strength. The land battles (mostly in Manchuria) were bloody but inconclusive, but then Russia lost not just its Pacific, but also its Baltic, fleet. In the ensuing peace, Japan gained the Liaodong peninsula of Manchuria, with its two excellent harbours, Port Arthur and Dalian, and the southern half of Sakhalin island, called in Japanese Karafuto. Meanwhile the continuing Japanese pressure on Korea was now without competition from Russia or China: Korea buckled, becoming first a protectorate, and then, in 1910, a colony.

日本的扩张并没有就此停止。它在第一次世界大战中加入了盟军，并迅速占领了离它最近的德国领土、中国东北部的青岛市和密克罗尼西亚群岛。1919 年在凡尔赛——法国首次在外交上屈服于英国——日本被迫退出青岛，但它对这些岛屿的控制权得到了确认，此后被称为“南洋群岛”。

Japan’s aggrandisement did not stop there. It joined the Allies in the First World War, and speedily grabbed the German possessions closest to it, the city of Qingdao in north-east China, and the islands of Micronesia. At Versailles in 1919—when French first yielded diplomatically to English—Japan was compelled to quit Qingdao, but its control of the islands, henceforth called Nan’ yō Guntō, ‘South Ocean Islands’, was confirmed.

由于这一切，在 20 世纪的两次世界大战期间，日本在西北太平洋周围建立了一个庞大的海外帝国：台湾、满洲南部、库页岛南部、朝鲜全境和密克罗尼西亚群岛。在这里，它有 25 到 50 年，整整一两代人来强加自己和它的语言。现在我们将简要介绍一下结果。^*

As a result of all this, during the inter-war years of the twentieth century Japan held a substantial overseas empire round the north-west Pacific: Taiwan, southern Manchuria, southern Sakhalin, all of Korea and the islands of Micronesia. Here it had between twenty-five and fifty years, one or two full generations, to impose itself and its language; and we shall now take a brief look at the results.^*

扩张日本帝国的动机对在由此产生的领土上使用日语产生了一些影响。在这些太平洋土地上，日本人没有来贸易，也没有工业开发。结果，日本很少派出平民定居者或居民：新来者绝大多数是士兵和行政人员。日常业务的互动相对较少；大多数交流采取当地人必须遵守日本指示的形式。

The motives that had expanded the Japanese empire had some impact on the use of Japanese in the resulting territories. In these Pacific lands, the Japanese had not come to trade, nor for industrial exploitation. As a result, Japan sent few civilian settlers or residents: the newcomers were overwhelmingly soldiers and administrators. There would be relatively little interaction for daily business; most communication took the form of locals having to comply with Japanese instructions.

在新殖民地，日本人的生活态度远非放任自流。台湾和韩国长期以来都以不同的方式成为中国势力范围的一部分，并拥有自己的教育体系。但日本的政策是逐渐破坏从前一个时代幸存下来的地方学校，并以当地成本取代它们，并用日语机构代替它们。在密克罗尼西亚，识字和城市生活是最近才获得的，目标更温和，受教育年限更短：尽管如此，他们仍然以日语的基本识字为目标。尽管日本人对殖民地人民的态度越来越强调他们作为潜在的“大东亚共荣圈”（Dai-Tō-A Kyōeiken ）的同胞的自然团结），他们都成为日语社区成员的有效压力只会增加。

In the new colonies, the Japanese attitude to life was far from laissez-faire. Both Taiwan and Korea had in their different ways long been parts of China’s sphere of influence, and had their own systems of education in place; but the Japanese policy was gradually to undermine the locally run schools that had survived from the previous era, and to replace them—at local cost—with Japanese-language institutions. In Micronesia, where literacy and urban life were far more recent acquisitions, the aims were more modest, and years of schooling shorter: nevertheless, they remained aimed at basic literacy in Japanese. Although the attitudes of the Japanese to the colonial peoples increasingly emphasised their natural solidarity as fellow members of a potential ‘Great East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere’ (Dai-Tō-A Kyōeiken), the effective pressure on them all to become members of the Japanese language community only heightened.

当第二次世界大战使整个帝国处于危险之中时，这已经产生了影响。据估计，在 1942 年，62% 的台湾人能听懂日语，20% 的人能听懂韩语。⁶⁸但是当它在 1895 年首次控制台湾时，日本选择听从典型的法国人而不是英国人的建议，并旨在将台湾领土完全融入日本。^*当其他殖民地被占领时，这项政策基本上没有辩论就被遵循了。在 20 世纪初，这一建议在发达的大型殖民地，尤其是在朝鲜，被证明是灾难性的：天皇的新臣民从未得到足够的信任，无法直接为东京的政策制定做出贡献，但他们至少没有办法断言局部控制自己的命运。这一点在 1919 年被日本人血腥镇压的朝鲜人的激进示威中变得非常清楚。回顾 1925 年，日本分析家青柳纲太郎指出：“几乎所有受过教育的韩国人，即使是那些能说流利日语的人——甚至那些曾在日本学习过的人——都拒绝日本的统治”。⁶⁹

This was having its effect when the Second World War placed the whole empire in jeopardy. It is estimated that in 1942 62 per cent of the Taiwanese population could understand Japanese, and 20 per cent of the Korean.⁶⁸ But when it first took control of Taiwan in 1895, Japan had elected to follow characteristic French, rather than British, advice and aim at total integration of the territory into Japan.^* This policy had then been followed, essentially without debate, as the other colonies were taken. Over the early twentieth century, this counsel proved disastrous in the large developed colonies, especially in Korea: the emperor’s new subjects were never sufficiently trusted to allow them to contribute directly to policy-making in Tokyo, but they had no means to assert at least partial control of their fate locally. This became abundantly clear in the militant demonstrations by Koreans in 1919, bloodily put down by the Japanese; looking back in 1925, the Japanese analyst Aoyagi Tsunataro noted: ‘nearly all educated Koreans, even those who were fluent in Japanese—even those who had studied in Japan—rejected Japanese rule’.⁶⁹

统治者们讽刺地接受了对韩国人来说，“受教育就是抗日”。1929-30 年间发生了新一轮的反对日本假定优势的韩国学生罢工。即使他们的教育越来越日本化，台湾的麻烦也减少了，怨恨也明显减少了。1922 年，中国的学习成为选修课，1937 年取消；具有讽刺意味的是，他们在韩国学校继续学习韩语课程。

It became wryly accepted among the rulers that for Koreans, ‘to be educated was to be anti-Japanese’. A fresh rash of Korean student strikes, against Japanese assumed superiority, occurred in 1929-30. There was less trouble, and apparently less resentment, in Taiwan, even as their education became increasingly Japanese. Chinese studies were made optional there in 1922, and dropped in 1937; ironically, they continued on the curriculum—along with Korean—in the schools of Korea.

与此同时，没有被日本人抹杀的发达识字传统的密克罗尼西亚对新教育的接受度要高得多。此外，它的 50,000 土著居民迅速加入了同等数量的日本定居者，前来种植糖。种植园建于 1920 年代；到 1930 年代初，它们占政府收入的 60% 以上。如果不是因为太平洋战争，密克罗尼西亚很可能会一直讲日语。^*

Meanwhile Micronesia, with no tradition of developed literacy to be effaced by the Japanese, was far more receptive to the new education. Moreover, its 50,000 indigenous population were rapidly joined by an equal number of Japanese settlers, arriving to grow sugar. Plantations were established in the 1920s; by the early 1930s they accounted for over 60 per cent of government revenues there. If it had not been for the Pacific war, it is probable that Micronesia would have been overwhelmingly Japanese-speaking to this day.^*

然而，日本对其亚洲共荣圈的帝国计划，以及对日语传播的暗示，被军国主义者的政治胜利和他们欣然领导日本的太平洋战争彻底打乱了。通过五十年的（相对）和平的殖民主义可能赢得的任何人心和思想最终都在日军在东亚和东南亚的最终横冲直撞中消失了。尽管他们短暂地获得了整个太平洋西部沿岸，但日本在 1945 年结束时仅限于其在 1868 年控制的岛屿，甚至失去了北部外围的千岛群岛和南部的琉球群岛。台湾回归中国，韩国独立。人口稀少的库页岛和密克罗尼西亚分别被置于俄罗斯和美国的控制之下。在他们来之不易的殖民地中，没有一个地方允许日本政府留下来。650万日本人被遣返日本。日本在亚太地区的所有影响力被迫中断了整整十五年。

However, Japan’s Imperial Plans for its Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere, and by implication for the spread of the Japanese language, were decisively disrupted by the political triumph of militarists, and the Pacific war into which they joyfully led Japan. Any hearts and minds that may have been won through fifty years of (relatively) peaceful colonialism were definitively lost in the terminal rampages of the Japanese army through East and South-East Asia. Although they briefly gained the whole western littoral of the Pacific Ocean, Japan ended 1945 confined to the islands it had controlled in 1868, even losing the outlying Kuriles in the north and the Ryukyus in the south. Taiwan was returned to Chinese rule, and Korea became independent. The more scarcely populated Sakhalin and Micronesia were placed under Russian and American control respectively. Nowhere in their hard-won colonies was a Japanese administration permitted to remain; and 6.5 million Japanese were repatriated to Japan. There was a forced intermission of all Japanese influence in Asia and the Pacific for a good fifteen years.

那么，在日本被驱逐半个世纪之后，日本海外语言社区还剩下什么？许多从上日本学校的世代中幸存下来的人仍然可以用这种语言交谈。但似乎它几乎没有被用作交流手段，即使在这一代人中：⁷⁰日本人激起的谴责持续了很长时间，以至于当日本的工业利益再次开始蔓延时，它阻止了对这一遗产的任何利用。在 20 世纪的最后 40 年里，古老的日本帝国绝不会成为日本产品乃至日本文化在全球传播的跳板。

What, then, remains of the Japanese overseas language community, half a century after Japan’s expulsion? Many who survive from the generations that attended Japanese schools can still converse in the language. But it seems that it is hardly used as a means of communication, even among this generation:⁷⁰ the opprobrium that the Japanese had stirred up lasted so long that it prevented any advantage being taken of this heritage when Japanese industrial interests began to spread again. The old Japanese empire has in no way served as a launch-pad for the global spread of Japanese products, and latterly of Japanese culture, in the last four decades of the twentieth century.

日本五十年的语言传播可以看作是帝国语言事业的缩影。与其他殖民帝国一样，日本利用其对其他国家（在这种情况下是其近邻）的技术和军事优势来扩大其领土。然后它面临着如何处理当地居民的问题，这些人并不认为自己是日本人。它到处都试图将他们转变为自己社区的成员，当然不相信他们自愿结社，而是相当重视日语教育。与其他地方一样，这个转换过程失败了。

Japan’s fifty years of language spread can be seen as a demonstration in miniature of the career of an imperial language. Like the other colonial empires, Japan took advantage of its technical and military superiority over other countries—in this case, its close neighbours—to increase its territory. It then faced the problem of what to do with the native populations there, people who did not think of themselves as Japanese. It attempted everywhere to convert them into members of its own community, certainly not trusting them to associate themselves voluntarily, but setting considerable store by education in the Japanese language. As everywhere else, this conversion process failed.

语言的传播取得了合理的成功，但一旦使用它的政治动机消失，这种语言就没有独立的持久力。建议解释俄语衰落的框架也可以在这里应用。没有克里奥尔人的动机，因为基本上所有海外人口都被遣返了。没有对旭日旗帜下的生活的怀念，也没有任何与演讲者保持团结的愿望。事实上，日本几年的控制所造成的痛苦记忆是如此之深，以至于即使有全球化的理由通过语言来更新经济联系，它们也被忽视了。事实证明，永久的语言传播不是通过计划或赤裸裸的力量来实现的。

There was reasonable success in spreading the language, but once the political motive for using it was gone, the language turned out to have no independent staying power. The framework suggested to explain the decline of Russian can be applied here too. The creole motive was absent, since essentially the whole overseas population had been repatriated. There was no nostalgia for life under the flag of the Rising Sun, nor any wish to preserve unity with its speakers. Indeed, the bitter memories that the few years of Japan’s control had caused were such that even when there were globalisation reasons to renew economic links through the language, they were disregarded. Permanent language spread, it turns out, is not to be achieved through planning, or naked force.

^*卡蒙斯是葡萄牙文学的元老，他的伟大作品颂扬了葡萄牙水手的成就。Lusiadas这个名字虽然让人想起“伊利亚特”，但实际上是“葡萄牙人”的学识对应词，意思是生活在（罗马）卢西塔尼亚的种族的神话创始人卢苏斯的后代。这部作品实际上大部分是在果阿写成的，所以它是 Ultramar 的产物，也是对它的庆祝。它于 1572 年出版。

^* Camões is the doyen of Portuguese literature, and his great work celebrates the achievements of the Portuguese mariners. The name Lusiadas, although it recalls ‘Iliad’, is actually a learned equivalent for ‘the Portuguese’, meaning the progeny of Lusus, the mythical founder of the race who lived in (Roman) Lusitania. The work was actually written, for the most part, in Goa, so it is a product of Ultramar, as well as a celebration of it. It was published in 1572.

^* “父亲，是什么把你带到了这片远离印度的土地上？” 在他的Itinerario da Índia por terra中进行了报道，引自 Lopes (1936: 33-5)。

^* ‘Father, what has brought you to this land so far from India?’ Reported in his Itinerario da Índia por terra, quoted in Lopes (1936: 33-5).

^†现在是霍尔木兹海峡的霍梅尼港。

^† Now Bandar Khomeini, on the Straits of Hormuz.

^*它成为印度群岛的默认欧洲语言，显然在西爪哇的 Preanger 地区，甚至荷兰语也被普遍称为basa Perteges——这是一种有趣的语言误称，与basa，通过马来语bahasa，来自梵语bhā⋅ ā和Perteges葡萄牙语的腐败（在 Lopes 1936 中报道：viii）。

^* It became the default European language in the Indies, and apparently in western Java, in the region of Preanger, even Dutch was known popularly as basa Perteges—an interesting conflation of language misnomers, with basa, through Malay bahasa, from Sanskrit bhā⋅ā, and Perteges a corruption of Portugues (reported in Lopes 1936: viii).

^*与英语方言相比，印度-葡萄牙语使它像“爱丁堡”的精致苏格兰发音中的 E，标准葡萄牙语更像伦敦“伙伴”中的 a。

^* To compare with English dialects, Indo-Portuguese makes it like the E in a refined Scots pronunciation of ‘Edinburgh’, standard Portuguese more like the a in Cockney ‘mate’.

^†即便如此，2000 年该州的官方语言被宣布为康卡尼语，这是一种与马拉地语和印地语相关的雅利安语。

^† Even so, in 2000 the state’s official language was declared to be Konkani, an Aryan language related to Marathi and Hindi.

^*这是启蒙运动对天主教政府的全球影响的一部分（参见第 10 章，“国家的解决方案：Hispanización”，第 374 页）。

^* This was part of the global impact of the Enlightenment on Catholic governments (see Chapter 10, ‘The state’s solution: Hispanización’, p. 374).

^*苏门答腊的巨港是 Śrī Vijaya 的主要城市，这个古老的国家很可能是马来语在东印度群岛市场周围传播的原因。据说这种浪费精力的谚语是指荷兰人企图夺取巨港的失败，当时巨港是胡椒的主要来源（Hamilton 1987：60）。

^* Palembang in Sumatra was the principal city of Śrī Vijaya, the ancient state that was most likely responsible for the spread of Malay round the markets of the East Indies. This proverbial statement of wasted effort is said to refer to a failed Dutch attempt to take Palembang, in their day a prime source of pepper (Hamilton 1987: 60).

^*在 17 世纪，每个国家的人口在 1.25 到 150 万之间（Boxer 1969：114）。

^* Each country had between 1.25 and 1.5 million people in the seventeenth century (Boxer 1969: 114).

^*巴达维人是一个日耳曼部落，在公元前一世纪之交左右，居住在斯海尔德河以北的现代荷兰地区。因此，他们为具有历史头脑的荷兰人提供了一个有用的古典化名，而他们定居的爪哇人可能很少欣赏他们。

^* The Batavi were a Germanic tribe who had lived in the area of modern Holland, north of the Scheldt, around the turn of the first centuries BC-AD. They thus provided a useful classical pseudonym for historically minded Dutchmen, perhaps little appreciated by the Javanese among whom they settled.

^†一个主要动机是葡萄牙人与基督教的联系，日本德川家光政府决心在他们的海岸内消灭它。因此，荷兰人准备将他们的关注限制在世俗的贸易事务上，因此在接下来的两个世纪里，他们是日本人唯一的对外联络人。

^† A major motive was the association of the Portuguese with Christianity, which the Japanese government of Tokugawa Iemitsu was determined to stamp out within their shores. The Dutch, prepared to restrict their concerns to secular matters of trade, were therefore the only foreign contact of the Japanese for the following two centuries.

这导致了日本历史上著名的语言事件（与上面提到的葡萄牙语的使用相比，['一个亚洲帝国'，第 388 页]）。1853 年，当美国海军准将佩里带着他的“黑船”进入浦贺港，决心结束日本的孤立时，最早来到这里的日本人之一堀龙之介用非常流利的英语说：“我会说荷兰语。 ' 由于其中一个美国人波特曼先生也懂荷兰语，美国人和日本人之间的第一次持续交流实际上是在荷兰语中进行的。（霍克斯 1954 年，第 48-9 页）

This led to a famous linguistic incident in Japanese history (comparable to the use of Portuguese mentioned above, [’An Asian empire’, p. 388]). In 1853, when the American Commodore Perry entered the port of Uraga with his ‘black ships’, determined to end Japan’s isolation, one of the first Japanese to come alongside, Hori Tatsunosuke, said in very good English, ‘I can speak Dutch.’ Since one of the Americans, a Mr Portman, also knew the language, the first sustained exchange between an American and a Japanese actually took place in Dutch. (Hawks 1954, pp. 48-9)

^*当革命的法国于 1795 年占领荷兰时，他们最初介入以先发制人地控制荷兰的财产，但在 1806 年永久吞并了开普殖民地。

^* They originally stepped in to take pre-emptive control of Dutch possessions when revolutionary France occupied the Netherlands in 1795, but permanently annexed the Cape colony in 1806.

^* Anderson (1991: 110) 提出了另外两个动机：17 世纪初缺乏民族主义（VOC 毕竟是一家公司，而不是国籍），以及荷兰人对自己的语言缺乏自信。两者似乎都不是特别令人信服，尤其是与荷兰人非常有意识地超越的葡萄牙竞争对手相比。在页。133，他进一步建议只有一个大殖民地的荷兰有能力采用非欧洲语言进行行政管理：他说，对于像英国这样的多大陆帝国来说，这是行不通的。但荷兰帝国在其最初的 150 年里，也同样是跨洲的。

^* Anderson (1991: 110) suggests two other motives: the absence of nationalism as such in the early seventeenth century (the VOC was after all a corporation, not a nationality), and Dutch lack of self-confidence in their own language. Neither seems particularly convincing, especially in comparison with the Portuguese competitors whom the Dutch were quite consciously outdoing. On p. 133, he suggests further that the Netherlands, with only one substantial colony, could afford to adopt a non-European language for administration: it would have been unworkable, he says, for a multi-continental empire such as the British. But the Dutch empire too, for its first 150 years, had been just as multi-continental.

另一方面，他可能正确地指出（第 110 页）语言政策是保持土著人口不发达的一种手段：“在 1940 年，当土著人口数量远远超过 7000 万时，只有 637 名土著“在大学里，只有 37 人获得了学士学位。”

On the other hand, he may be right in pointing (p. 110) to the language policy as a means of keeping the native population underdeveloped: ‘in 1940, when the indigenous population numbered well over 70 millions, there were only 637 “natives” in college, and only 37 graduated with BAs.’

^*意大利人 Pigafetta 于 1521 年陪同西班牙环球航行者，在摩鹿加群岛的 Tidore 编制了一份包含 450 个马来语单词的清单。然而，它在那里还没有很好地确立：“即使是那些不得不在 1521 年和 1522 年为婴儿的蒂多尔苏丹写它的文士也表明他们“肯定非常不熟悉它”（霍夫曼 1979：66-7， n. 9)。

^* The Italian Pigafetta, accompanying the Spanish circumnavigators in 1521, had been able to compile a list of 450 Malay words at Tidore in the Moluccas. Nevertheless, it was not yet well established there: ‘even the scribes who had to write it for the infant Sultan of Tidore in 1521 and 1522 showed that they were “certainly very imperfectly acquainted with it’” (Hoffman 1979: 66-7, n. 9).

^*总是有人猜测，荷兰人奇怪地不愿意与他们的殖民地臣民分享他们的语言是一种势利，以提高他们在没有荷兰人的当地人中的声望。荷兰政府完全不鼓励这种态度，认为这是一种有害的态度。尽管如此，它还是被外国观察家广泛相信（例如 Bousquet 1940: 88-9）；它确实符合爪哇礼仪的某个方面，即社会地位以语言风格（ taalsoorten）为标志。

^* There was always speculation that the strange unwillingness of the Dutch to share their language with their colonial subjects was a sort of snobbery, to enhance their prestige among the Dutchless natives. This was roundly discouraged by the Dutch administration as a harmful attitude. Nevertheless, it was widely believed by foreign observers (e.g. Bousquet 1940: 88-9); and it did happen to fit in with a certain aspect of Javanese etiquette, whereby social status was marked by styles of language (taalsoorten).

^*它甚至可能被一个冷漠的盎格鲁-撒克逊人视为“那种醉醺醺的、欣快的散文诗，这是法国精神最令人厌烦的表现之一”的一个例子，这是彼得·梅达瓦在对泰尔哈德的评论中的一句话de Chardin 的Le Phénomène humain（可在 <http://cscs.umich.edu/-crshalizi/Medawar/phenomenon-of-man.html> 访问）。

^* It might even be seen, by an unsympathetic Anglo-Saxon, as an example of ‘that tipsy, euphoristic prose-poetry which is one of the more tiresome manifestations of the French spirit’, a phrase of Peter Medawar in a review of Teilhard de Chardin’s Le Phénomène humain (accessible at <http://cscs.umich.edu/-crshalizi/Medawar/phenomenon-of-man.html>).

^*这个词是由地理学家奥内西姆·雷克洛斯在 1880 年发明的，用来指代世界上讲法语的社区。如今，至少在法语世界中，它最好是指根据宪章自愿组成的国家联盟，而不是所有国家的前殖民地，在精神上与英联邦相当。（见 <www.france.diplomatie.fr/francophonie>。）

^* The term was invented by the geographer Onésime Reclus in 1880, to refer to the French-speaking community in the world. Nowadays, at least in the French-speaking world, it refers preferably to a voluntary association of states under a charter, not all of them ex-colonies of France, in spirit rather comparable with the British Commonwealth. (See <www.france.diplomatie.fr/francophonie>.)

^†这些数据来自 Grimes (2000)。法国外交部的法语国家网站声称，有 1.6 亿第一语言和第二语言使用者。Leclerc (2000) 指出，有 1.45 亿人用法语上过学。这两个数字都可能将其排名提升到德语之上，但不会达到葡萄牙语的水平。

^† These figures are from Grimes (2000). The French Foreign Ministry’s francophonie website claims that there are 160 million first-language and second-language speakers. Leclerc (2000) states that 145 million people have been to school in French. Either figure might lift its rank above German, but not to the level of Portuguese.

^* Je是曾经的拉丁语强调代词ego的残余（在更改为eieu之类的东西后被粗暴地简化了——参见普罗旺斯语的等价词 eu，ieu）。

^* Je is a remnant of what was once a Latin pronoun of emphasis, ego (brutally reduced, after changing to something like eieu—cf. the Provençal equivalent, eu, ieu).

^*从从中受益的语言的角度来看，下一章将更多地谈论法语的这种撤退。

^* There will be more to say of this retreat of French, from the viewpoint of the language that benefited from it, in the next chapter.

^†这个术语和制度在地中海一直持续到 19 世纪，但实际使用的语言不是基于法语而是基于意大利语，这可能是因为后来威尼斯商人的影响。

^† The term, and the institution, continued in the Mediterranean until the nineteenth century, but the actual language used was based not on French but Italian, probably because of the later influence of merchants from Venice.

^§阿基坦 (1122-1204) 的埃莉诺 (Aliénor) 作为文化赞助商发挥了重要作用。作为两个国王的妻子，两个孩子的母亲，以及另外两个孩子的岳母，她在社会上的关系再好不过了。但在 12 世纪中叶，她将她在普瓦捷的宫廷变成了宫廷爱情诗歌和历史叙事的中心。

^§ Eleanor (Aliénor) of Aquitaine (1122-1204) played a cardinal role as a cultural sponsor. She could hardly have been better connected in society, being the wife of two kings, mother of two, and the mother-in-law of yet two more. But in the mid-twelfth century she made her court at Poitiers a centre for courtly love poetry and historical narrative.

^*自那以后，它一直享有法国政府最高级别的赞助，仅在 1793-1803 年的大革命期间中断。它的首要任务是编纂字典。第一版历时近 60 年，于 1694 年问世，但此后一直定期更新，最新版第八版于 1992 年问世。

^* It has continued to enjoy the sponsorship of the highest level in French government ever since, broken only during the Revolution in 1793-1803. Its first task was to compile a dictionary; the first edition took almost sixty years, coming out in 1694, but it has been updated periodically ever since, the latest edition, the eighth, appearing in 1992.

^*因此，Antoine de Rivarol在他1784 年的 Discous sur l'universalité de la langue française中说： “Ce qui n'est pas clair n'est pas français!” （“不清楚的不是法语！”），

^* Hence the bon mot of Antoine de Rivarol, in his Discours sur l’universalité de la langue française, of 1784: ’Ce qui n’est pas clair n’est pas français!’ (’What is not clear is not French!’),

^† 'Eh bien, mon Prince, Gěnes et Lucques ne sont plus que des apanages, des, de la famille Buonaparte。非。je vous préviens, que si vous ne me dites pas, que nous avons la guerre, si vous permettez encore de pallier toutes les infamies, toutes les atrocités de cet Antichrist (ma parole, j' y crois)—je ne vous connais plus , vous n'ětes plus mon ami, vous n'ětes plus, comme vous dites。

^† ’Eh bien, mon prince, Gěnes et Lucques ne sont plus que des apanages, des, de la famille Buonaparte. Non. je vous préviens, que si vous ne me dites pas, que nous avons la guerre, si vous vous permettez encore de pallier toutes les infamies, toutes les atrocités de cet Antichrist (ma parole, j’ y crois)—je ne vous connais plus, vous n’ětes plus mon ami, vous n’ětes plus, comme vous dites.’

^*在十八世纪，它只屈服于西班牙；在二十年代，只到英国。

^* In the eighteenth century, it yielded only to Spain; in the twentieth, only to Britain.

^*对阿尔及利亚讲法语的人口的估计从Ethnologue几乎荒谬的低 110,000（在 3000 万人口中）到 25% 的人口（即 750 万）不等。许多人认为它仍然是世界上第二大法语人口，领先于魁北克的 670 万和比利时的 400 万。（后面的这些数字也来自Ethnologue — Grimes 2000。）人们普遍认为，阿尔及利亚政府自 1962 年以来试图“阿拉伯化”，反而增加了其他语言的使用，特别是柏柏尔语和法语。但没有可用的调查数据。

^* Estimates of the French-speaking population of Algeria vary from the Ethnologue’s almost absurdly low 110,000 (out of a population of 30 million) to 25 per cent of the population (i.e. 7.5 million). Many believe that it is still the second-largest francophone population in the world, ahead of Quebec with 6.7 million, and Belgium with 4 million. (These latter figures also come from the Ethnologue—Grimes 2000.) It is widely believed that the Algerian government’s attempted ‘arabisation’ since 1962 has perversely increased use of other languages, notably Berber and French; but no survey data is available.

^†他在魁北克市附近访问的一个村庄被称为ganada，在休伦语中是“定居点”，是沿河的通用语。这就是加拿大名字的由来。

^† One village he visited near Quebec City was known as ganāda, ‘settlement’ in the Huron language, which served as lingua franca along the river. This is the origin of the name Canada.

^*任务蓬勃发展，尽管当时并没有导致任何法国人定居；事实上，德罗兹是由六名欧洲人和一名日本人组成的耶稣会队伍中唯一的法国人。

然而，保护任务的需要后来被用来证明 1859 年法国对印度支那的大规模入侵是正当的。德罗德本人是重要的人，因为他设计了现在被称为Quôc-ngu（“国家语言”')，使用罗马字母和重音符号。他设计它是为了帮助外国传教士学习越南语。但在 19 世纪后期，它甚至被民族主义者当作大众识字的关键，现在在越南普遍使用。

^* The mission flourished, although it did not lead to any French settlement at the time; indeed, de Rhodes was the only Frenchman in a Jesuit team consisting of six Europeans and a Japanese.

However, the need to protect the missions was later used to justify the massive French invasion of Indo-china which came in 1859. And de Rhodes himself is significant as the man who devised the script now known as Quôc-ngu (, ‘National Language’), using Roman letters and accents. He had designed it as an aid to foreign missionaries learning Vietnamese. But in the late nineteenth century it was taken up, even by nationalists, as the key to mass literacy, and is now used universally in Vietnam.

^*可怜的阿卡迪亚人成为强权政治的牺牲品，他们的土地于 1713 年根据乌得勒支条约被交易给英国，以换取在印度的贸易让步。他们随后分散在沿海地区，特别是在缅因州和密西西比河口（在那里他们被称为“卡津人”），一些在安的列斯群岛，许多回到沿海省份。无论他们走到哪里，讲法语的社区都如雨后春笋般涌现，至少在一段时间内如此。

^* The poor Acadians were to fall victim to great power politics, their lands traded to England under the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 in return for trading concessions in India. They were subsequently scattered along the coast, especially in Maine and the mouths of the Mississippi (where they became known as ‘Cajuns’), some in the Antilles and many back to the maritime provinces. Wherever they went, French-speaking communities sprang up, at least for a time.

^*这不可能是根本原因，因为二十年后，法国海军力量在英国试图保住自己的殖民地时，严重地拒绝了英国进入美国。

^* This can hardly have been a fundamental cause, since two decades later it was French naval power which crucially denied the British access to America when they were trying to hold on to their own colonies.

^†法国人满意地提供凡尔赛作为 1783 年会议的地点，该会议将英国从其美洲殖民地剥离，距巴黎会议仅 20 年，当时英国从他们手中夺走了新法国。

^† The French had the satisfaction of providing Versailles as the site for the 1783 conference that divested Britain of its American colonies, just twenty years after the Paris conference when the British had taken Nouvelle-France from them.

^§这些数字来自法国来源 Leclerc (2001, <HISTfrQC s2 Britannique.htm<)。一些英国数字存在惊人的差异：例如，Mackey (1998) 说 100,000 名忠诚者加入了现有的 65,000 名法国人和 9000 名英国人的人口。

^§ These figures are drawn from a French source, Leclerc (2001, <HISTfrQC s2 Britannique.htm<). There is amazing discrepancy with some English figures: e.g., Mackey (1998) says that 100,000 loyalists joined an existing population of 65,000 French and 9000 English.

^* Cayenne 成立于 1643 年，拥有丰富的加勒比糖是 Colbert 系统殖民计划的一部分。它在法国大革命后被短暂地用作政治犯的流放地（1794-1805）。1848 年法国废除奴隶制后，它的经济从未复苏，此后主要以 1852 年至 1946 年投入使用的监狱集中营魔鬼岛而闻名。

^* Cayenne was founded in 1643 and with Caribbean sugar aplenty had been part of Colbert’s plans for systematic colonisation. It was briefly used after the French Revolution as a place of exile for political prisoners (1794-1805). It never recovered economically from France’s abolition of slavery in 1848, and thereafter was famous mainly for its prison camp, Devil’s Island, in operation from 1852 to 1946.

^†巧合的是，在 1852-70 年拿破仑三世统治期间，该政权甚至被称为第二帝国。

^† By a happy coincidence, during the reign of Napoleon III, 1852-70, the regime was even known as le second Empire.

^*比利时人更多地依赖外国专业知识来管理他们的帝国，也较少使用法语作为一种普遍的行政语言。与英国殖民地一样，广泛使用任何已有的通用语，尤其是斯瓦希里语和林加拉语。

^* The Belgians, relying much more on foreign expertise to run their empire, also made less use of French as a pervasive language of administration. As in the British colonies, there was widespread use of any pre-existing lingua franca, notably Swahili and Lingala.

^*宪法第 2 条： “la langue de la République est le français”。1994 年 8 月 4 日的法律“la langue de l' enseignement est le français”（在《教育法典》第 L. 121-3 条中实施）使这一点生效。

^* Article 2 of the constitution: ’la langue de la République est le français’. This is then given effect by the law of 4 August 1994, ’la langue de l’ enseignement est le français’ (implemented in article L. 121-3 of the Code de l’Éducation).

^†在我们的俄语罗马化中， y具有英语y in的值（通常作为上标附加到辅音，表明它是颚化的）；ï代表标准英语中不知道的元音：它就像元音 i 舌体向后拉，例如可以在单词dirk 的苏格兰发音中听到；ë，在西里尔拼写中，发音为yo，就像在 'yob' 中一样。重音 ' 表示重音，而o不重音时听起来更像a。在较老的俄语中，这个字母被转录为 ė，因为它似乎代表了一个更封闭的 e 音，比如E在“爱丁堡”的当地发音中，或法语中的é été。

^† In our Romanisation of Russian, y has the value of English y in yet (often attached as a superscript to a consonant, showing that it is palatalised); ï represents a vowel not known in standard English: it is like the vowel i with the body of the tongue drawn back, which can be heard for instance in the Scottish pronunciation of the word dirk; ë, as in Cyrillic spelling, is pronounced yo as in ‘yob’. The acute accent, ’, marks a heavy stress, and o when it is not stressed sounds more like a. In older Russian, the letter is transcribed ė, since it seems to have represented a more closed e sound, like E in the local pronunciation of ‘Edinburgh’, or é in French été.

^*这个名字是Rus ^y的拉丁化，第一次听说是在九世纪。它的起源是模糊的（并在 Franklin and Shepard 1996: 27-32 中讨论过）。但是瑞典人在芬兰语中的名字是Ruotsi（也许最初的意思是“桨手”）；并且第一次记录使用这个词（作为Rhōs，通过希腊语）是 Bertinian Annals 对 839 年访问法兰克宫廷的记录，“某些人说他们被称为 Rhos，而他们的国王，被称为chacanus [即可汗——突厥人的头衔！]派遣了他们……皇帝[路易斯——斯特拉斯堡誓言的他；见第 8 章]……发现他们是瑞典人。但是当代的资料来源，《阿拉伯路线与王国之书》（C。846)，告诉我们：'Rūs 是斯拉夫人的一个部落。他们带来了海狸和黑狐的皮毛……”（Milner-Gulland 1997：53-5）。还有一条叫做 Ros ^y的小河，流入基辅以南的第聂伯河。

^* The name is a Latinisation of Rus^y, first heard of in the ninth century. Its origins are obscure (and discussed in Franklin and Shepard 1996: 27-32). But the Finnish name for Swedes is Ruotsi (perhaps originally meaning ‘oarsmen’); and the first recorded use of the term (as Rhōs, through Greek) is the Bertinian Annals’ account of a visit to a Frankish court in 839, of ‘certain men who said they were called Rhos, and that their king, known as chacanus [i.e. khagan - a Turkic title!] had despatched them… The Emperor [Louis—he of the Strasburg Oaths; see Chapter 8]… discovered that they were Swedes by origin.’ But a contemporary source, the Arabic Book of Routes and Kingdoms (c.846), tells us: ‘The Rūs are a tribe of Slavs. They bring furs of beavers and black foxes…’ (Milner-Gulland 1997: 53-5). There is also a small river called the Ros^y, which flows into the Dnieper just south of Kiev.

^*东正教的俄语pravoslavnïi是从希腊语借来的翻译。但很明显，这个词也可以被分析为“真正的斯拉夫”或“真正的光荣”。

^* The Russian for Orthodox, pravoslavnïi, is a loan translation from the Greek. But tellingly, this word could as well be analysed to mean ‘truly Slav’ or indeed ‘rightly glorious’.

^†巴拉克洛 (1978: 209, 230)。在 20 世纪初，也有大量人流流入土耳其斯坦，有时会引发当地人大规模向东迁移到中国（Hosking 1997：389-90）。后来，特别是在斯大林的统治下，这些流动因表面上是出于安全考虑而故意强制驱逐出境而增加，这让人想起 Tiglath Pileser 及其在亚述帝国的继任者（见第 3 章，“阿卡德语——世界领先的技术：识字模式” '，第 64 页）。但随后被驱逐到哈萨克斯坦和西伯利亚的人口通常说俄语以外的语言：200,000 来自克里米亚的说突厥语的鞑靼人，180 万来自伏尔加河的德国人。有些人，如车臣印古什人、卡巴尔德巴尔卡尔人和卡尔梅克人，后来被允许返回。但是现在还有300个，

^† Barraclough (1978: 209, 230). In the early twentieth century there were substantial flows into Turkestan too, sometimes provoking large-scale departures of the locals eastward into China (Hosking 1997: 389-90). Later on, especially under Stalin, these flows were augmented by deliberate enforced deportations en masse, ostensibly for security, reminiscent of Tiglath Pileser and his successors in the Assyrian empire (see Chapter 3, ‘Akkadian—world-beating technology: A model of literacy’, p. 64). But the populations then deported into Kazakhstan and Siberia typically spoke languages other than Russian: 200,000 Turkic-speaking Tatars from the Crimea, 1.8 million Germans from the Volga. Some, like the Chechen-Ingush, Kabard-Balkar and Kalmyk, were later allowed to return. But there are even now 300,000 Koreans in modern Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan (Dalby 1998: 616, 223, 329; Comrie 1981: 30).

^*比较一下英式英语中 t 和 d 不久 u 发生的情况： tune和dune两个词在仔细讲话时发音为 [t^y ūn] 和 [d^y ūn]，但在发音为 [tšūn] 和 [dzucar;ūn]日常发音。

^* Compare what happens to t and d in British English before long u: the words tune and dune are pronounced [t^yūn] and [d^yūn] in careful speech, but affricated to [tšūn] and [dzucar;ūn] in everyday pronunciation.

^*位于亚速海和黑海之间的海峡上的瓦兰吉亚堡垒：显然，猎鹰们正试图在基辅以东很远的地方开辟道路。

^* A Varangian fortress on the strait between the Sea of Azov and the Black Sea: evidently the falcons were trying to beat a path far to the east of Kiev.

^*旧称谓knyaz ^y，“王子”，同样是借用了一个西方术语：它是对古日耳曼语称谓kuningas的俄语改写，字面意思是“出生的人”，这也是英国国王的起源。

^* The old title knyaz^y, ‘prince’, is likewise a borrowing of a Western term: it is the Russian reworking of the old Germanic title kuningas, literally ‘man of birth’, which is also the origin of English king.

^† Kozak（克里米亚鞑靼语，恰合台突厥语）意为“自由人、流浪者、强盗”。在其他突厥语系（如克尔吉兹语、阿塞拜疆语、巴什基尔语）中，哈萨克语、卡扎克语具有“独立的人”或“冒险者”等含义。所有这些都源自古老的突厥语动词kez-，“行走、漫步、旅行”。

^† Kozak (in Crimean Tatar, Chagatay Turkic) means ‘free man, wanderer, bandit’. In other Turkic languages (e.g. Kïrgïz, Azeri, Bashkir) the word kazak, qazaq has meanings such as ‘independent man’ or ‘seeker of adventures’. All are derived from old the Turkic verb kez-, ‘walk, wander, travel’.

^*这些当然不是中欧唯一的斯拉夫语族群。但其他人，其中包括温德人、捷克人、斯洛伐克人、斯洛文尼亚人、塞尔维亚人、波斯尼亚人和克罗地亚人，从未被纳入现代早期的俄罗斯。他们的语言，如波兰语，不能与俄语相互理解。他们的人民被牢牢地控制在其他帝国的范围内。

^* These of course were not the only Slavic-language groups of central Europe. But the others, among them the Wends, Czechs, Slovaks, Slovenians, Serbs, Bosnians and Croats, were never available for incorporation into early modern Russia. Their languages, like Polish, were not mutually intelligible with Russian; and their peoples were firmly held within the bounds of other empires.

^*在 1897 年的人口普查中，乌克兰人占 18%，其余的俄罗斯人占 44%。

^* In the census of 1897, the Ukrainians would constitute 18 per cent, the rest of the Russians 44 per cent.

^*很久以后，在 1944 年，在该地区发生纳粹暴行之后，斯大林将剩余的 190,000 名克里米亚鞑靼人集体驱逐到中亚。在 1990 年代，大约有 50,000 人返回（Dalby 1998：616）。

^* Much later, in 1944, after Nazi atrocities in the region, Stalin deported the remaining 190,000 Crimean Tatars en masse to central Asia. In the 1990s about 50,000 of them returned (Dalby 1998: 616).

^*哈萨克语与哥萨克具有相同的突厥语源；但这里指的是真正的突厥游牧部落，与吉尔吉斯人密切相关。

^* The word Kazakh has the same Turkic etymology as Cossack; but here it refers to a real Turkic tribe of nomads, closely related to the Kyrgyz.

^*半个世纪前，《圣经》实际上是在卡尔梅克语和鞑靼语（更不用说芬兰语、爱沙尼亚语、拉脱维亚语、立陶宛语、波兰语、亚美尼亚语和格鲁吉亚语）的俄文版本中出现的。俄文圣经的出版直到 1876 年才被授权，恰好在卡尔马克思的《资本论》（Hosking 1997: 138-42, 233-4）第一版俄文版之后。

^* The Bible was actually available in Kalmyk and Tatar (not to mention Finnish, Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Polish, Armenian and Georgian) half a century before it came out in Russian. Publication of the Russian Bible could not be authorised until 1876, by chance just after the first Russian edition of Karl Marx’s Das Kapital (Hosking 1997: 138-42, 233-4).

^* 1994年，爱沙尼亚有436,600名俄罗斯人，占总人口的29.0%；在拉脱维亚，有 849,000 人，占 33.1%。与此同时，在立陶宛，俄罗斯人口为 316,000，仅占 8.5%（欧罗巴世界年鉴，1995 年）。

^* In 1994, there were 436,600 Russians in Estonia, comprising 29.0 per cent of the total population; in Latvia, there were 849,000, 33.1 per cent. Meanwhile, in Lithuania, the Russian population stood at 316,000, just 8.5 per cent (Europa World Yearbook, 1995).

^† 1995 年 5 月的全民公决授予俄语和白俄罗斯语的官方语言地位。俄语是白俄罗斯几乎所有大学系的教学语言。1994 年，首都明斯克有 220 所学校使用白俄罗斯语授课，而两年后，不到 20 所学校开始使用白俄罗斯语。

^† A May 1995 referendum granted Russian the status of an official language, along with Belarusian. Russian is the language of instruction in virtually all university departments in Belarus. And whereas in 1994 220 schools in Minsk, the capital city, had taught in Belarusian, two years later under twenty did so.

^§在独立后的十年里，土库曼斯坦、乌兹别克斯坦和阿塞拜疆都以高昂的代价，但以可疑的象征意义将突厥语系语言从西里尔字母转换回拉丁字母。但每个系统都略有不同，没有一个系统采用土耳其自己 1928 年的拼写约定。

^§ At high cost, but with dubious symbolism, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan, speaking Turkic languages, all converted their alphabets back from Cyrillic to Latin in the decade after independence. But each system is a little different, and none has adopted Turkey’s own spelling conventions of 1928.

^*另一种日耳曼语挪威语在本世纪的后几个世纪也被它的使用者带到了很远的地方：诺曼人把它带到了诺曼底，瓦兰吉人把它带到了罗斯，维京人把它带到了英格兰、苏格兰、爱尔兰和冰岛。除了一个以外，他们都放弃了自己的语言来与他们一起定居的人的语言：唯一的例外是在冰岛，北欧定居者发现他们是第一批到达的人。

^* Another Germanic language, Norse, was also being taken far afield by its speakers in the latter centuries of this millennium: the Normans took it to Normandy, the Varangians to Rus, the Vikings to England, Scotland, Ireland and Iceland. In every case but one, they gave up their own language for that of the people with whom they settled: the only exception was in Iceland, where the Norse settlers found that they were the first human beings to arrive.

^†在利沃尼亚结冰的佩普斯湖上的决战，是由谢尔盖·爱森斯坦在电影中构思的，令人难忘。

^† The decisive battle on a frozen Lake Peipus, in Livonia, was memorably conceived on film by Sergei Eisenstein.

^*这些不是日语，而是日语发音中的汉字字符串。这并没有抑制它们的有效性。

^* These are not so much Japanese as strings of Chinese characters in Japanese pronunciation. This did not inhibit their effectiveness.

^*当然，日本帝国主义是一支极其不安分的力量，并没有就此止步：在短时间内，日本还控制了东西伯利亚的部分地区，直至伊尔库茨克（1918-22）、库页岛北部和下阿穆尔（1920-5），满洲里（1931-45 年）、中国东北部（1934-45 年），然后在第二次世界大战期间，整个东南亚、东印度群岛、新几内亚、菲律宾和缅甸（1941 年的不同时期） -5)。但是所有这些征服都是有争议的，因此是在临时的军事基础上进行的。只有在更古老的“正式帝国”中，日本人才有机会在语言上扎根。

^* Of course, Japanese imperialism was an extremely restless force, and did not stop here: for brief periods Japan also held parts of eastern Siberia as far as Irkutsk (1918-22), northern Sakhalin and the Lower Amur (1920-5), Manchuria (1931-45), north-eastern China (1934-45) and then, during the Second World War, the whole of South-East Asia, the East Indies, New Guinea, the Philippines and Burma (for various periods in 1941-5). But all these conquests were disputed, and so held on a temporary, military, basis. It was only in the older ‘formal empire’ that the Japanese had something of a chance to put down linguistic roots.

^*法国的建议来自米歇尔·卢邦，建议台湾“即使不是现在，也应该在未来成为日本的一个县”，立即服从帝国宪法，这一解决方案让人想起法国对阿尔及利亚的态度。来自蒙太古柯克伍德的英国建议建议将台湾视为一个拥有自己的立法委员会的殖民地，并尽可能多地成为立法者、法官和行政人员。除其他原因外，它被拒绝的理由是日本人和台湾人属于同一种族并使用相同的文字（Chen 1984：249-51）。

^* The French advice came from Michel Lubon, suggesting that Taiwan should be ‘a prefecture of Japan in future, if not now’, immediately subject to the Imperial Consitution, a solution reminiscent of France’s approach to Algeria. The British advice, from Montague Kirkwood, suggested viewing Taiwan as a colony with its own legislative council, and as many Taiwanese as possible as legislators, judges and administrators. Among other reasons, it was rejected on the grounds that the Japanese and Taiwanese belonged to the same race and used the same script (Chen 1984: 249-51).

^*事实上，这些岛屿成为美国太平洋岛屿托管领土的一部分（1986 年获得独立），他们自己的语言仍然占主导地位；1998 年，联合国将其总人口定为 114,000，其中约有 3500 人说英语（Grimes 2000）。

^* As it was, the islands became part of the US Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (gaining independence in 1986), and their own languages still predominate; in 1998, the UN put their total population at 114,000, with some 3500 English speakers (Grimes 2000).

12

缩影还是扭曲的镜子？

英语职业

12

Microcosm or Distorting Mirror?

The Career of English

我们不会停止探索

我们所有探索的终点

将是到达我们开始

的地方并第一次知道这个地方。

We shall not cease from exploration

And the end of all our exploring

Will be to arrive where we started

And know the place for the first time.

TS 艾略特，“小鬼” ¹

T. S. Eliot, ‘Little Gidding’¹

像世界上大多数主要语言一样，英语的职业生涯经常被重新讲述给自己的演讲者，而且很少没有一些胜利的元素。任何语言社区的荣耀都是爱国者难以抗拒的，很少有人对自己的年龄有任何真正的概念。

The career of the English language, like that of most of the world’s major languages, is often retold to its own speakers, and seldom without some element of triumph. The glories of any language community are hard for a speaker-patriot to resist, and few have any true conception of ages other than their own.

但即使从这本书的角度来看，英语的故事在世界语言中仍有一种特殊的地位。的确，它恰好是写这些话的时代流传最广的语言。在这个时代，世界已经成为一个由即时通讯联系在一起的单一社区，使英语变得独一无二，让我们想知道是否还有任何地方可以产生后继语言。但对我们来说，重要的事实是，英语是一门有着非常不同历史的语言。这段历史很短：英语作为一种可识别语言的历史不超过 1.5 千年，其内容在其短暂生命的中途发生了根本性的变化。

But even from the perspective of this book, there is still a sense in which the story of English deserves a special position among world languages. True, it happens to be the language with the widest spread in the era when these words are written. And in this era the world has become a single community linked by instant communications, making English uniquely prevalent, and leaving us wondering whether there could still be anywhere for a successor language to spring from. But the material fact for us is that English is a language with a remarkably varied history. This history is short: English as an identifiable language is no more than 1.5 millennia old, and its substance changed radically about halfway through its short life. But it has packed into this short span such a variety of crises and unpredictable outcomes that it can almost be seen as a personal summary of the adventures of its predecessors, all the way back to Memphis, Patna, Chang-an and Babylon.

从如此多的相似之处来看英语的一个好处是揭示了许多通常被认为是理所当然的发展的本质上的陌生性。我们已经注意到日耳曼盎格鲁-撒克逊人和弗里斯兰人在植入他们的语言方面的成功，与其他日耳曼入侵者的成就相比，这是一项惊人的壮举，尤其是他们同时代的法兰克人和哥特人定居在西罗马帝国的其他地区。一千多年后，北美的早期英国定居者自发地建立了人口众多的英语社区，而法国王室则不得不派出filles à marier以防止年轻的定居者成为本地人并抚养没有法语的家庭。一个世纪后，英国东印度公司的活动导致了自己的语言英语的传播，而荷兰东印度公司在同一时期只成功地传播了一种预先存在的通用语马来语。这些只是某种情况有助于英语扩展的三个案例，但对其他语言没有类似的影响。一种语言的历史传播是一件很难完全解释的事情。但是记住一系列语言至少可以帮助我们逃避一些半真半假的事实。

One advantage of viewing English in the light of so many parallels is to reveal the essential strangeness of many developments that are usually taken for granted. We have already noted the success of Germanic Anglo-Saxons and Frisians in implanting their language, a striking feat when set against the achievement of other Germanic invaders, above all their contemporaries the Franks and the Goths settling in other parts of the western Roman empire. More than a thousand years later, the early English settlers in North America were spontaneously to establish a populous English-language community, while the French Crown was having to send out filles à marier to prevent the young settlers from going native and bringing up families without French. And a century after that, the activities of the English East India Company led to the spread of its own language, English, while the Dutch East India Company, over the same period, succeeded only in spreading a pre-existing lingua franca, Malay. These are just three of the cases where a certain kind of situation has contributed to the expansion of English, but has had no similar effect on other languages. The historic spread of a language is a hard thing to account for fully; but keeping a range of languages in mind may at least help us to escape some half-truths.

至少从 21 世纪初来看，英语的历史分为两个非常不平等的时期：一个是形成，从 5 世纪到 16 世纪末，在此期间语言形成、成长在不列颠岛；也是一种传播，从十七世纪到现在，它乘船传播到世界各个大陆。

The history of English, at least as viewed from the beginning of the twenty-first century, falls into two very unequal periods: one of formation, from the fifth to the end of the sixteenth centuries, during which the language took shape, growing up in the island of Britain; and one of propagation, from the seventeenth century to the present, in which it took ship, spreading to every continent of the world.

我们已经考虑了形成时期的开始，作为罗马帝国末期动荡的一部分，它由一组日耳曼方言合并而成（见第 7 章，“逆势而上：英语的出现”，p . 310). 尽管政治不团结和军事威胁，它在九世纪已经发展成为一种主要的文学语言。然而，两个世纪后，讲法语的征服者将扼杀它的书面表达。不知何故，在接下来的两个世纪里，它成功地同化了主导它的语言社区，重新成为该领域最重要的语言。在同一时期，它也在地理上蔓延，在不列颠群岛的每个王国，威尔士、苏格兰和爱尔兰之间建立了桥头堡。又是一段动荡时期，在十四至十六世纪，人口因瘟疫而减半，皇室继承一再被战争打乱，教会因抗议和分裂而动摇，货币因通货膨胀而受到冲击。在这段时间里，英语被说和写，但没有统一各种方言的国家标准。语言稳定与政治稳定几乎同时出现，两者都集中在伦敦和圣经的大众读者群。

We have already considered the beginning of the formation period, when, as part of the turmoil at the end of Rome’s empire, it coalesced from a group of Germanic dialects (see Chapter 7, ‘Against the odds: The advent of English’, p. 310). Despite political disunity and military threat, it had developed by the ninth century into a major literary language. Nevertheless, two centuries later, French-speaking conquerors were to stifle its written expression. Somehow, in the course of the next two centuries, it succeeded in assimilating the language community that was dominating it, to re-emerge as the foremost language of the realm. In the same period, it also spread geographically, establishing bridgeheads in every kingdom in the British Isles, among the Welsh, the Scots and the Irish. There was a further period of turmoil, in the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries, when the population was halved by the plague, the royal succession repeatedly disrupted by war, the Church shaken by protest and schism, and the currency racked by inflation. During all this time, English was spoken and written, but with no national standard uniting the various dialects. Linguistic stability came at much the same time as political stability, both focused on London, and mass readership of the Bible.

在传播期间，当说英语的人开始到国外旅行和定居时，英语的脾气，以及他们的语言，在字面和比喻意义上都变得更加世俗化；世界向英国人敞开了大门，但最重要的是向他们的商业和贸易企业敞开了大门，而政府和教会则在后方。这种“英语——商人的朋友”的想法可能是这种语言传播的真正独特之处，尽管英语科学技术同样独特地强化了这一点。当然，这种商业和科学特性使它与西班牙语、法语和俄语等主要竞争对手区分开来。在 20 世纪最近的历史中，它变得更加占主导地位，当时一个说英语的前殖民地已成为世界上最强大的力量，语言本身的能力已经成为一个主要产业，语言的传播速度远远超出了母语国家的影响。据估计，那些为了方便而使用英语作为通用语的人现在的人数超过了所有以英语为母语的总人口——也许是三比一。语言声望并没有比这高多少。

In the propagation period, when English speakers begin to travel and settle abroad, the temper of the English, and so by association their language too, becomes much more worldly, in both literal and figurative senses; the world is opened up to the English, but above all to their business and trading enterprise, with government and Church concerns very much in the rear. This idea of ‘English—the Businessman’s Friend’ may be what is really distinctive about the spread of this language, though equally distinctively reinforced by English-speaking science and technology. Certainly, this commercial and scientific character sets it apart from such major rivals as Spanish, French and Russian. It has become even more dominant in the very recent history of the twentieth century, when a single English-speaking ex-colony has become the world’s greatest power, competence in the language itself has become a major industry, and the spread of the language has accelerated well beyond the influence of the states that speak it natively. It is estimated that those who use English for convenience as a lingua franca now outnumber–by perhaps three to one—the total population of all native English speakers. Language prestige does not go much higher than this.

英语获得的这种明显的自主权意味着，与本书所讨论的大多数语言不同，即使是政治和经济力量将英语推到了那里，也无法追踪该语言使用下降趋势的开始已基本见顶。但我们不会被吓倒。我们考虑过的许多语言的生活史已经显示出可以结束世界语言统治的各种因素。通过使用它们来推测从其当前高度向下的各种路径，这些路径看起来是无懈可击的，这将是有益的，以完成我们对英语的描述。

This apparent autonomy acquired by English means that, unlike most of the languages considered in this book, it is not yet possible to trace the beginnings of a downward trend in use of the language, even if the political and economic forces that put English up there have largely peaked. But we shall not be deterred. The life-histories of the many languages we have considered have shown various factors that can end the reign of a world language. It will be instructive to finish our account of English by using them to conjecture various paths downward from its present heights, unassailable as they appear.

耐力测试：送别诺曼法语

Endurance test: Seeing off Norman French

从某种意义上说，诺曼人在 11 世纪中叶对英格兰的征服是不合时宜的，是日耳曼人入侵欧洲国家的最后一次，这已经晚了几个世纪。^*

In a sense, the Norman conquest of England in the mid-eleventh century was an anachronism, the last of the Germanic invasions to convulse a European country, a couple of centuries too late.^*

毕竟，诺曼人距离他们作为维京人的挪威祖先只有五六代人的时间，而诺曼尼人只是NorδrTcross;menn的拉丁化，“北方人”，这仍然是冰岛语挪威语中挪威人的词。9 世纪末，在他们的领袖罗洛的领导下，他们一直靠刀剑为生，但他们向南航行，并在后来的诺曼底定居，并强迫法兰克国王查理三世（Simple）授予他们头衔， St-Clair-sur-Epte 条约，c.911。在那里，他们开始摒弃游荡和掠夺的方式，包括挪威语；作为典型的日耳曼入侵者，他们在几代人中放弃了使用自己的语言，并采用了当地的罗曼语，在他们的嘴唇上被称为诺曼法语。1066 年，当罗洛的后裔私生子威廉率领他成功入侵英格兰时，他将这种语言带到了英格兰。

The Normans, after all, were only five or six generations away from their Norwegian ancestry as Vikings, and Normanni is just a Latinisation of NorδrTcross;menn, ‘north men’, which is still the word for Norwegians in Icelandic Norse. At the end of the ninth century, under their leader Rollo, they had been living by their swords, but they sailed south, and settled in what became Normandy, having coerced the Frankish king Charles III (the Simple) into granting them title, by the Treaty of St-Clair-sur-Epte, c.911. There they proceeded to put away their roving and marauding ways, including the Norse language; as typical Germanic invaders, in a couple of generations they had given up using their own language, and adopted the local Romance tongue, which on their lips is known as Norman French. When Rollo’s descendant, William the Bastard, led his successful invasion of England in 1066, he brought this language into England with him.

英语叠加

English overlaid

但诺曼人入侵英格兰在规模和政治后果上都与之前日耳曼人对英格兰的征服大不相同。

But the Norman invasion of England was quite unlike the previous Germanic conquests of England in both scale and political consequence.

在规模上，至少与当时的英格兰人口相比是很小的：威廉带着大约五千名骑士来到这里，而“与征服者一起来”的总人数最多也就是四倍。这个数字是两万，而英国人口为 150 万。²所以在第一代诺曼统治时期，也许一百分之一的人会说诺曼法语。

In scale, it was small, at least by comparison with the then population of England: William came with some five thousand knights, and the total numbers who ‘came over with the Conqueror’, all told, will have amounted to at most four times this number, twenty thousand to set against an English population of 1.5 million.² So in the first generation of Norman rule, perhaps one person in a hundred spoke Norman French.

在政治后果上，这不是突袭，也不是大规模迁移，而是基于严重的宣战理由的离散入侵：威廉声称英格兰国王欠他效忠，并继续通过战斗证明上帝支持他的权利. 结果是英格兰几乎立即从撒克逊王国转变为诺曼王国。诺曼人虽然很少，但有效地斩首了英国政权。

In political consequence, it was not a raid, nor a mass migration, but a discrete invasion, grounded on a serious casus belli: William claimed that the king of England owed him allegiance, and went on to prove God’s support for his right through battle. The result was almost instant conversion of England from a Saxon to a Norman kingdom. The Normans, though few, effectively decapitated the English regime.

这对语言的影响看起来是毁灭性的，尤其是对我们千年后阅读书面记录的人来说。既然国王和贵族都说法语，那么英格兰的文学作品就有了新的受众；英国本土文学——与爱尔兰人一起在整个欧洲最早开花的文学——停止了，取而代之的是盎格鲁-诺曼宫廷浪漫。从现在开始，法律、法院判决和法律证词几乎都用法语，这一转变在记录中公然出现；因为越来越多的法律文件为诺曼社会制定规则并成为政治斗争的主要对象。新秩序在僧侣和神职人员中没有那么具体的影响，因为拉丁语仍然是他们智力工作的基本语言。但除了礼仪和神学，拉丁语还接管了记录和书写历史的功能。自 9 世纪阿尔弗雷德统治以来一直保存的《盎格鲁-撒克逊编年史》于 1155 年消亡。到了 12 世纪中叶，这种语言之间的功能划分已经变得僵化。英语几乎没有什么明显的作用，至少在书面形式上是这样。但这并不意味着该语言在使用中受到威胁：尽管它在记录中的知名度很低，但没有理由相信它在绝大多数人中的使用量有所减少。英语几乎没有什么明显的作用，至少在书面形式上是这样。但这并不意味着该语言在使用中受到威胁：尽管它在记录中的知名度很低，但没有理由相信它在绝大多数人中的使用量有所减少。英语几乎没有什么明显的作用，至少在书面形式上是这样。但这并不意味着该语言在使用中受到威胁：尽管它在记录中的知名度很低，但没有理由相信它在绝大多数人中的使用量有所减少。

The linguistic effect of this looks devastating, especially to us reading the written record a millennium later. Now that the king and the nobility are French speakers, there is a new audience for the literary production of England; English vernacular literature—which with Irish had been the earliest to flower in the whole of Europe—ceases, and in its place comes Anglo-Norman courtly romance. From now on, laws, court judgments and legal depositions are almost all in French, a switch that shows up blatantly in the records; for increasingly it is legal documents which set the rules for Norman society and become the main objects of political struggle. The new order had less concrete effect among monks and clerics, since Latin remained the basic language of their intellectual work; but beside liturgy and theology, Latin also took over the functions of record-keeping and the writing of history. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which had been kept continuously since the reign of Alfred in the ninth century, dies out in 1155. By the mid-twelfth century, this division of functions between the languages had become rigid. There was little apparent role left for English, at least in written form. But this does not mean that the language was endangered in use: despite its low profile in the records, there is no reason to believe that it was spoken any the less among the vast majority of the people.

在某种程度上，诺曼法语的传播会受到诺曼人所统治的社会等级制度的严格限制。在封建制度中，每个英国男人和女人的地位在很大程度上取决于出身，而教会提供了通过功绩获得进步的唯一途径，并且受到独身的限制。结果，讲法语的贵族几乎仍然是一个封闭的社会——尽管新鲜血液，因此毫无疑问是童年时期的一些英国人，通过与撒克逊少女的婚姻进入——人们几乎没有或根本没有空间通过与撒克逊少女的婚姻来改善自己的前景。模仿他们的主人。在封建的英格兰，人们知道自己的位置，通常是在一个村庄内定义的，甚至很少有机会结识具有更广阔视野的人。

Partly, the spread of Norman French would have been limited by the very rigidity in the social hierarchy over which the Normans presided. Within the feudal system, the status of every English man and woman was largely determined by birth, with the Church providing the only paths for advancement through merit, and that severely limited through constraints of celibacy. As a result, the French-speaking nobility remained almost a closed society—though fresh blood, and hence no doubt some English in childhood, came in through marriages to Saxon maidens—and there was little or no scope for people to better their prospects through aping their masters. In feudal England, people knew their place, one usually defined within a village, and had little opportunity even to meet people with wider horizons.

传播盎格鲁-诺曼语包

Spreading the Anglo-Norman package

在这几个世纪中确实发生的这种社会动态更多的是横向而不是纵向，并且由于诺曼人在与邻国作战方面无与伦比的实力。诺曼人是优秀的骑兵，实际上是第一批带着他们的坐骑穿越海峡的入侵者。^*然而，一旦在战场上获胜，他们的力量就会被城堡的建造巩固起来，这些坚固的堡垒如此永久，以至于其中许多人一直屹立到今天。这些是他们的主要创新。诺曼人迅速统一了撒克逊人有些松散协调的状态，并着手推进其边界。在它们之外是不列颠群岛北部和西部的凯尔特语地区。康沃尔已经成为盎格鲁-撒克逊人的一部分，但在坎布里亚、威尔士、苏格兰和爱尔兰，诺曼人现在都取得了重大进展。

Such social dynamics as did occur in these centuries were more horizontal than vertical, and due to the unmatched prowess of the Normans in fighting wars against their neighbours. Normans were fine cavalrymen, in fact the first invaders to bring their mounts with them across the Channel.^* Once won on the battlefield, however, their power was cemented by the building of castles, fortified strongholds so permanent that many of them stand to this day. These were their main innovation. The Normans rapidly unified the somewhat loosely coordinated state of the Saxons, and proceeded to push back its borders. Beyond them lay Celtic-speaking regions, the north and west of the British Isles. Cornwall had already been part of the Anglo-Saxon weal, but in each of Cumbria, Wales, Scotland and Ireland, the Normans now made serious inroads.

坎布里亚郡是一场从 1092 年持续到 1157 年的斗争。1087 年，G 向东南方进军，但尽管依赖于诺曼国王的“行军领主”很快在整个南威尔士建立起来，但抵抗并没有消失。在 12 世纪，除了南部海岸和西部边界之外，该国大部分地区都重申了其独立性，并且有一段时间实际上接受了土著Pura Wallia，周围是 Norman Marchia Wallie。直到 1283 年，安茹国王爱德华一世才完成征服。即便如此，十年后又发生了两次威尔士叛乱，然后是一个世纪后。^*

Cumbria was the scene of a struggle that lasted from 1092 to 1157. Wales took longer; G went in the south-east was taken by 1087, but although ‘Marcher Lordships’, dependent on the Norman king, were soon established across the whole of southern Wales, resistance did not die away. In the twelfth century, most of the country aside from the southern coast and western borders had reasserted its independence, and there was a period of de facto acceptance of an indigenous Pura Wallia, surrounded by a Norman Marchia Wallie. Only in 1283 did the Angevin king Edward I complete the conquest. Even then, there were two more Welsh rebellions, a decade and then a century later.^*

苏格兰的渗透，迄今为止主要讲盖尔语，不太好战。自 638 年盎格鲁人占领爱丁堡以来，位于东南部的洛锡安就一直讲英语。马尔科姆三世国王，^†在诺曼征服英格兰时在位，他非常亲英；他在英格兰度过了他的一些青年时期，“对英语的了解和他自己的一样多”，并娶了一位英国公主玛格丽特，玛格丽特打开了苏格兰宫廷（当时仍在珀斯），作为来自英国的奢侈品市场。英国。因此，马尔科姆并不是诺曼底势力的天然盟友，实际上他在位期间的大部分时间都花在了对诺森比亚的侵略性袭击上。尽管如此，他的继任者，尤其是大卫一世 (1124-53)，都非常偏爱诺曼人的影响：盎格鲁-诺曼语成为宫廷的语言，因此在 13 世纪，英国人考文垂的沃尔特说：“最近的国王苏格兰人自称是法国人，无论是在种族、举止、语言和文化方面。在减少苏格兰人之后[即³

The penetration of Scotland, hitherto largely Gaelic-speaking, was less warlike. Lothian, in the south-east, had already been English-speaking since the Angles had taken Edinburgh in 638. King Malcolm III,^† on the throne at the time of the Norman conquest of England, had been exceptionally Anglophile; he had spent some of his youth in England, ‘knew the English language quite as well as his own’, and had married an English princess, Margaret, who opened the Scottish court (then still at Perth) as a market for luxury goods from England. No natural ally for the advancing Norman power, then, Malcolm actually spent much of his reign on aggressive raids into Northumbria. Nevertheless, his successors, particularly David I (1124-53), were highly partial to Norman influence: Anglo-Norman became the language of the court, so that in the thirteenth century the Englishman Walter of Coventry remarked: ‘The more recent kings of Scots profess themselves to be rather Frenchmen, both in race and in manners, language and culture; and after reducing the Scots [i.e. Gaels] to utter servitude, they admit only Frenchmen to their friendship and service.’³

但是讲法语的贵族带来了讲英语的侍从。为了维持他们的生活方式，他们加入了讲英语的市民社区，他们从跨境贸易中获利。跨境影响膨胀，人们开始称他们的语言为“Inglis”，后来（相当于——因为这是一种非常独特的英语）称为“Scottis”。苏格兰和英国王室在 13 世纪末到 14 世纪时断时续地处于战争状态，这无关紧要。

But French-speaking nobles brought English-speaking attendants. And to sustain their way of life, they were joined by communities of burgesses, English-speaking, who profited from cross-border trade. Cross-border influence swelled, and people began to refer to their language as ‘Inglis’, and later (equivalently—for this was a very distinctive kind of English) as ‘Scottis’. It hardly mattered that the Scottish and English crowns remained intermittently at war through the late thirteenth century and into the fourteenth.

在爱尔兰，诺曼人在 1166 年左右接受了新被废黜的伦斯特国王 Diarmait Mac Murchada 的邀请，代表他介入反对爱尔兰至高国王。这是英国国王亨利二世的一种机会主义行为——得到了教皇诏书Laudabiliter的巧妙支持——但使他能够引导游行领主的一些动物精神，寻找威尔士以外的新征服。结果是都柏林周围的诺曼人定居点，很快向北和向西扩展，成为爱尔兰景观的永久特征，并最终扩大到让英国王室断断续续地控制整个岛屿。

In Ireland, the Normans had accepted an invitation around 1166 from Diarmait Mac Murchada, newly deposed king of Leinster, to intervene on his behalf against the Irish High King. It was an act of opportunism on the part of the English king Henry II—neatly backed by a papal bull, Laudabiliter—but enabled him to channel some of the animal spirits of Marcher Lords looking for new conquests beyond Wales. The result was a settlement of Normans around Dublin, soon spreading out northward and westward, which became a permanent feature of the Irish landscape, and ultimately expanded to give the English Crown fitful control of the whole island.

在其领域的所有这些扩展中，诺曼人的影响带来了同样相当复杂的语言制度：统治者用法语，随从用英语，技术支持用拉丁语。从长远来看，三角形的英语顶点被证明是最有影响力的，尽管它在功能上是最无缘无故的：毕竟，在所有这些土地上，它必须叠加在讲另一种语言的主体人群上，坎布里亚语，威尔士语或（如在苏格兰和爱尔兰）盖尔语，在盖尔语的案例中，它与英语一样具有强大的文学传统。

In all these extensions to its domain, Norman influence brought the same rather complex linguistic regime: French for the rulers, English for their retinue, and Latin for technical support. In the long run, the English apex of the triangle proved the most influential, although functionally it was the most gratuitous: in all these lands, after all, it had to be superimposed on a subject population who spoke yet another language, Cumbrian, Welsh or (as in Scotland and Ireland) Gaelic, and which in the Gaelic case had as strong a literary tradition as English.

在外国统治有机会阐明其对几代人的影响之前，语言在早期并不是一个明确的问题。但是当它出现时，它是英语，而且只有英语，它得到了形式强化的好处。因此，当 1366 年诺曼当局感到盖尔语在爱尔兰的影响重新抬头，甚至在都柏林周围的英语苍白语中也使用这种语言时，他们的反应是颁布（用法语）基尔肯尼法令，该法令在表达对教会自由的关注，并要求在婚姻中实行严格的种族隔离， “婚姻、教养、抚养孩子、纳妾或恋爱”，奇怪地把对语言的关注与适当的马鞍礼仪放在了一起：

Language was not an explicit issue in the early days, before foreign domination had had a chance to spell out its effects over the generations; but when it did, it was English, and only English, which received the benefit of formal reinforcement. So when in 1366 the Norman authorities felt threatened by a resurgence of Gaelic influence in Ireland, causing that language to be used even in the English Pale around Dublin, their response was to issue (in French) the Statute of Kilkenny, which, after expressing a concern about the freedom of the Church and requiring strict apartheid in marriage compaternitie nurtur de enfantz concubinance ou de caise, ‘marriage, godparenting, fostering of children, concubinage or by amour’, curiously brackets a concern for language with proper saddle etiquette:

iii. 此外，规定和规定，每个英国人都使用英语，并以英语名字命名，完全摒弃了爱尔兰人使用的命名方式；并且每个英国人都根据自己的财产使用英国的风俗、时尚、骑马方式和服饰；如果任何英国人，或生活在英国人中间的爱尔兰人，在他们之间使用爱尔兰语，违反本条例，并被剥夺，他的土地和物业，如果有的话，将被没收并交由他的直接主，直到他来到我们的主国王的地方之一，并找到足够的保证来采用和使用英语……以及生活在英语中的圣教会的受益人应使用英语；如果他们不这样做，在他们以上述方式使用英语之前，他们的普通人将有他们的受益人的问题；他们将有喘息的机会学习英语，并提供鞍具，从这一次到下一次圣米迦勒的盛宴。⁴

iii. Also it is ordained and established, that every Englishman do use the English language, and be named by an English name, leaving off entirely the manner of naming used by the Irish; and that every Englishman use the English custom, fashion, mode of riding and apparel, according to his estate; and if any English, or Irish living among the English, use the Irish language among themselves, contrary to this ordinance, and thereof be attainted, his lands and tenements, if he have any, shall be seized and placed in the hands of his immediate lord, until he shall come to one of the places of our Lord the King, and find sufficient surety to adopt and use the English language … and also that beneficed persons of holy Church, living amongst the English, shall use the English language; and if they do not, that their ordinaries shall have issues of their benefices until they use the English language in the manner aforesaid; and they shall have respite in order to learn the English language, and to provide saddles, between this time and the feast of St Michael next coming.⁴

后来，继续使用这些凯尔特语中的一种被认为不是对海外英语生存的威胁，而是怀疑忠诚度的象征。因此，亨利八世，虽然他自己是一位在威尔士和康沃尔支持下掌权的国王的儿子，但在 1536 年的联合法案（现以英文版）中包括以下内容：

Later, continued use of one of these Celtic languages was considered not so much a threat to the survival of English abroad as a token of dubious loyalty. So Henry VIII, though himself the son of a king who had taken power with Welsh and Cornish support, included the following in the Act of Union of 1536 (now delivered in English):

还颁布了所有法官、专员、治安官、验尸官、escheators、管家及其副手，以及所有其他官员和法律部长，应宣布和保持会议、法院、数百人、leets、治安官法院和所有其他法院用英语；陪审团和审讯的所有宣誓，以及所有其他宣誓书、判决书和法律赌注，以英语进行；并且从今以后，任何使用威尔士语言或语言的人都不得在英格兰、威尔士或其他国王的领土内拥有或享受任何形式的职位或费用，否则将被没收相同的职位或费用，除非他或者他们使用英语语音或语言。⁵

Also be it enacted that all justices, Commissioners, sheriffs, coroners, escheators, stewards and their lieutenants, and all other officers and ministers of the law, shall proclaim and keep the sessions, courts, hundreds, leets, sheriff’s courts and all other courts in the English tongue; and all oaths of juries and inquests, and all other affidavits, verdicts and wagers of law to be given and done in the English tongue; and also that from henceforth no person or persons that use the Welsh speech or language shall have or enjoy any manner of office or fees within this realm of England, Wales or other the King’s dominion upon pain of forfeiting the same offices or fees, unless he or they use the English speech or tongue.⁵

同年，亨利国王写信给爱尔兰西部的戈尔韦市民，敦促说：“在赛德镇内的每个居民都必须自己说英语，并按照英语派别使用他们自己；特别是你们，以及你们每一个人，一定要让你的孩子去上学，去学说英语。” ⁶

In the same year, King Henry was writing to the citizens of Galway in the west of Ireland, urging: ‘every inhabitante within the saide towne indever theym selfe to speke Englyshe, and to use theym selffe after the English facion; and specially that you, and every one of you, do put forth your childe to scole, to lerne to speke Englyshe’.⁶

但五年后，宣布亨利八世为爱尔兰国王的法案仍然必须以爱尔兰语提交给爱尔兰下议院和上议院。⁷尽管诺曼人的入侵导致英语的使用传播到不列颠群岛的所有地区，但它并没有因此消除其他语言的使用。

But five years later, the bill declaring Henry VIII king of Ireland still had to be presented in Irish both to the Irish Commons and Lords.⁷ Although the Norman invasions had caused use of English to spread into all parts of the British Isles, it had not thereby eliminated the use of other languages.

诺曼法语的衰落

The waning of Norman French

如果诺曼国王和安茹国王在英吉利海峡两岸保留了他们的双重领地，那么在某个时候，社会系统可能会有足够的灵活性，以允许威望的语言法语传播并普及到所有国家。在他们的领域之上。但事实并非如此。法兰西王国一直无法忍受诺曼国王的独立，最初是它的附庸，1204年，菲利普二世国王抓住机会在战斗中击败了其中一位（约翰国王），从而结束了对诺曼底的控制。在严酷的封建制度下，男爵不可能保持分裂的忠诚：从今以后，他们必须向英格兰国王或法国国王宣誓效忠，并放弃他们在另一个王国可能拥有的任何土地。在续集中，英国贵族变成了坚定的英国人。

Had the Norman and Angevin kings retained their twin domains on both sides of the Channel, it is possible that at some point there would have been enough flexibility in the social system to allow the prestige language, French, to trickle down, and become widespread all over their realm. But it was not to be. The French realm had never been able to abide the independence of the Norman kings, originally its vassals, and in 1204 King Philip II seized the opportunity to defeat one of them (King John) in battle, and so end their control of Normandy. Within the rigours of the feudal system, it was impossible for barons to maintain a divided loyalty: henceforth they must declare fealty either to the king of England or the king of France, and give up any lands they might hold in the other kingdom. In the sequel, English barons became determinedly English. Soon, as the Provisions of Oxford showed in 1258—a measure for the first time promulgated in English as well as French—they would no longer tolerate excess influence from France, even if coming from the king’s remaining fiefs in Anjou.

... 我们 hoaten all ure treowe, in pe treowpe pBætheo us o$nIen, pæt heo stedefæstlicheealden and swerien to himalden and to werien $pBo i-setnesses $pBæt beon i-makede $pBur$nI $pBan toforen i-seide rædesmen o $pBer $pBur$nI $pBe moare dæl of heom，也就是在 i-seide 之前…

… we hoaten all ure treowe, in pe treowpe pBætheo us o$nIen, pæt heo stedefæstliche healden and swerien to healden and to werien $pBo i-setnesses $pBæt beon i-makede $pBur$nI $pBan toforen i-seide rædesmen o$pBer $pBur$nI $pBe moare dæl of heom, also alse it is beforen i-seide…

…comandons et enjoinons a tuz nos feaus et leans, en la fei k'il nus deivent, k'il fermement teignent, et jurgent a tenir et a maintenir les establissemenz ke sunt fet, u sunt a fere, par l'avant dit cunseil , u la greignure partie deeus, en la maniere k'il est dit desuz…

…comandons et enjoinons a tuz nos feaus et leans, en la fei k’il nus deivent, k’il fermement teignent, et jurgent a tenir et a maintenir les establissemenz ke sunt fet, u sunt a fere, par l’avant dit cunseil, u la greignure partie de eus, en la maniere k’il est dit desuz…

......我们命令我们所有的臣民，在他们对我们的忠诚下，他们坚定地遵守并发誓遵守和保护上述顾问或他们中的大多数制定和将要制定的法令，如前所述以上…… ⁸

…we command all our subjects, in the fealty which they owe us, that they steadfastly keep and swear to keep and to protect the ordinances that are made and are to be made by the aforesaid counsellors or by a majority of them, as is said above …⁸

在英国，由于缺乏日常实践，法语开始成为在学校学习的一门学科，而不是精英们的生活语言。

In England, from lack of day-to-day practice, French began to be a subject learnt at school, rather than the living language of the elite.

早些时候，当我们试图解释盎格鲁-撒克逊人对语言的显着影响时，我们推测英语最初是在公元 5 世纪的一场重大流行病之后在英国建立起来的（参见第 7 章，“Einfall：日耳曼语和斯拉夫语的进步”） '，第 313 页）。但谈到黑死病的影响时，无需猜测。这场瘟疫于 1348 年首次到达英格兰，并在本世纪结束前又两次返回。没有一个社会部门是安全的，但就其性质而言——由人或老鼠身上的跳蚤传播——它在人口稠密的地区最为致命，其中包括城市、法院和修道院。英格兰的人口减少了一半，作为经济后果，个人净资产翻了一番。即使是那些除了自己的健康或生存一无所有的人也会受益，因为相对于仍然不变的土地，劳动力已经成为一种稀缺资源。结果是封建制度的大规模破坏，包括低端收入的增加，以及个人流动性的增加，特别是从乡村到城镇的流动性增加，因为男人实际上可以自由地远离家乡寻求财富。从语言上讲，讲法语的贵族的地位被削弱了：整个社会的职业越来越开放，但越来越多的人真正需要的只是拉丁语和英语的读写能力。时代的标志是 1362 年的《诉状法》：法院诉讼程序从此将以英语进行，尽管“注册为拉丁语”。以及个人流动性的增加，特别是从乡村到城镇的流动性，因为男人实际上可以自由地离开家去寻找他们的财富。从语言上讲，讲法语的贵族的地位被削弱了：整个社会的职业越来越开放，但越来越多的人真正需要的只是拉丁语和英语的读写能力。时代的标志是 1362 年的《诉状法》：法院诉讼程序从此将以英语进行，尽管“注册为拉丁语”。以及个人流动性的增加，特别是从乡村到城镇的流动性，因为男人实际上可以自由地离开家去寻找他们的财富。从语言上讲，讲法语的贵族的地位被削弱了：整个社会的职业越来越开放，但越来越多的人真正需要的只是拉丁语和英语的读写能力。时代的标志是 1362 年的《诉状法》：法院诉讼程序从此将以英语进行，尽管“注册为拉丁语”。但越来越多的人真正需要的只是拉丁语和英语的读写能力。时代的标志是 1362 年的《诉状法》：法院诉讼程序从此将以英语进行，尽管“注册为拉丁语”。但越来越多的人真正需要的只是拉丁语和英语的读写能力。时代的标志是 1362 年的《诉状法》：法院诉讼程序从此将以英语进行，尽管“注册为拉丁语”。

Earlier, when trying to explain the remarkable linguistic impact of the Anglo-Saxons, we conjectured that English originally established itself in Britain in the wake of a major epidemic, in the fifth century AD (see Chapter 7, ‘Einfall: Germanic and Slavic advances’, p. 313). But when it comes to the effects of the Black Death, no conjecture is necessary. This plague first reached England in 1348, and returned twice more before the century was out. No sector of society was safe, but by its nature—borne by fleas on people or rats—it was most virulent in highly populated areas, among them cities, courts and monasteries. England’s population was halved, and as an economic consequence net personal worth doubled. Even those who had no assets but their own health—or survival—benefited, since labour had become a scarce resource in relation to the still-constant amount of land. The result was massive disruption of the feudal system, including a rise in income at the lower end, and an increase in personal mobility, especially from country to town, as men became in effect free to seek their fortunes away from home. Linguistically, the position of the French-speaking nobility was undercut: professions throughout society were increasingly open to merit, but increasingly all that anyone really needed to make a career was literacy in Latin and English. A sign of the times was the Statute of Pleading of 1362: court proceedings would henceforth take place in English, though ‘enrolled in Latin’.

1385 年，牛津大学的策展人、前研究员约翰·德·特雷维萨（John de Trevisa）对当时的情况发表了评论，并对他正在翻译的文本提出质疑。Ranulph Higden 在他14 世纪中叶的Polychronicon (Universal History) 中写道，他在许多人的语言中看到的腐败有两个原因，即儿童被教导将（即翻译拉丁语）解释成法语，而不是他们自己的语言，而那个国家的人们努力通过影响法语来假装自己是绅士。翻译后，特雷维萨补充道：

John de Trevisa, a curate and former fellow of Oxford, commented on the situation in 1385, taking issue with a text he was translating. Ranulph Higden had written, in his Polychronicon (Universal History) of the mid-fourteenth century, that there were two reasons for the corruption he saw in many people’s language, namely that children were taught to construe (i.e. translate Latin) into French, not their own language, and that country people laboured to pass themselves off as gentlemen by affecting French. After translating this, Trevisa adds:

这种方式被用来预示 Grete Deth [即黑死病]。但 syth 它是 somdele chaunged。对于 gramer 大师 John Cornouayl 爵士来说，他将 gramer scole 和 Frenssh 结构的知识传授给了 Englysshe。和其他scoolmasters 使用相同的方式......并将所有Frenssh 放在scoles 中并使用英语中的al 结构。他们有一种方式，那就是他们要记住他们的儿子，而在另一种方式中，他们现在不知道任何人都无法做到，这对他们将受到伤害的人来说是一种伤害，而且绅士们还有moche留给teche他们的孩子要参加 Frenssh。⁹

This maner was moche used to fore the Grete Deth [i.e. the Black Death]. But syth it is somdele chaunged. For Sir John Cornouayl, a master of gramer, chayngede the lore in gramer scole and construction of Frenssh in to Englysshe. And other scoolmasters use the same way… and leve all Frenssh in scoles and use al construction in Englissh. Wherin they have avauntage one way, that is they lerne the sonner theyr gramer, and in another disavauntage, for now they lerne no Frenssh ne can none, which is hurte for them that shal pass the see, and also gentilmen have moche left to teche theyr children to speke Frenssh.⁹

到了 14 世纪后期，法语在英格兰已经不再是一种教育媒介，成为理解白话的不必要障碍。没有更多的假设，任何孩子都会用法语长大。它现在是一种只在海外旅行中使用的语言，如果有的话；但仍有一种感觉，一个正派的绅士应该确保他的儿子们在这方面有良好的基础。^*

By the late fourteenth century, then, French had been dropped as a medium of education in England as a needless barrier to vernacular understanding; there was no more presumption that any children would grow up with French. It was now a language that was only of use in overseas travel, if at all; but there was still a feeling that a proper gentleman should make sure that his sons had a decent grounding in it.^*

在黑死病之后的一个世纪里，即使是皇室成员也停止使用法语。理查二世巧妙地处理了 1381 年的农民起义，表明他能够用英语吸引普通人群。在废黜他之后，亨利四世在 1399 年用英语发表了他的加冕演说——这是同类中的第一次，他的儿子亨利五世在 1415 年阿金库尔战役中的电报也是如此。 ^*所以最终，诺曼人也失去了他们的法语，只有四百几年前，他们失去了挪威语。语言消失了，就像最后一次幽灵般地提醒着他们以前的身份，因为到了 15 世纪，任何地方都没有诺曼人了。

In the century after the Black Death, even royalty stopped using French. Richard II, with his deft handling of the Peasants’ Revolt in 1381, showed that he was quite able to appeal to a common crowd in English. After deposing him, Henry IV made his coronation speech of 1399 in English—the first of its kind, as were his son Henry V’s dispatches from the Agincourt campaign of 1415.^* So ultimately, the Normans lost their French too, just as four hundred years earlier they had lost their Norse. The language vanished like a last ghostly reminder of their former identity, for by the fifteenth century there were no more Normans anywhere.

稳定语言

Stabilising the language

还有来自 pe bygynnyng pre maner speche、Superon、Norperon 和 Myddel speche（在 pe myddel of pe lond）的 Englischmen、peyz hy hadde，作为Germania 的前人、nopeles 的 hy com，由 commyxstion 和 mellyng furst wip 丹麦人和后来的 wip诺曼人，在 menye pe contray longage ys apeyred，som usep 奇怪的 wlaffyng、chyteryng、harry ng 和 garryng grisbittyng。

Also Englischmen, peyz hy hadde from pe bygynnyng pre maner speche, Souperon, Norperon, and Myddel speche (in pe myddel of pe lond), as hy com of pre people of Germania, nopeles, by commyxstion and mellyng furst wip Danes and afterward wip Normans, in menye pe contray longage ys apeyred, som usep strange wlaffyng, chyteryng, harry ng and garryng grisbittyng.

也有英国人，尽管他们来自德国南部的北部地区和中部地区的米德尔地区。尽管如此，还是先与 dans 混合，然后与 normans 混合。^†

Also englysshmen though they had fro the begynnyng thre maner speches Southern northern and myddel speche in the middel of the londe as they come of thre maner of people of Germania. Netheless by commyxtion and medlyng first with dans and afterward with normans In many thynges the countreye langage is appayred // for somme use straunge wlaffyng // chyteryng harryng garryng and grisbytyng.^†

John de Trevisa，Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden，i，59 原文，Cornwall，1385；威廉·卡克斯顿的抄本，伦敦，1482 年

John de Trevisa, Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden, i, 59 Original text, Cornwall, 1385; William Caxton’s transcription, London, 1482

这本书刻意避免过多地谈论不同的方言。没有语言是完全同质的，所有广泛使用的语言都有其区域变体。但就其本质而言，方言比完整的语言具有更模糊的身份：它们没有将语言社区的边界定义为整体，而是将其定义为区域身份。由于缺乏明确的群体身份，它们往往重叠，甚至在边缘合并；语言学家经常发现更容易说出不同的特征，例如 u 的不圆润发音、以 - en结尾的动词复数、将动词延迟到从句末尾的趋势，或特定的单词选择，例如eyren而不是鸡蛋，并将它们映射到整个语言区域，而不是试图将每个区域变体描述为具有自己独立的音系、语法和词汇的离散的整体子语言。计算语言比计算语言中的方言要容易得多。

This book has deliberately avoided much talk of distinct dialects. No language is totally homogeneous, and all widespread languages have their regional variants. But by their nature dialects have a much vaguer identity than full languages: they do not define the boundaries of language communities as wholes, but rather regional identities within them. Lacking a clear group identity, they tend to overlap, even to merge at the edges; and linguists often find it easier to speak of distinct features, such as an unrounded pronunciation of u, a verb plural ending in -en, a tendency to delay verbs to the end of the clause, or a particular choice of words, such as eyren instead of eggs, and map these across the whole language area, than to try to characterise each regional variant as a discrete whole sub-language with its own separate phonology, grammar and vocabulary. It is far easier to count languages than to count the dialects within a language.

从形式的角度来看，一种语言的首选“标准”形式只是一种方言，是从语言社区范围内某处使用的所有替代方案中选择的一种首选特征。然而，就应以哪种方言为标准达成一致并不总是容易的。例如，早期现代爱尔兰人有一套用于宫廷和文学用途的独特代码，当 16 世纪末盖尔人的统治被推翻时，该代码就丢失了，并且很难从爱尔兰语的三个主要变体中重建出来。二十世纪爱尔兰语的流行语。在英语的历史上，在诺曼人接管之前的 10 世纪和 11 世纪，这种语言与国家标准的接近程度仍然存在争议。但很明显，在它在 14 和 15 世纪重新出现的时期，任何人都很难决定哪种语言应该被冠以“最好的英语”的称号。起初，没有做出任何决定。幸存下来的文学作品倾向于以特殊的组合显示作者的演讲风格和词汇，但这些组合通常将他识别为米德兰人、伦敦人、肯特人、南方人、北方人或苏格兰人。当写作全部是手稿，而且重要的写作无论如何都是拉丁文时，也许白话书在当地以外难以阅读并不重要。如果一本好书需要被更广泛地阅读，总有人可以转换它的方言，作为本书的作者没有做出任何决定。幸存下来的文学作品倾向于以特殊的组合显示作者的演讲风格和词汇，但这些组合通常将他识别为米德兰人、伦敦人、肯特人、南方人、北方人或苏格兰人。当写作全部是手稿，而且重要的写作无论如何都是拉丁文时，也许白话书在当地以外难以阅读并不重要。如果一本好书需要被更广泛地阅读，总有人可以转换它的方言，作为本书的作者没有做出任何决定。幸存下来的文学作品倾向于以特殊的组合显示作者的演讲风格和词汇，但这些组合通常将他识别为米德兰人、伦敦人、肯特人、南方人、北方人或苏格兰人。当写作全部是手稿，而且重要的写作无论如何都是拉丁文时，也许白话书在当地以外难以阅读并不重要。如果一本好书需要被更广泛地阅读，总有人可以转换它的方言，作为本书的作者无论如何，重要的文字都是拉丁文，也许白话书在当地以外难以阅读并不重要。如果一本好书需要被更广泛地阅读，总有人可以转换它的方言，作为本书的作者无论如何，重要的文字都是拉丁文，也许白话书在当地以外难以阅读并不重要。如果一本好书需要被更广泛地阅读，总有人可以转换它的方言，作为本书的作者Cursor Mundi做了玛丽升天的故事。

The preferred ‘standard’ form of a language is, from a formal point of view, just one of the dialects, a preferred selection of features from among all the alternatives that are in use somewhere in the language community’s territories. Nevertheless, it is not always easy to reach agreement on which dialect should be taken as the standard. Early Modern Irish, for example, had a distinct code for courtly and literary use, which was lost when Gaelic lordship was overthrown at the end of the sixteenth century, and which it has been very hard to rebuild out of the three main varieties of the language current in twentieth-century Irish. In the history of English, it is still debated how close the language had come to having a national standard in the tenth and eleventh centuries before the Normans took over; but clearly, in the period of its re-emergence in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries it was very difficult for anyone to decide what sort of language should be dignified with the title of ‘the best English’. And at first, no decision was made. The literature that has survived tends to show the speech style and vocabulary of the writer in idiosyncratic combinations that nonetheless usually identify him as a Midlander, a Londoner, a Kentishman, a Southerner, a Northerner or a Scot. When writing was all in manuscript, and important writing was all in Latin anyway, perhaps it mattered little that books in the vernacular were hard to read outside their local region. If a good book needed to be read more widely, someone could always convert its dialect, as the author of the Cursor Mundi did the story of the Assumption of Mary.

在其他英语中，它是不是已经枯竭了，	用南方英语画的
然后把它转过来，直到我们的阿姨	我把它变成了我们自己的
Langage o northrin lede ,	北方民族语言
pat can nan oiper englis rede。	那是看不懂其他英文的。¹⁰

但是，在语言使用的两个主要领域，官方和文学方面，缺乏标准成为一个问题。一旦君主和他的宫廷再次说英语，它就必须是卓越的英语：但他们应该如何在官方法律和公告中表达自己，以便他们可以在全国范围内公布、理解和采取行动？英格兰不仅仅是一个政府。它是一个国家，越来越被认为具有独特的性格，并在世界上扮演一个角色，因此需要一个独特的、独特的声音。温和地命名这种“英语语言”非常好。但是，当一位作者开始写作时，应该以所提供的所有英语单词和变化形式中的哪一种为准，在那些越来越被称为英国文学的书中？当印刷机在 15 世纪后期开始大规模生产书籍时，这个问题变得更加紧迫。从今以后，一本书的相同副本可能会传到王国的所有地方：应该在其中出现什么形式的语言才能充分利用新的规模经济？

But the absence of a standard came to be a problem in two major areas of language use, the official and the literary. Once the sovereign and his courts again spoke English, it would have to be the pre-eminent English: but how should they express themselves in official laws and proclamations, so that they could be published, understood and acted upon, all over the land? And England was not just a government. It was a nation, increasingly felt to have a distinctive character, and a part to play in the world, and hence needing a distinctive, and distinct, voice. It was all very well to blandly name this ‘the English tongue’. But when an author got down to writing, which variety of all the English words and inflexions on offer should prevail, in the books that would more and more be known as English literature? This question became much more urgent when the printing presses began mass production of books in the late fifteenth century. Henceforth, identical copies of a single book might expect to go to all parts of the kingdom: what form of the language should appear in them to take full advantage of the new economies of scale?

这不是历史学家的人为问题，将整个社会面临的困境戏剧化，似乎盲目地出现了答案。对于某些人来说，它非常明确地呈现出来。杰弗里·乔叟在他1380 年代用伦敦英语写成的诗Troilus and Criseide的最后一个信封中，添加了一句诗句：

This is not an artificial question of historians, put to dramatise a predicament confronting society as a whole, to which an answer emerged as if blindly. For some people it presented itself quite explicitly. Geoffrey Chaucer, in the final envoi of his poem Troilus and Criseide, written in London English in the 1380s, adds a verse:

因为那里是如此的多样化	而且因为有如此巨大的多样性
在英语和我们的长期写作中，	用英语和我们的语言书写，
所以，我的上帝，非我写的，	所以祈祷我的上帝没有人写错你，
ne the mysmetre for defaute of tonge。	也不会因为对语言的无知而误读您。
And red where you are, or elles songe	无论你在哪里被阅读，或者被歌唱，
那你是understonde，上帝我biseehe！	我恳求上帝理解你，
但还没有达到我的目的。	并且在我之前的话所指的意义上。¹¹

在这里，他显然担心从一种方言复制到另一种方言可能导致文本的损坏，就像他对试图理解文本的可怜的读者或听众一样担心。^*

Here he is apparently as much worried about the corruption of the text that may come from copying from one dialect to another as he is for the poor reader or listener trying to make sense of the text.^*

一种在英格兰似乎从未出现过的可能解决方案是让不同的方言成为不同写作类型的标准，尽管我们已经看到这就是希腊文学早期发生的事情，在某种程度上也发生在伊比利亚，当葡萄牙人发展成为爱情诗歌的载体时，即使在西班牙也是如此。可以想象，例如，“猫头鹰与夜莺”和“狐狸与狼”这两个 13 世纪诗歌中的野兽对话的成功可能使南方英语成为这种类型的首选语言自负的。但从来没有发生过这样的事情。相反，一种方言成为所有人的首选。

One possible solution that never seems to have suggested itself in England was for different dialects to become standard for different types of writing, although we have seen that this is what had happened in the early days of Greek literature, and to some extent also in Iberia, when Portuguese developed a role as the vehicle of love poetry, even in Spain. It would have been conceivable, for example, that the success of ‘The Owl and the Nightingale’, and ‘The Fox and the Wolf, two beast dialogues in verse of the thirteenth century, might have made Southern English the preferred language for this type of conceit. But nothing like this ever happened. Instead, a single dialect came to be preferred for all.

第一位英国印刷商和出版商威廉·卡克斯顿（William Caxton）以最极端的形式面对这个问题，并在解决这个问题方面发挥了巨大的影响力。我们可以预测答案会是什么：绝大多数（正如我们将在第 13 章，第 529 页指出的那样）首都的方言已成为其国家语言的标准。在宣布他的政策之前，卡克斯顿确实指出了困境：

William Caxton, the first English printer and publisher, faced the problem in the most extreme form, and was highly influential in solving it. We can predict what the answer would be: overwhelmingly (as we shall note in Chapter 13, p. 529) the dialect spoken in a capital city has become the standard for its national language. Before declaring his policy, Caxton did point out the predicament:

Certaynly 很难因为 dyversite & chaunge of langage 而玩弄每个人。因为在这些日子里，每个在他的国家声名狼藉的人，都会用很少有人能理解的方式和术语说出他的commynycacyon和maters。一些诚实而恭敬的文员向我求助，并希望我写出我最喜欢的最古怪的术语。因此，在玩弄、粗鲁和粗鲁之后，我感到很惭愧。但在我的判断中，dayli 的comyn 术语使用 ben lyghter 比 olde 和 uncyent englysshe 更容易理解。就像现在的书一样，moche 不是给一个粗鲁的 uplondyssh 人在里面劳作，也不会再做，而是只给一个职员和一个高贵的绅士，他们在军队、爱情和高贵的 chyvalrye 中感受和理解，¹²

Certaynly it is harde to playse every man by cause of dyversite & chaunge of langage. For in these dayes every man that is in ony reputacyon in his countre, wyll utter his commynycacyon and maters in suche maners & termes that fewe men shall understonde theym. And som honest and grete Clerkes have ben wyth me, and desired me to wryte the moste curyous termes that I coude fynde. And thus bytwene playn, rude & curyous, I stande abasshed. But in my judgemente the comyn terms that be dayli used ben lyghter to be understonde than the olde and auncyent englysshe. And for as moche as the present booke is not for a rude uplondyssh man to laboure therin, ne rede it, but onely for a clerk & a noble gentylman that feleth and understondeth in faytes of armes, in love, & in noble chyvalrye, therfor in a meane bytwene bothe I have reduced & translated this sayd booke in to our englysshe, not ouer rude ne curyous, but in suche termes as shall be understanden, by goddys grace, accordynge to my copye.¹²

然后，卡克斯顿声称遵循了英国经典的合理妥协政策。但他实际上正在做的是将文本转换成伦敦英语。例如，在本节开始的段落中，这一点很清楚，约翰·德·特雷维萨最初写的文本比一个世纪后卡克斯顿出版的版本高出很多。仔细检查，这是一组相当轻微的变化——这里用它们来表示hy，消除了口头结尾 - ep在复数形式中，并将 b 和 z 全部替换为 th 和 gh——但它在将文本带入现代英语使用者的可读性范围内所产生的差异仍然令人惊讶，即使是现在，大约 500 年后。正如我们现在所知，标准英语仍然带有卡克斯顿和他同时代人做出的决定的印记。

Caxton, then, claimed to be following a classic English policy of reasonable compromise. But what he was actually doing was converting texts into London English. This is clear, for example, in the passage that begins this section, where the text that John de Trevisa had originally written is set out above the version published a century later by Caxton. Examined closely, it is a fairly slight set of changes—here using they for hy, eliminating the verbal ending -ep in the plural, and replacing b and z throughout with th and gh—but it is still amazing what a difference it makes in bringing a text into the ambit of readability for a speaker of modern English, even now, some five hundred years on. Standard English, as we now know it, still bears the mark of those decisions taken by Caxton and his contemporaries.

一旦做出这一决定，印刷文学的日益普及，加上公众识字能力的增强，强烈地加强了对正在印刷的特定方言的使用。英语书籍写作的主要来源，牛津和剑桥也位于同一个广泛的方言地区，通常被称为西米德兰兹南部，这很有帮助。^*印刷，一旦足够多的人能够阅读并且确实阅读，就成为大众媒体的第一个，随着电视文化中现在熟悉的两极分化，“赢家通吃”效应。人们不可避免地从他们阅读的书籍中学到了应该如何写英语，因此国王的英语也成为了人民的英语，至少在页面上是这样。“英语语言”第一次被定义。

Once this decision was taken, the growing availability of printed literature, in concert with growing powers of literacy among the public, strongly reinforced use of the particular dialect that was being printed. It helped that the main sources of book-writing in English, Oxford and Cambridge, were also located in the same broad dialect area, often known as southern West Midlands.^* Printing, once enough people could read and did read, became the first of the mass media, with the polarising, ‘winner takes all’ effects now familiar from TV culture. People inevitably learnt from the books they read how English should be written, and the King’s English thereby became the people’s English too, at least on the page. ‘The English tongue’, for the first time, was being defined.

这个过程并不局限于英语。对于西欧的其他语言，尤其是法语、西班牙语和德语，几乎完全可比的语言定义过程同时进行，这些语言在方言上至少与英语一样分裂。16 世纪上半叶的法国排版师开始制定拼写和使用口音的规则，开始了一项从未完成的任务，即修剪大量传统上由纯粹主义者书写但从未用该语言发音的辅音。西班牙语，自从它是拉丁语以来，其发音变化较小，可以承受更严格的语音；但是 Nebrija 1492 年卡斯蒂利亚语语法的存在意味着排除其他方言，特别是密切相关的阿拉贡语的形式特征的基础。

This process was not confined to English. Almost precisely comparable processes of language definition were under way at the same time for other languages of western Europe, notably French, Spanish and German, which in speech had been at least as dialectally riven as English. French typographers in the first half of the sixteenth century begin to give rules for spelling and use of accents, beginning the task—one never completed—of pruning the vast numbers of consonants traditionally written by purists but never pronounced in that language. Spanish, whose pronunciation had changed less since it had been Latin, could afford to be more rigorously phonetic; but the existence of Nebrija’s 1492 grammar of Castilian meant that there was a basis for excluding forms characteristic of other dialects, particularly the closely related Aragonese.

比较表明，政治统一对于在这个出生时代印刷文学的民族语言的定义绝不是必不可少的。讲德语的土地没有单一的政府。尽管如此，1522 年，出生于下萨克森州和图林根州的马丁·路德将他的新约翻译成他自己的德语，并一直渴望“被德国高低的居民理解”。他在 1534 年添加了旧约。通过他的作品的受欢迎程度（和卓越性），他成功地按照当地方言的形象建立了标准德语。当地版本的圣经是在德语区更远的地方制作的，如巴塞尔、斯特拉斯堡、奥格斯堡和纽伦堡，但本地化的版本只是增加了路德更明显的西风术语的词汇表。¹³ Hochdeutsch就是这样定义的。

The comparison shows that political unification was in no way essential to the definition of a national language in this natal age for print literature. The lands where German was spoken had no single government. Nevertheless, in 1522 Martin Luther, a native of Lower Saxony and Thuringia, brought out his translation of the New Testament into his own German, aspiring all the while ‘to be understood by the inhabitants of Germany High and Low’. He added the Old Testament in 1534. Through the popularity (and excellence) of his work, he succeeded in establishing standard German in the image of his local dialects. Local editions of the Bible were made in farther parts of German-speaking territory, in Basel, Strasburg, Augsburg and Nuremberg, but localised only to the extent of adding glossaries of Luther’s more distinctively westerly terms; and for the first time, whole grammars of the German language began to be written, explicitly based on Luther’s usage.¹³ Thus was Hochdeutsch defined.

圣经在英语的定义中也很重要。显然，16 世纪早期印刷识字的爆发是对新教思想的主要支持，而新教思想正是在这个时候震撼了西方基督教。毕竟，路德只是将德语定义为他热情关注的副产品，即上帝的话语可以直接提供给每个人，而不仅仅是博学的人。英语读者同样热衷于这种恩惠。事实上，这种热情可以追溯到 1382 年，当时约翰·威克利夫的翻译已经通过手书流通，但在 1407-9 年才被严格压制：总有一个政党认为，只有在严格的监督下才能分发巨大的祝福，这种观点一直盛行到十五世纪末。

The Bible was cardinal also in the definition of English. Evidently, the explosion of print literacy in the early sixteenth century was a major support to Protestant ideas, which were rocking western Christianity at exactly this time. Luther was, after all, only defining the German language as a byproduct of his passionate concern that the word of God be available directly to everyone, not just the learned. Readers of English were just as avid for this boon; indeed, such enthusiasm went back to 1382, when John Wyclif’s translation had been put into circulation through handwritten volumes, only to be rigorously suppressed in 1407–9: there is always a party who believes that great blessings must be distributed only under rigorous supervision, and this view largely prevailed until the end of the fifteenth century.

在威廉·廷代尔 1525 年的《新约》的引领下，一系列英语圣经在 16 世纪问世。¹⁴当然，它们起初是煽动性文件；但仍然如此受欢迎。到 1558 年至 1603 年伊丽莎白统治时期，阅读英文圣经^*的权利已经牢固确立；有了它，也许更重要的是作为每个人都在阅读的文本，即《公祷书》。然后在 1611 年，由皇家委员会制作的《詹姆士国王圣经》确立了圣经的权威文本，在接下来的三个世纪中，它将以英语阅读，这是十代英语基督徒共同的一部作品。

A series of English-language Bibles came out in print in the sixteenth century, led off by William Tyndale’s 1525 New Testament.¹⁴ They were at first seditious documents, of course; but none the less popular for that. By the reign of Elizabeth, 1558–1603, the right to read the Bible in English^* was firmly established; and with it, perhaps even more important as a text that everyone was reading, the Book of Common Prayer. Then in 1611 the King James Bible, produced by a royal committee, established the definitive text of the Bible, as it would be read in English for the next three centuries, a single work common to ten generations of English-language Christians.

有了这样的文本来证明和满足他们日益广泛的读写能力，越来越多的¹⁵位发言者对所使用的英语有一个清晰而独特的想法，实际上是一个单一的具体模型。这个模型很快就会被运送到地球的最深处。^†

With such a text justifying and fulfilling their increasingly widespread literacy,¹⁵ speakers more and more had a clear and distinct idea, indeed a single concrete model, of the English language in use. This model was soon to be transported to the uttermost parts of the earth.^†

什么样的语言？

What sort of a language?

英语变成了什么样的语言？这将成为一个充满全球影响的问题。但是对于一个普通的母语人士来说，这是一个特别难以理解的语言。语言的体系结构是不可见的，原因与魔术欺骗的原因相同：由于习惯的力量，每个人的注意力都集中在手头的明显业务上，而不是执行方式上。即使当手段被挑出来，诗人描述他的手艺，或批评家关注文本的构成时，仍然有一种倾向，将声音与单词、短语与对象、话语与思想之间的联系视为两者之一。太明显而无法提及，或者完全神秘。如果语言头有其原因，那么文人之心则知之甚少，不在乎。演讲者和作家，听众和读者巧妙地处理，^*

What kind of a language had English become? This was to become a question fraught with global implications. But it is a particularly hard one for an ordinary native speaker of the language to appreciate. The architecture of a language is invisible for the same reason that a conjuring trick deceives: by force of habit, everyone’s attention is on the apparent business in hand, not its means of execution. Even when the means is singled out, and a poet describes his craft, or a critic draws attention to the composition of a text, there is still a tendency to take the links between sounds and word, phrase and object, utterance and thought as either too obvious to mention, or totally mysterious. If language head has its reasons, the literary heart knows little of them, and cares less. Speakers and writers, listeners and readers deal deftly, and often intuitively, with outcomes they all accept and recognise, in a medium that is largely unanalysed—much as they breathe, digest and regulate their body temperatures.^*

然而，英语的某些特性使它成为它的语言，而不是其他语言。其中大部分在十六世纪就已经存在。从世界丰富的角度来看，它是一种具有非常广泛的不同元音和双元音的语言（例如，在英国标准中，mat、met、mitt、motte、mutt、put、mart、mate、meet、may 、moat、moot、mute、mouth、moist以及mere 、mire、flower、more、moor和immure）和相对有限范围的辅音（bun、pun、spun、dun、ton、stun、con、gone , 烤饼, 下巴, 杜松子酒, Hun, train, drain, son, shin, led, red, bum, bun and bung , 带变焦和休闲稍后添加），尽管当考虑到允许的组合时，这些变得更具挑战性：考虑scrounged、宽度、强度、五、六、七、八、收缩、主要、推力、经文、轻蔑、约束、细长、锛和愚蠢的。它的一些声音系统规则令母语人士感到惊讶，因为它们在拼写中没有任何作用，因此在学校很少提及：例如，元音的长度与最后一个辅音有关在一个音节中，与元音本身无关：mat、mace、mitt、right、rot、lout、motes、route、kilt、health和Alf都有短元音，而mad、maze、mid、ride、rod、loud、modes、rude、killed、delve和pals都有长的；或者区分pin和bin和tab和dab的关键空气实际上在spin和stab中缺失——所以从语音的角度来看，它们可能更公正地写成'sbin'和'sdab '。英语的重音规则很复杂（例如，sweet Sixtéen，但 síxteen swéet lámbs），但对于理解流利的言语至关重要；整个句子的语调模式也多种多样。

Nevertheless, there are properties of English that make it the language it is, and no other. Most of these were already present in the sixteenth century. From the perspective of the world’s plenty, it is a language with a very wide range of distinctly different vowels and diphthongs (e.g., in the British standard, mat, met, mitt, motte, mutt, put, mart, mate, meet, might, moat, moot, mute, mouth, moist, as well as mere, mire, flower, more, moor and immure) and relatively more restricted range of consonant sounds (bun, pun, spun, dun, ton, stun, con, gone, scone, chin, gin, Hun, train, drain, son, shin, led, red, bum, bun and bung, with zoom and leisure added later), although these have become more challenging when account is taken of the combinations allowed: consider scrounged, widths, strengths, fifths, sixths, sevenths, eighths, shrinks, mostly, thrust, scripture, contemptibly, constraints, spindly, adze and stupid. Some of the rules of its sound system come as a surprise to native speakers, since they have no role in the spelling, and so are seldom mentioned at school: for example, that the length of the vowels has everything to do with the last consonant in a syllable, and nothing to do with the vowel itself: mat, mace, mitt, right, rot, lout, motes, route, kilt, health and Alf all have short vowels, while mad, maze, mid, ride, rod, loud, modes, rude, killed, delve and pals all have long ones; or that the crucial puff of air that distinguishes, say, pin from bin, and tab from dab, is actually missing in spin and stab—so from a phonetic point of view, they might with more justice be written ’sbin’ and ’sdab’. The stress rules of English are complex (e.g. sweet sixtéen, but síxteen swéet lámbs), but are essential for the understanding of fluent speech; and intonation patterns for whole sentences are also highly various.

英语单词的结构相当简单：让人联想到拉丁语或希腊语的古英语的屈折变化系统早已失传，大多数单词要么很简单，要么明显由词干和几个前缀和后缀组成。^*英语语法中的不规则性主要涉及如何将后缀应用于特定单词的细节（不是 man+s 而是men，不是strike+d 而是打击）。主要动词可能与称为助动词和情态的较小动词序列一起出现（be、have、do、shall、will、can、may、must），这些动词可能会在相当复杂的条件下反映出来（例如，他被带去兜风，他不是吗？他们也有，不是吗？但似乎每个人都有，不是吗？) 字序很关键。在简单的句子中，它是相当严格的主语-动词-宾语（你看到了一只老虎），但在问题和更复杂的句子中会出现大量的变化和细微差别。谁见过老虎？仍然是 SVO，但随后有趣的事情开始了：我看到了这样一只老虎！（OSV），我从来没有见过这样的老虎（Aux-SVO），你看到老虎了吗？(Aux-SVO)，你看到了什么？(O-Aux-SV)，你觉得你看到了什么？(O-Aux-SVSV)，你觉得你看到了什么？(S-辅助-SVVO)。虽然在日耳曼语中很常见，但这种词序的杂耍已经超出了希腊语和罗马人所发展的语法范围，因此也超出了中世纪和现代早期欧洲所教授的语法范围。事实上，直到 1950 年代，理论语言学家才找到了合适的方法来分析它。毫不奇怪，直到那时英语才成为理论语言学的主要学科。

The structure of English words is fairly straightforward: the inflexion system of Old English, reminiscent of Latin or Greek, has long been lost, and most words are either simple, or clearly composed of stem with a few prefixes and suffixes.^* Irregularity in English grammar mostly concerns the details of how suffixes are applied to particular words (not man+s but men, not strike+d but struck). Main verbs may appear with sequences of smaller verbs called auxiliaries and modals (be, have, do, shall, will, can, may, must), which may be mirrored under rather complex conditions (e.g., He has been taken for a ride, hasn’t he? They have too, haven’t they? but Everybody seems to have, don’t they?) Word order is crucial. In the simple sentence it is fairly rigidly Subject-Verb-Object (You saw a tiger), but a plethora of variations and nuances arise in questions and more complex sentences. Who saw a tiger? is still S-V-O, but then the fun begins: Such a tiger I saw! (O-S-V), Never have I seen such a tiger (Aux-S-V-O), Did you see a tiger? (Aux-S-V-O), What did you see? (O-Aux-S-V), What do you think you saw? (O-Aux-S-V-S-V), What do you think saw you? (S-Aux-S-V-V-O). This juggling with word order, though common in Germanic languages, was beyond the ken of grammar as developed by the Greeks and Romans, and hence as taught in medieval and early modern Europe. In fact, it was only in the 1950s that theoretical linguists found a fitting means to analyse it. Not surprisingly, it was only then that English became the prime subject for theoretical linguistics.

如果我们将英语与其他获得世界地位的语言进行比较，最相似的语言——作为语言——是汉语和马来语。当然，我们需要忽略它的主要词汇来源：英语在其短暂的一生中一直与法语和拉丁语密切相关；自 1500 年以来，许多精英演讲者的教育也涉及希腊语。结果，这三种语言提供了绝大多数进入该语言的单词，无论是借来的还是发明的。但是，当它的词源——以及它们在页面上的书面外观——被放在一边时，一个惊人的事实出现了，即与英语最相似的不是来自欧洲，而是来自亚洲的远东。

If we compare English to the other languages that have achieved world status, the most similar—as languages—are Chinese and Malay. Of course, we need to discount the main sources of its vocabulary: English has been in close touch all its short life with French and Latin; and since 1500 the education of very many of its elite speakers has involved Greek too. As a result these three languages have provided the vast majority of the words that have come into the language, whether borrowed or invented. But when the origins of its words—and hence their written look on the page—is set to one side, the amazing fact emerges that the closest parallels to English come not from Europe but from the far east of Asia.

与英语一样，汉语和马来语也有主谓宾语序，很少有动词或名词的屈折变化。词很简单，而复杂的意义是通过将它们串在一起而产生的。相比之下，我们考虑过的所有其他语言都具有高度的屈折变化，尽管葡萄牙语以其在亚洲确立的形式已被剥离了大部分。

Like English, Chinese and Malay have Subject-Verb-Object word order, and very little in the way of verb or noun inflexion. Words are simple, and complex senses result from stringing them together. By contrast, all the other languages we have considered have a high degree of inflexion, although Portuguese, in the form in which it established itself in Asia, has most of this stripped away.

特别保守，因此越来越反语音的系统是英语的另一个方面，它与汉语（尽管与马来语不同——在任何用来表示它的书写系统中）都有相似之处。就像汉语（当然还有埃及人）所发生的那样，说英语的生活只是松散地依附于该语言的书面传统。诚然，单词仍然是按照它们说出来的顺序写的。^*但是拼写没有被修改以跟上发音的变化：因此gh的剩余部分，仍然在许多单词中找到字母组合，但没有任何地方保留其原始发音为 [x]，苏格兰湖中的ch ；因此，英语时态元音的奇怪拼写，在拼写为mate、meet、mite、mote、mouth和mute的单词中看到，但会写成meit、miit、mait、mout、mauth和miuwt如果这些字母在 15 世纪之前的价值仍然含糊不清，那么它们在使用罗马字母的所有其他语言中基本上都保留了这些价值。由于拼写和发音之间关系的复杂性，至少在英国，大部分小学教师直到最近还认为，在教孩子阅读和写作时，语音学更容易混淆而不是帮助：因此臭名昭著的“看说”方法，基本上把每个单词都当作一个汉字来对待。

The peculiarly conservative, and hence increasingly anti-phonetic, system is another facet of English that bears a resemblance to Chinese (though not to Malay—in any of the writing systems that have been used to represent it). As has happened with Chinese (and of course Egyptian), the life of English as it is spoken has become only loosely attached to the written traditions of the language. True, words are still written in the order in which they are spoken.^* But spelling has not been revised to keep up with changes in pronunciation: hence the remains of gh, a combination of letters still found in many words, but nowhere keeping anything like its original pronunciation as [x], the ch in Scots loch; hence the bizarre spelling of the English tense vowels, seen in the words spelt mate, meet, mite, mote, mouth and mute, but which would be written meit, miit, mait, mout, mauth and miuwt if the letters were still being used vaguely with the values they had until the fifteenth century, values that they have largely retained in every other language that uses the Roman alphabet. As a result of the complexity of relation between spelling and sound, a large proportion of the primary teaching profession, in England at least, was until recently of the opinion that phonics are more confusing than helpful when teaching children to read and write: hence the notorious ‘Look and Say’ method, which essentially treated each word as if it were a Chinese character.

和中文一样，可以说，对于学习者来说，英语已经识字太久了。

As with Chinese, one can say that, for learners, the English language has been literate too long.

向西嗬！

Westward Ho!

四十年来我所学的语言，

我的母语英语，现在我必须放弃：

现在我的舌头对我来说只不过是一把没有

弦的提琴或竖琴；

或者像一个狡猾的乐器，

或者，打开，放在他的手中

没有触摸来调整和声：

在我的嘴里，你已经把我的舌头锁住了，

用我的牙齿和嘴唇加倍的闸门；

沉闷、冷酷、荒谬的无知

使我的狱卒照料我。

我太老了，不能讨好护士，

岁月太久，现在不能成为学生：

那么，你的判决是什么

？

The language I have learned these forty years,

My native English, now I must forego:

And now my tongue’s use is to me no more

Than an unstring’d viol or a harp;

Or like a cunning instrument cas’d up,

Or, being open, put into his hands

That knows no touch to tune the harmony:

Within my mouth you have engaol’d my tongue,

Doubly portcullis’d with my teeth and lips;

And dull, unfeeling, barren ignorance

Is made my gaoler to attend on me.

I am too old to fawn upon a nurse,

Too far in years to be a pupil now:

What is thy sentence, then, but speechless death,

Which robs my tongue from breathing native breath?

（诺福克公爵，被流放时）莎士比亚，理查二世，第一幕，第三场

(The Duke of Norfolk, on being exiled) Shakespeare, Richard II, act I, scene iii

诺福克的话是英国人绝望的第一个例子，现在几乎是传统的，对不得不学习另一种语言的前景：流放还有更大的恐惧吗？当时，英语是一种专门在不列颠群岛范围内使用的语言。写这些话时，很可能是在 1595 年，不列颠群岛以外只有一个说英语的殖民地，即罗利 1586 年在罗阿诺克的殖民地“弗吉尼亚”，当时英格兰没有人知道它是否仍然存在。^*

Norfolk’s words stand as the first example of an Englishman’s despair, now almost traditional, at the prospect of having to learn another language: could exile hold any greater terror? English was then a language spoken exclusively within the confines of the British Isles. When the words were written, most likely in 1595, there had been only a single English-speaking colony outside the British Isles, Ralegh’s 1586 colony at Roanoke, ‘Virginia’, and no one in England then knew if it was still in existence.^*

渐渐地，来自英国的旅行者学习其他语言将变得越来越没有必要，因为说英语的人现在将在世界各地传播新的定居点，其中许多定居点将扩大，成为与英国一起——地球上最大、最富有、最强大的国家之一。三个世纪以来，英国定居点的动机是多种多样的：王国的荣耀、海盗的收益、建立新的乌托邦、农业或采矿业的财富、贸易、个人荣耀、传播福音的责任感、全球战略、意外收获从军事胜利开始，甚至到最后都有教育当地居民的义务感。在这一点上，他们不同于他们最伟大的前辈葡萄牙人、西班牙人、荷兰人和法国人，他们每个人都被其中的一个或几个所感动。在这个意义上，英国人是欧洲帝国主义的普遍代表。^*各种各样的动机几乎可以被解释为根本没有动机的说法。1883 年，公关人员约翰·西利爵士（Sir John Seeley）著名地宣称：“我们似乎在心不在焉的情况下征服了半个世界并居住在其中。” ¹⁶这很适合英国人自以为是的纯真善良。

Little by little, it was going to become more and more unnecessary for travellers from Britain to learn other languages, because English speakers were now to spread new settlements around the world, and many of those settlements were going to expand, to become—with Britain—among the largest, richest and most powerful nations on earth. The motives for British settlements over three centuries were various: the glory of the realm, gains from piracy, founding new utopias, wealth from agriculture or mining, trade, personal glory, a stirring of duty to spread the gospel, global strategy, windfall spoils from military victories, even in the end some sense of obligation to educate the native inhabitants. In this, they were unlike their greatest predecessors, the Portuguese, the Spanish, the Dutch and the French, who were each moved by just one or a few of these. The British were in this sense the universal exponents of European imperialism.^* And the sheer variety of the motives could almost be parleyed into a claim of no motive at all. In 1883, the publicist Sir John Seeley was famously to claim: ‘We seem, as it were, to have conquered and peopled half the world in a fit of absence of mind.’¹⁶ This has well suited British conceits of their own virtuous innocence.

海盗和种植园主

Pirates and planters

英语在大西洋上的第一次延伸让人想起一千年半以前梵文在孟加拉湾的风潮，当时迷人的sāhasikā海盗几乎无法与sādhava区分开来商人（见第 5 章，“梵文的传播”，第 199 页）。英国是濒临大西洋的最后一个在西方寻求新财富的强国，起初，这并不是一场容易闯入的游戏。16世纪，当西班牙从墨西哥和秘鲁的矿山中获取巨额利润，葡萄牙缝合印度洋的贸易，甚至法国也在探索圣劳伦斯河的范围时，英国的亨利八世和伊丽莎白一世支持了极少数跨越北大西洋的探索性航行，这些航行一无所获，甚至几乎没有登陆。但弗朗西斯·德雷克（Francis Drake）发现了一条可以盈利的路线，委婉地称为“拿奖”。从 1573 年起的 15 年里，他独自一人从西班牙港口的袭击、西班牙和葡萄牙船只的公海抢劫中带回来，在东印度群岛进行贸易，战利品价值四分之三百万英镑，是当时年税收的两倍；伊丽莎白的股份足以在 1581 年清偿国家债务，并提供另外 42,000 欧元来创立黎凡特公司（后来成为东印度公司本身的财务基础）。¹⁷他并不孤单。从 1585 年到 1604 年，每年至少有一百艘船启程掠夺加勒比海，每年至少能赚到 20 万欧元。¹⁸

The first extensions of the English language across the Atlantic recall the stirrings of Sanskrit across the Bay of Bengal a millennium and a half before, when glamorous sāhasikā pirates could scarce be distinguished from sādhava merchants (see Chapter 5, ‘The spread of Sanskrit’, p. 199). Britain was the last of the Atlantic-fronting powers to seek new fortune in the west, and it was not, at first, an easy game to break into. In the sixteenth century, when Spain was drawing vast profits from its mines in Mexico and Peru, and Portugal stitching up the trade of the Indian Ocean, when even France was exploring the extent of the St Lawrence river, England’s Henry VIII and Elizabeth I had supported a very few exploratory voyages across the North Atlantic which yielded nothing, hardly even a landfall. But Francis Drake had discovered a line that could be profitable, euphemistically known as the ‘taking of prizes’. In fifteen years from 1573 he alone had brought back, from a mixture of raids on Spanish ports, high-sea robberies of Spanish and Portuguese ships, and trading in the East Indies, booty to the value of three quarters of a million pounds, twice the annual tax revenues at the time; Elizabeth’s share was enough to clear the national debt in 1581, and provide another €42,000 to found the Levant Company (which went on to become the financial basis of the East India Company itself).¹⁷ And he was not alone. From 1585 to 1604, at least a hundred ships set off every year to plunder the Caribbean, netting at least €200,000 a year.¹⁸

但伊丽莎白时代的航行表明，补给线是任何长期远征的最大弱点。从长远来看，即使是盗版，也需要一个安全的基地，可以防御和自我维持，但要接近行动。这一点在 1584 年理查德·哈克卢伊特 (Richard Hakluyt) 撰写的招股说明书中为投资者提供的罗利在弗吉尼亚新种植的殖民地的基本原理中很突出。在执行摘要中，^*在对“基督福音的扩大”以及西班牙人对体面的“英语贸易……变得卑鄙或胆怯”表示虔诚之后，他承诺“这次西方航行将向我们展示欧洲、非洲和亚洲的所有商品'; 最特别的是，'5。这次航行将成为西班牙国王对印度的一次大缰绳，也是我们可以在十周或每年三个月内随意逮捕他的臣民的一两百艘帆船在菲辛格的一种手段在纽芬兰兰德。

But one thing that the Elizabethan voyages had shown was that lines of supply were the point of greatest weakness in any long expedition. Even piracy, in the long term, calls for a secure base, defensible and self-sustaining, but close to the action. And this was prominent in the rationale offered in the prospectus to investors for Ralegh’s newly planted colony in Virginia, written by Richard Hakluyt in 1584. In the executive summary,^* after pieties about ‘the inlargement of the gospell of Christe’, and the Spanish threat to decent ‘englishe Trades … growen beggerly or daungerous’, he promises that ‘this westerne voyadge will yelde unto us all the commodities of Europe, Affrica, and Asia’; most especially, ‘5. That this voyage will be a great bridle to the Indies of the kinge of Spaine and a means that wee may arreste at our pleasure for the space of tenne weekes or three monethes every yere, one or twoo hundred saile of his subjectes shippes at the fysshinge in Newfounde lande.’

就商业计划而言，结果并非如此。起初，该殖民地甚至难以种植自己的食物，并在印第安人的关注下幸存下来。它没有能量，甚至没有船只来骚扰西班牙人。但是 Hakluyt 的术语种植最初只是“殖民地”的优雅隐喻，后来变得非常恰当：弗吉尼亚殖民地，一旦在詹姆斯敦重新建立，将通过烟草的商业种植来维持生计。尽管当詹姆斯一世即位时，英国皇室对海盗的赞助结束了，但这并不是唯一一个最终通过商业农业获得好处的海盗基地。英国海军实力在 17 世纪不断增长，英国能够占领加勒比海的一些岛屿，直到那时才真正成为西班牙湖：最重要的是，牙买加于 1655 年被占领。起初，针对西班牙人的海盗活动仍然存在英国在该地区的主要活动。但越来越多的英国人注意到了生产糖的潜力，这是葡萄牙人在巴西率先开发的一种亚洲作物。亨利摩根，他们中最著名的海盗，将他在尼加拉瓜、古巴和委内瑞拉的掠夺所得用于购买牙买加的土地；摩根最终成为了一位糖业大亨，并获得了爵士头衔。¹⁹

In the way of business plans, it did not turn out quite like that. The colony was at first hard put to it even to grow its own food, and survive the attentions of the Indians; it had no energy, indeed no ships, to harry the Spanish. But Hakluyt’s term planting, originally just an elegant metaphor for ‘colony’, became in the event very appropriate: the Virginia colony, once re-established at Jamestown, was to find its sustenance through the commercial plantation of tobacco. And although English royal sponsorship of piracy ended when James I came to the throne, this was not the only pirate base that came good in the end through commercial agriculture. British naval strength grew through the seventeenth century, and Britain was able to take possession of some of the islands of the Caribbean, until then really a Spanish lake: most importantly, Jamaica was captured in 1655. At first, piracy targeted on the Spanish remained the major British activity in the region. But increasingly, Britons were noticing the potential in producing sugar, an Asian crop that the Portuguese had pioneered in Brazil. Henry Morgan, the most famous pirate of them all, invested the proceeds of his freebootery in Nicaragua, Cuba and Venezuela to buy land in Jamaica; Morgan ended up a sugar baron, with a knighthood to boot.¹⁹

无论出于何种原因，土地的占有使得为欧洲市场种植外来作物成为可能。英国的领地没有黄金或白银，但事实证明，为消费者而不是银行家提供服务要好得多。种植农作物也意味着需要劳动力：如果这些是来自英国的契约工人（起初大多数是，尤其是在北美），他们当然会继续说英语；如果他们是从非洲西海岸购买的奴隶，他们到达时就会知道，因为与家乡社区的所有联系都失去了。来自加勒比岛屿的糖和后来的可可，以及北美大陆的烟草、后来的靛蓝和棉花的收入，

The possession of land, taken for whatever reason, made possible commercial cultivation of exotic crops for the European market. There was no gold or silver in the British possessions, but supplying consumers rather than bankers turned out to be much better business. Cultivating crops also meant that a workforce was needed: if these were indentured workers from Britain (as most were at first, especially in North America), they would of course go on speaking English; if they were purchased slaves from the western coast of Africa, they would learn it when they arrived, since all links with their home communities were lost. The revenues from sugar, and later cocoa, in the Caribbean islands, and from tobacco, and later indigo and cotton, in the North American continent, became the firmest foundations of sustainable English-speaking communities across the Atlantic.

别人的地盘

Someone else’s land

他们称老英格兰为Acawmenoakit ，这与另一边的土地一样多。很难让他们相信水在三千英哩以上。

They call Old England Acawmenoakit, which is as much as from the land on t’other side. Hardly are they brought to believe that water is three thousand English miles over.

…

乔柯克；一把刀。他们因此称英国人Chauquaquock，即刀人；石头从前对他们来说，而不是刀、刀、斧头和锄头。

Chauquock; a knife. Whence they call Englishmen Chauquaquock, that is Knive-men; stone formerly being to them instead of knives, awlblades, hatchets, and hoes.

…

温瑙威安; 如果他说的是真的。卡努尼库斯，纳罗甘塞特湾的老萨奇姆，一位睿智而平和的王子，有一次在一次庄严的演讲中，在一次庄严的集会上，用这个词说：“我从来没有受过任何错误，因为我向英国人提出了任何错误，因为他们降落了，也永远不会。他经常重复这句话，“ Wunnaumwayean 的英国人， 如果英国人说的是真的，如果他是真的，那么我将安详地去我的坟墓，并希望英国人和我的后代将生活在爱与和平中。” 我回答说，我希望他没有理由质疑英国人的Wunnaumwauonck，也就是说，他的忠诚度，他对他们的友好和信任有着长期的经验。他拿起一根棍子，把它掰成十块，说十个例子，每一个例子都放下一根棍子，这让他有理由害怕和说。

Wunnaumwayean; if he says true. Canounicus, the old Sachim of the Narroganset bay, a wise and peaceable prince, once in a solemn oration to myself, in a solemn assembly, using this word, said, ‘I have never suffered any wrong to be offered to the English, since they landed, nor never will.’ He often repeated this word, ‘Wunnaumwayean Englishman, if the Englishman speak true, if he mean truly then shall I go to my grave in peace, and hope that the English and my posterity will live in love and peace together.’ I replied, that he had no cause, I hoped, to question Englishman’s Wunnaumwauonck, that is, faithfulness, he having had long experience of their friendliness and trustiness. He took a stick, and broke it in ten pieces, and related ten instances, laying down a stick to every instance, which gave him cause thus to fear and say.

…

他们经常问我这个问题：“为什么英国人会来这里？” 他们自己衡量别人，他们说，“这是因为你想解雇。” 因为他们在一个地方烧毁了木头，想要气流把木头带到他们身边，所以喜欢跟随木头，所以为了木头的缘故搬到一个新鲜的地方。

This question they often put to me: ‘Why come the Englishmen hither?’ and measuring others by themselves, they say, ‘It is because you want firing.’ For they, having burnt up the wood in one place, wanting draughts to bring wood to them, are fain to follow the wood, and so remove to a fresh place for the wood’s sake.

罗杰·威廉姆斯，美国语言的一把钥匙，1643 ²⁰

Roger Williams, A Key into the Language of America, 1643²⁰

加勒比地区英语的发展几乎没有摩擦。阿拉瓦克人或加勒比人中很少有人能在 16 世纪西班牙的接管中幸存下来，因此英国海盗和种植园主，以及他们进口的奴隶，正在进入一个空域。北美大陆的情况则大不相同。

The growth of English in the Caribbean had been achieved with little friction. Very few of the Arawak or Carib population had survived the Spanish takeover of the sixteenth century, and so the English pirates and planters, and the slaves that they imported, were entering an emptied domain. The situation on the North American mainland was very different.

在弗吉尼亚和马萨诸塞，英国定居者的第一个桥头堡，仍然有大量的土著人口。对于来访的鳕鱼渔民和其他侦察航海者来说，他们已经在某种程度上熟悉了欧洲人。^*这对定居者来说是幸运的，因为在这两个地方，只有通过这些知识渊博的邻居的积极帮助，他们才能度过最初的几年。在弗吉尼亚州，在弗吉尼亚州建立烟草种植业的约翰·罗尔夫（John Rolfe）于 1612 年与 Powhatan 酋长 Wahunsonacock 的活泼女儿 Pocahontas 结婚。† 这使与 Powhatan 人的关系一直保持到 1622 年。1616 年，这对夫妇甚至带领一群弗吉尼亚人前往伦敦，在那里他们被介绍给国王詹姆斯一世。在马萨诸塞州，殖民者在最初几年得到了两个双语当地人 Samoset 的重要帮助，他们从鳕鱼那里学到了一些英语渔民和 Tisquantum。Tisquantum 的英语非常流利，已经六次横渡大西洋，在英格兰呆了九年，

In Virginia and Massachusetts, the first bridgeheads for English settlers, there was still a substantial indigenous population. What with visiting cod fishermen and other scouting voyagers, they were already to some extent familiar with Europeans.^* This was lucky for the settlers, since in both places it was only through the active help of these knowledgeable neighbours that they survived those first years. In Virginia, John Rolfe, who founded the cultivation of tobacco in Virginia, married in 1612 none other than Pocahontas, the spirited daughter of the Powhatan chief Wahunsonacock.† This kept relations with the Powhatan sweet until 1622; in 1616 the couple had even led a party of Virginians to London, where they were presented to King James I. In Massachusetts, the colonists were helped crucially in the first few years by two bilingual natives, Samoset, who had learnt some English from cod fishermen, and Tisquantum. Tisquantum was quite fluent in English, having crossed the Atlantic already six times, spending nine years in England, four in Spain and a further year mapping the New England coast, returning home just a year before the arrival of the English settlers in November 1620.

英国殖民者面临的任务与科尔特斯和一个世纪前入侵墨西哥的西班牙人所面临的挑战相当，他们要在别人的国家中建立自己的主人翁地位。但英国人在美国的动机却大不相同。他们不是在寻找黄金、皈依者甚至统治权。相反，他们正在寻找土地。自从汉弗莱·吉尔伯特（Humphrey Gilbert）为 1583 年第一次失败的远征提供招股说明书以来，这一前景一直是志愿者的主要诱因。对于英国人来说，建立“新英格兰”的意图是非常真实的，许多人通过带来妻子和小孩来表达他们的诚意和他们出去。

The task facing the English colonists was quite comparable to the challenge to Cortés and the Spaniards who had invaded Mexico just a century before, to establish themselves, as masters, in the midst of someone else’s country. But English motives for being in America were rather different. They were not looking for gold, converts or even dominion. Rather, they were looking for land. This prospect had been the chief inducement for volunteers, ever since Humphrey Gilbert’s prospectus for the first failed expedition of 1583. For Englishmen, the intent to create a ‘New England’ was quite literal, and many showed their earnest by bringing wives and small children out with them.

由于他们对居民没有兴趣，除了作为不受信任和消耗性的帮手，他们几乎不关心在他们计划自己进入的美洲地区没有适合征服的主要霸主，也不关心——正如发生的那样——他们遇到的第一批居民所讲的语言实际上在那里非常普遍，而且远远超出他们的范围：他们更惊讶的是，他们遇到的语言在方言中是高度分裂的，这意味着即使是那些努力学习的少数人可以说，当他们走得更远时，几乎无法理解：

Since they had no interest in the inhabitants, except as untrusted and expendable helpmeets, it was of little concern to them that there was no major overlord fit for conquest in the part of America into which they had projected themselves, nor that—as it happened—the language spoken by the first inhabitants they met was actually very widespread there and far beyond: they were more struck by the fact that the language as they encountered it was highly riven dialectally, which meant that even those few who made the effort to learn to speak it could scarcely be understood when they wandered farther afield:

我曾经到过我们所在地区最荒凉的岛屿……我独自一人从树皮出发，风向相反；我几乎无法对他们说些什么，特别是因为他们的方言和说话方式发生了变化；然而，在上帝的帮助下，我是否说了很多……在我临别时，许多人突然说：“哦，你什么时候再来，给我们带来更多关于这位上帝的消息？”

I once travelled to an island of the wildest in our parts … I was alone having travelled from my bark, the wind being contrary; and little could I speak to them to their understanding, especially because of the change of their dialect and manner of speech; yet much, through the help of God, did I speak … that at my parting, many burst forth, ‘Oh, when will you come again, to bring us some more news of this God?’

…

阿努姆； 一条狗……它们的方言和正确的语言种类繁多，相距三十或四十英里，非常多，正如那个词中所显示的那样：Anum， Cowweset方言；艾姆，纳洛甘塞特人；昆尼皮克阿鲁姆；明矾， Neepmuck。²¹

Anum; a dog … the variety of their dialects and proper speech, within thirty or forty miles of each other, is very great, as appears in that word: Anum, the Cowweset dialect; Ayim, the Narroganset; Arum the Quunnipicuck; Alum, the Neepmuck.²¹

当时没有人知道，语言家族的成员实际上以两条几乎完整的地带延伸 2500 公里，横跨非洲大陆的中部和北部，直至落基山脉的山麓，从波瓦坦 (Powhatan) 到肖尼 (Shawnee) 到迈阿密 (Miami)伊利诺伊州到阿拉帕霍到夏安，从马萨诸塞州到阿贝纳基到阿冈昆^†到奥吉布瓦到梅诺米尼到克里到黑脚。在波瓦坦和马萨诸塞州之间躺着讲另一种相关语言的人，莱纳佩。这些语言与英语非常不同，它们的词是高度多音节的，并且带有大量的前缀和后缀。但它们彼此非常相似，正如一些动物名称所示：“驼鹿”是 Abenaki mos、 Miami moswa、 Ojibwa mōns, 梅诺米尼莫斯; 'seal' 是 Abenaki àhkik ^w , Ojibwa āskik , Cree āhkik; 'bison' 是 Abenaki pēsihkó或wēihko , Menominee pesοPhkiw , Ojibwa pišikki , Cree pisihkiw; 和'bobwhite'，一种小鸟（Colinus virginianus），是Lenape pōhpōhkēs和迈阿密pohposisia。在马萨诸塞州的圣经译本中，“鹌鹑”这个词是poohpoohqu-tteh。²²可以看出，只有在这四个例子中的一个例子中，印度词实际上被借入了英语：定居者以前从未见过pēsihkó，但他们仍然更喜欢坚持自己的语言世界，并以与他们所做的类似的东西命名知道。

Unknown to anyone at the time, members of the linguistic family in fact extended in two almost unbroken strips for 2500 kilometres, across the central and northern reaches of the continent as far as the foothills of the Rocky Mountains, from Powhatan to Shawnee to Miami to Illinois to Arapaho to Cheyenne, and from Massachusett to Abenaki to Algonquin^† to Ojibwa to Menominee to Cree to Blackfoot. In between Powhatan and Massachusett lay speakers of another related language, Lenape. These languages were very different from English, highly polysyllabic in their words, and with profusions of prefixes and suffixes. But they were fairly similar to each other, as a few animal names show: ‘moose’ is Abenaki mos, Miami moswa, Ojibwa mōns, Menominee mōs; ‘seal’ is Abenaki àhkik^w, Ojibwa āskik, Cree āhkik; ‘bison’ is Abenaki pēsihkó or wēihko, Menominee pesοPhkiw, Ojibwa pišikki, Cree pisihkiw; and ‘bobwhite’, a species of small bird (Colinus virginianus), is Lenape pōhpōhkēs, and Miami pohposisia. In the Massachusett translation of the Bible, the word for ‘quails’ is poohpoohqu-tteh.²² It is revealing that only in one of these four examples was the Indian word actually borrowed into English: the settlers had never seen a pēsihkó before, but they still preferred to stick with their own linguistic world, and name it for something similar that they did know.

定居者对印第安人的态度是试图和平共处，直到他们需要剥夺他们的财产，为他们不断扩大的社区提供更多土地。很少或根本没有同居，但敌对行动迟早会接踵而至。最终，新英格兰的土著人比墨西哥或秘鲁的土著人死得更彻底、更迅速。尽管如此，英国人从未像西班牙人那样在他们探索的任何新领土上立即在军事上征服整个国家。结果，英国当局从未像西班牙人那样对印第安人负责。并且转换它们的努力要少得多。只有一位杰出的英国人努力在精神上接触当地人，或者关心试图与他们建立团结。²³威廉姆斯更像是一名政治活动家，因其观点而被马萨诸塞州开除，并在敌对行动中担任纳拉甘西特家族的谈判代表；他的“钥匙”充满了对当地人的自然行为如何通常至少与宣称的基督徒一样好的观察。艾略特更像是一个传教士。自 1646 年以来，他一直在马萨诸塞州传道，并在 1663 年之前将整本圣经翻译成其中^。24三十年内，波士顿周围出现了一圈城镇，居住着“祈祷的印第安人”。但在下一代，当总部位于伦敦的福音传播公司建议印刷新版本时，它遭到了殖民当局的有效抵制。一位清教徒神回复：

The settlers’ attitude to the Indians was to attempt to coexist peacefully until they needed to dispossess them to provide more land for their expanding community. There was little or no cohabitation, but hostilities followed sooner or later; and the natives of New England in the end died out far more thoroughly and rapidly than those of Mexico or Peru. Nevertheless, the English never undertook to subjugate the whole country militarily, as the Spanish did immediately in any new territory that they explored. As a result, the British authorities never felt responsible for the Indians in the way that the Spanish did; and there was far less effort to convert them. It was only an exceptional Englishman who endeavoured to reach the natives spiritually, or was concerned to try to build solidarity with them. Two such were the Cambridge graduates Roger Williams (16037-83) and John Eliot (1604-90), who learnt their local language, and published books about it: Williams ‘A Key into the Language of America’, and Eliot ‘The Indian Grammar Begun, or an Essay to bring the Indian Language into Rules, for the help of such as desire to learn the same, for the furtherance of the Gospel among them’.²³ Williams was more a political activist, expelled from Massachusetts for his views, and also acting as negotiator for the Narragansetts during hostilities; his ‘Key’ is full of observations on how the natural behaviour of the natives is often at least as good as that of declared Christians. Eliot was more a missionary. Since 1646 he had preached in Massachusett, and translated the whole Bible into it by 1663.²⁴ Within thirty years there was a ring of towns round about Boston, inhabited by ‘Praying Indians’. But in the next generation, when the London-based Corporation for Propagating the Gospel suggested printing a new edition, it was effectively resisted by the colonial authorities. A Puritan divine wrote back:

印第安人自己在这件事上的愿望是分裂的。尽管他们中的一些老人对印第安主义足够顽强（这一点也不奇怪），但他们中的其他人则热切地希望他们的人民能尽快成为英语。他们分配给它的原因是非常重要的。还有一点，他们的印度语是一种非常贫乏的语言（尽管话语已经够长了！），而我们神圣宗教的伟大事物在其中带给他们，不可避免地出现在他们难以理解的术语中如果他们完全是英语的话。但是英语很快就会给他们一把打开我们所有宝藏的钥匙，让他们成为另一种图书馆的主人，这比他们的野蛮语言中看到的任何图书馆都多…… ²⁵

The Indians themselves are Divided in their Desires upon this matter. Though some of their aged men are tenacious enough of Indianisme (which is not at all to be wondred at) Others of them as earnestly wish that their people may be made English as fast as they can. The reasons they assign for it are very weighty ones; and this among the rest, That their Indian Tongue is a very penurious one (though the Words are long enough!) and the great things of our Holy Religion brought unto them in it, unavoidably arrive in Terms that are scarcely more intelligible to them than if they were entirely English. But the English tongue would presently give them a Key to all our Treasures and make them the Masters of another sort of Library than any that ever will be seen in their Barbarous Linguo …²⁵

到那时，讲马萨诸塞州的人已经很少了：他们的主要部落在“菲利普国王的战争”（1675-6 年）中几乎被摧毁，这是马萨诸塞印第安人对白人扩张的最后一次抵抗，而祈祷的印第安人尤其受到重创，他们对白人的忠诚没有得到任何回报，而是被驱逐到波士顿港荒凉寒冷的鹿岛两年。

By then, Massachusett speakers would already have been few: their principal tribes had been all but destroyed in ‘King Philip’s War’ (1675-6), the last act of resistance by the Massachusett Indians to white expansion, and the Praying Indians were particularly hard hit, having gained no reward from their loyalty to the whites but a two-year deportation to Deer Island, barren and cold, in Boston harbour.

1670 年，弗吉尼亚、马萨诸塞（和康涅狄格）殖民地加入了第四个殖民地，即卡罗来纳殖民地，该殖民地由八位英国领主根据查理二世国王的特许建立。它原本有异国目的以丝绸养殖为生，但最终还是以种植稻米和靛蓝为生。

The Virginia, Massachusetts (and Connecticut) colonies were joined in 1670 by a fourth, the Carolina colony, set up by eight English lords under a charter from King Charles II. It had originally had the exotic purpose to subsist on silk farming, but eventually reconciled itself to cultivation of rice and indigo.

昭昭天命

Manifest destiny

德克萨斯现在是我们的了。在写下这些话之前，她的代表大会无疑已经批准她的国会接受我们向联邦提出的邀请；......其他国家已经承诺在我们和案件的适当当事方之间闯入它，本着对我们怀有敌意干涉的精神，其公开的目的是挫败我们的政策和阻碍我们的权力，限制我们的伟大和阻碍我们的实现我们明显的命运将覆盖上天分配给我们每年成倍增加的数百万人的自由发展的大陆……这是完全不真实的，对我们自己不公平，声称吞并是一种掠夺、不正当和不公正的措施——军事征服和平与法律的形式——以牺牲正义为代价扩大领土，弱者的双重神圣应得的正义。这个问题的观点是完全没有根据的……

Texas is now ours. Already, before these words are written, her Convention has undoubtedly ratified the acceptance, by her Congress, of our proffered invitation into the Union; … other nations have undertaken to intrude themselves into it, between us and the proper parties to the case, in a spirit of hostile interference against us, for the avowed object of thwarting our policy and hampering our power, limiting our greatness and checking the fulfillment of our manifest destiny to overspread the continent allotted by Providence for the free development of our yearly multiplying millions … It is wholly untrue, and unjust to ourselves, the pretence that the Annexation has been a measure of spoliation, unrightful and unrighteous—military conquest under forms of peace and law—territorial aggrandizement at the expense of justice, and justice due by a double sanctity to the weak. This view of the question is wholly unfounded …

John L. Sullivan，美国杂志和民主评论，第一卷。1845 年 7 月/8 月 17 日

John L. Sullivan, United States Magazine and Democratic Review, vol. 17, July/August 1845

因此，英国定居者在北美东海岸的农业社区定居。下一个挑战来自土著人民，而不是来自欧洲同胞。在 17 世纪，英国人没有自己的东海岸，但不得不与北部的法国和南部的佛罗里达州的西班牙的殖民者共享它（见第 413 页上的地图）。甚至该中心也不是没有争议的，因为在英国的马萨诸塞州和弗吉尼亚州的种植园之间有荷兰甚至瑞典的领土。在所有这些情况下，为了母国的战略利益而进行的战争都为这个领域扫清了障碍。荷兰人被迅速驱逐出新荷兰（宾夕法尼亚州、新泽西州、特拉华州和纽约州南半部^*) 于 1664 年，法国人在经历了一个世纪的战争后，于 1763 年从新法国（加拿大东部）和密西西比河以东的路易斯安那州出发。英国还短暂地从西班牙获得了佛罗里达州的所有权，以换取哈瓦那于 1762 年被俘；它在 1812 年战争后再次失去了它。这些是欧洲列强之间全球斗争的成果，但尽管如此，它们还是开放了领土，让讲英语的人定居。

So the English settlers established themselves in farming communities on the eastern coast of North America. The next challenge came less from the indigenous peoples than from fellow Europeans. In the seventeenth century, the English did not have the eastern seaboard to themselves, but had to share it with colonists from France to the north, and Spain in Florida to the south (see map on p. 413). Even the centre was not uncontested, since there were Dutch and even Swedish territories intervening between Britain’s Massachusetts and Virginia plantations. In all these cases, the field was cleared by wars in the mother country’s strategic interests. The Dutch were expelled fairly briskly from Nieuw Nederland (Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware and the southern half of New York State^*) in 1664, and the French, after a century of wars, from Nouvelle-France (eastern Canada), and Louisiane east of the Mississippi, in 1763. Britain also briefly acquired title to Florida from Spain, in exchange for Havana, which it had captured in 1762; it lost it again after the war of 1812. These were the proceeds of global struggles between the European powers, but nonetheless they opened the territories up to settlement by speakers of English.

下一个重大事件是 1775 年至 1783 年的战争，在这场战争中，讲英语的殖民地独立于其在伦敦的本国政府，即创造了美国的“美国革命”。这在政治上具有非常重要的意义，因为它为欧洲大陆的英国殖民地形成了自主扩张的源泉。从此以后，北美的主要英语国家变成了一个“内建帝国”的国家，²⁶而且，随着它的发展，西部边界不断后退，直到它到达太平洋海岸线。事实证明，1777 年制定的联邦政体非常适合这个具有动态边界的新帝国，因为新的收购从领土地位发展到州地位。^*但它也对美国以外的语言产生了直接的影响。许多不能接受新制度的人向北逃往加拿大，因此在安大略省建立了一个重要的英语社区。在接下来的一个世纪，这是为了吸引主要的移民潮之一进入北美，从而增加其说英语的人口，使其完全独立于美国。

The next major event was the war from 1775 to 1783 in which the English-speaking colonies made themselves independent of their home government in London, the ‘American Revolution’ which created the USA. This was highly significant politically, in that it formed an autonomous source of expansion for the English colonies in the continent; henceforth the chief English-speaking power in North America was a state ‘with a built-in empire’,²⁶ and, as it transpired, a western frontier that constantly receded until it reached the Pacific coastline. The federal form of government that was devised in 1777 turned out to be well suited to this new empire with dynamic borders, as new acquisitions progressed from territorial status to statehood.^* But it also had immediate linguistic effects outside the USA. Many who could not accept the new dispensation decamped northward to Canada, and so created a significant English-speaking community in Ontario. In the following century, this was to attract one of the main streams of immigration into North America, thereby boosting its English-speaking population quite independently of the USA.

到 1783 年，距离罗阿诺克的第一个英国殖民地不到两个世纪，英语已成为北美东部每个定居点的官方语言。那时，现在美国大陆的四分之三（“下 48 州”）仍处于外国列强的名义控制之下，即法国、西班牙和俄勒冈州西北地区的英国。但在两代人之后，到 1853 年，整个地区都被美国占领了。^*此外，到 1890 年，定居者在该地区的每个地方都建立了城市和农场。在格兰德河和吉拉河以北，一个重要的、独立的语言社区已无处可兴。

By 1783, less than two centuries after the first English colony at Roanoke, English was the official language of every settlement in the east of North America. At that point, three-quarters of what is now the continental USA (’the lower 48’) was still under the nominal control of foreign powers, France, Spain and—north-west in the Oregon territory—Great Britain. But in the lapse of two generations, by 1853, the whole area was taken by the USA.^* Furthermore, by 1890 settlers had set up cities and farms in every part of the area. North of the Rio Grande and Gila rivers there was nowhere left for a significant, independent, language community to flourish.

这一切都发生得如此容易，仅仅在几个重大的宪法规定中。托马斯·杰斐逊总统利用拿破仑在法国的短暂霸权购买了法属美洲的剩余部分，路易斯安那州，在 1803 年；仅这一点就使美国的面积翻了一番。接下来的两位总统詹姆斯麦迪逊和詹姆斯门罗从西班牙吞并了佛罗里达州，并于 1821 年批准了该契约。事实证明，分离塞米诺尔印第安人比分离西班牙人更难，从 1817 年开始的与他们的战争一直持续到 1842 年。该国其他大部分地区都是在詹姆斯·诺克斯·波尔克 (James Knox Polk) 执政期间占领的。1845 年，他接受了已脱离墨西哥的得克萨斯的加入——它新近独立于西班牙。1846 年，他与英国分道扬镳，结束了关于俄勒冈国家所有权的长期争执，因此在 49 度平行线处建立了目前美国和加拿大之间的西部边界。德克萨斯的吞并和战争赔款的征收导致了与墨西哥的战争：美国迅速赢得了战争，并在此过程中占领了墨西哥城，²⁷它可能适用于整个墨西哥其他地区，但最终决定它的外国人人口过多。正如参议员约翰·J·卡尔霍恩（John J. Calhoun）所说——惊人地蔑视美国两个世纪的历史：“将墨西哥纳入其中，将是……纳入印第安人种族的第一个例子；因为一半以上的墨西哥人是印第安人，另一半主要由混合部落组成。我反对这样的工会！我们的……是白人政府。²⁸

It had all happened so easily, in just a few major constitutional gulps. President Thomas Jefferson took advantage of the brief supremacy of Napoleon in France to purchase the remaining extent of the French Americas, la Louisiane, in 1803; this alone doubled the area of the USA. The next two presidents, James Madison and James Monroe, annexed Florida from Spain, ratifying the deed in 1821; it turned out to be harder to detach Seminole Indians than the Spanish, and the wars with them, begun in 1817, lasted until 1842. Most of the rest of the country was taken during the administration of a single president, James Knox Polk. In 1845 he accepted the accession of Texas, which had detached itself from Mexico—itself newly independent of Spain. In 1846 he split the difference with Britain to end a long wrangle over ownership of the Oregon country, and so created the present western border between the USA and Canada at the 49th parallel. The annexation of Texas, and imposition of war reparations, led to war with Mexico: the USA promptly won it, taking Mexico City in the process, but in 1848 declared itself content to absorb California and the rest of the west.²⁷ It might have held out for the whole of the rest of Mexico, but eventually decided it was too heavily populated with foreigners. As Senator John J. Calhoun opined—in amazing defiance of two centuries of American history: ‘To incorporate Mexico, would be the very first instance of … incorporating an Indian race; for more than half of the Mexicans are Indians, and the other is composed chiefly of mixed tribes. I protest against such a union as that! Ours … is the Government of a white race.’²⁸

当然，在这种迅速爆发中获得的所有土地早就有人居住，尽管从他们那里获得这些土地的欧洲列强几乎没有。曾经到过那里的人——在英语美国有大约 200 个不同的语言社区，仅在加利福尼亚就有超过 50 个——发现与定居者的接触遵循一个相当可预测的过程。第一次，在他们出现之前，神秘而致命的疾病就会席卷部落。然后，当白人亲自来会见他们时，会尝试和解，这可能会导致独立国家、美国（或国王陛下）政府和部落之间签订条约，指定边界，和相互的义务。可能会有一代人和平共处；但后来，随着越来越多的白人到达并开始侵占部落土地，部落会发现白人对自己的人民执行协议的意愿非常有限；部落会发现他们的领土受到侵犯，他们的生计被毁。这可能意味着战争，但最终部落总是会输掉它。白人太多了，他们的武装要好得多。很多时候，最后阶段是白人单方面采取行动，将部落限制或驱逐到可能在数千英里外的保留地。这是美国本土人的英国方式，并且一遍又一遍地重复。部落会发现他们的领土受到侵犯，他们的生计被毁。这可能意味着战争，但最终部落总是会输掉它。白人太多了，他们的武装要好得多。很多时候，最后阶段是白人单方面采取行动，将部落限制或驱逐到可能在数千英里外的保留地。这是美国本土人的英国方式，并且一遍又一遍地重复。部落会发现他们的领土受到侵犯，他们的生计被毁。这可能意味着战争，但最终部落总是会输掉它。白人太多了，他们的武装要好得多。很多时候，最后阶段是白人单方面采取行动，将部落限制或驱逐到可能在数千英里外的保留地。这是美国本土人的英国方式，并且一遍又一遍地重复。

All the lands that had been gained in this rapid onset had of course long been populated, though hardly at all by the European powers from whom they were acquired. The people who had been there—some two hundred separate language communities in English-language America, and over fifty in California alone—found that contact with the settlers followed a fairly predictable course. In the first instance, before they even appeared, mysterious and deadly diseases would beset the tribe. Then, when the white man came to meet them in person, there would be an attempt at conciliation, which might lead to a treaty as between independent nations, the United States (or His Majesty’s) Government and the tribe, which would designate boundaries, and mutual obligations. There might be as much as a generation of peaceful coexistence; but later, as more and more white people arrived, and began to encroach on tribal land, the tribes would find that the white men’s willingness to enforce the agreement against their own people was highly limited; the tribes would find their territories violated, and their livelihoods destroyed. This might mean war, but ultimately the tribes would always lose it. There were just too many whites, and they were far better armed. All too often, the final stage was a unilateral action by the white men to confine or deport the tribes to a reservation, which might be thousands of miles away. This was the English way with the natives of America, and it was repeated over and over again.

这本质上是一种疏远和排斥的练习。尽管美国法律承认这些部落是不同的国家，但没有计划容纳它们或将它们整合到共和国宪法中。相反，如果有一个计划，那就是让他们的成员，个人或作为家庭，成为共和国的公民和户主。从 1816 年开始负责印度事务的 Thomas L. McKenney 声称：“我们想让他们成为公民”；这个过程的一部分在于将他们的语言改为英语，这是“他们将自己提升到智力和道德上的区别的杠杆”。²⁹1819 年 3 月 3 日，美国国会通过一项法案，提供教育以“防止印第安部落的进一步衰落和最终灭绝……指导他们采用适合自己情况的农业模式，并教他们的孩子阅读、写作和算术'。支出从 1819 年的 10,000 美元增加到 1842 年的 214,000 美元，当时有 37 所学校和 85 名教师。预订寄宿学校 (1881) 第 41 条规定：“所有教学必须使用英语。必须强迫学生用英语互相交谈，并应因持续违反此规则而受到适当的谴责或惩罚。应该尽一切努力鼓励他们放弃他们的部落语言。³⁰

It was essentially an exercise in distancing and exclusion. Although US law recognised the tribes as distinct nations, there was no plan to accommodate them or to integrate them as such within the constitution of the republic. Rather, if there was a plan, it was for their members, individually or as families, to become citizens and householders of the republic. Thomas L. McKenney, in charge of Indian affairs from 1816, claimed: ‘We want to make citizens out of them’; and part of the process lay in changing their language to English, ‘the lever by which they are to elevate themselves into intellectual and moral distinction’.²⁹ On 3 March 1819 the US Congress passed an act to give education to provide ‘against further decline and final extinction of the Indian tribes… to instruct them in the mode of agriculture suited to their situation, and for teaching their children in reading, writing and arithmetic’. Expenditure increased from $10,000 in 1819 to $214,000 in 1842, when there were thirty-seven schools and eighty-five teachers. Rule 41 of the Reservation Boarding Schools (1881) read: ‘All instruction must be in the English language. Pupils must be compelled to speak with each other in English, and should be properly rebuked or punished for persistent violation of this rule. Every effort should be made to encourage them to abandon their tribal language.’³⁰

将北美的祖先民族作为独立实体消灭的官方意图最终没有实现。事实上，人口的钟摆终于倒退了。1999 年，美国的土著人口（美洲印第安人、爱斯基摩人和阿留申人）估计为 240 万，高于 1980 年的 140 万。占总人口的百分比从 0.6% 恢复到略低于 1%。分。³¹但作为传播英语的一种手段，官方政策必须被视为是有效的，而且比完全失去人数要难得多。到目前为止，英语的被动知识几乎是普遍的。此外，人口普查数据显示，到 1990 年，不到四分之一的美洲印第安人在家中说英语以外的任何语言。即使在母语使用保持最好的地方，在西南部的纳瓦霍保留地，在印度人数增长的同一时期，只说英语的学龄人口中的人数也有所增加，从 11.8% 1980 年增加到 1990 年的 28.4% ^。32现在据报道，只有不到一半的纳瓦霍儿童仍然会说这种语言。³³在目前的情况下，北美任何一种语言的长期生存前景，即使与英语共存，似乎也非常黯淡。

The official intent to eliminate the ancestral peoples of North America as separate entities has not, ultimately, been fulfilled. Indeed, the population pendulum is at last swinging back. In 1999 the indigenous population of the USA (American Indian, Eskimo and Aleut) was estimated as 2.4 million, up from 1.4 million in 1980. As a percentage of the total population, this represents a recovery from 0.6 per cent to just under 1 per cent.³¹ But viewed as a means for spreading English, the official policies must be seen as having been effective, and far harder to reverse than a sheer loss of numbers. By now, passive knowledge of English is almost universal. Furthermore, census figures show that by 1990 fewer than a quarter of American Indians were speaking any language but English at home. Even where native language use was holding up best, on the Navajo reservation in the south-west, the number of those among the school-age population speaking only English went up, in this same period of growing Indian numbers, from 11.8 per cent in 1980 to 28.4 per cent in 1990.³² Now it is reported that fewer than half of Navajo children still speak the language.³³ In the present situation, the prospect for long-term survival of any of North America’s own languages, even in coexistence with English, seems very bleak.

制胜法宝

Winning ways

问这些朝圣者，当他们到达肯塔基时，他们能期待什么，答案就是土地，你有吗？不，但我希望我能搞定它。你有什么可以支付土地的吗？没有。你见过这个国家吗？不，但每个身体都说它的好土地……

Ask these Pilgrims what they can expect when they git to Kentuckey the Answer is Land, have you any. No, but I expect I can git it. have you anything to pay for land, No. Did you Ever see the Country. No but Every Body says its good land …

摩西·奥斯汀。1796 ³⁴

Moses Austin. 1796³⁴

“土地是世界上唯一可以代表任何东西的东西，”他喊道，他粗壮的短臂做出了愤怒的宽大手势，“因为这是这个世界上唯一存在的东西，你不要忘记它！“这是唯一值得为之努力，值得为之奋斗——值得为之而死的事情。”

’Land is the only thing in the world that amounts to anything,’ he shouted, his thick, short arms making wide gestures of indignation, ‘for ‘tis the only thing in this world that lasts, and don’t you be forgetting it! ‘Tis the only thing worth working for, worth fighting for—worth dying for.’

“哦，爸，”她厌恶地说，“你说话像个爱尔兰人！”

’Oh, Pa,’ she said disgustedly, ‘you talk like an Irishman!’

玛格丽特·米切尔，《乱世佳人》，1936

Margaret Mitchell, Gone with the Wind, 1936

在这一点上，英语已经完成了在北美的传播，值得停下来思考一下这个令人敬畏的发展。到 1890 年，英语已成为假定的通用语言，面积超过 9,303,000 平方公里，是不列颠群岛面积的 30 倍。它不仅仅是一种方便的通用语或贸易术语，因为对于大多数人来说，它是他们的第一语言。对于其他人来说，它正在迅速取代他们所知道的任何其他语言，无论是在土著部落还是在最近抵达的移民群体中。在一个世纪之内，语言单一文化已经发展到压倒稀疏分散的两百多种不同语言的聚宝盆。唯一能与这种突然性和激进渗透相媲美的扩张是穆斯林在中东和北非传播阿拉伯语。其他一些浮现在脑海中的事——亚历山大将希腊语传播到波斯帝国，或 19 世纪法国人在北非和中非传播——同样突然，但远没有那么深入。拉丁语在西欧的深入和永久的进步，或汉语在东亚的平原和山脉中的深入和永久的推进，花了许多世纪才实现。英语演讲社区的第一次爆炸是如何发生的？拉丁语在西欧的深入和永久的进步，或汉语在东亚的平原和山脉中的深入和永久的推进，花了许多世纪才实现。英语演讲社区的第一次爆炸是如何发生的？拉丁语在西欧的深入和永久的进步，或汉语在东亚的平原和山脉中的深入和永久的推进，花了许多世纪才实现。英语演讲社区的第一次爆炸是如何发生的？

At this point, with English having completed its spread across North America, it is worth pausing a moment to contemplate this awesome development. By 1890, English had become the presumed common language over 9,303,000 square kilometres of territory, thirty times the area of the British Isles. It was far more than a convenient lingua franca or trade jargon, since for most speakers it was their first language; and for the rest, it was rapidly coming to replace any other language they knew, whether in indigenous tribes or among recently arrived parties of immigrants. Within a single century, a linguistic monoculture had grown to overwhelm a sparsely scattered cornucopia of over two hundred different languages. The only expansion comparable to this in its suddenness and its radical penetration is the Muslims’ spread of Arabic across the Middle East and North Africa. Others that come to mind—the spread of Greek across the Persian empire by Alexander, or that of French across north and central Africa in the nineteenth century—were as sudden, but far less penetrating; and the deep-set and permanent advance of Latin through western Europe, or of Chinese across the plains and mountains of eastern Asia, took many centuries to bring about. How was this first explosion of the English speech community possible?

为了给出满意的答案，问题最好分成两部分。一种单一的欧洲语言怎么会占领整个北美？为什么在所有竞争者中扩展的是英语，而不是已经存在的其他欧洲语言？

In order to give a satisfactory answer, the question is best broken into two. How could a single European language take over the whole of North America? And why of all the contenders was it English which expanded, and not other European languages that were already in place?

第一批英国殖民者自己来到美国的动机很大程度上是错觉的产物。早期发现和定居航行的支持者受到西北航道的青睐，以实现与中国和印度的贸易、地产以及从捕鱼和海盗活动中获取财富的安全基地。毛皮贸易以及烟草和靛蓝等作物的种植所带来的实际投资回报是无法预见的。但从语言的角度来看，重要的不是资本，而是劳动力。在殖民地建立之后，人们还有其他理由去那里生活。大多数情况下，他们在经济上绝望，签订契约劳动合同，在他们自由定居之前服务四到五年。其他人出来建立一个基于理想原则的新社会：例如著名的清教徒分离主义者，他们于 1620 年来到马萨诸塞州，在随后的几十年里，有许多清教徒跟随，当时祖国饱受内战、英联邦和恢复。但是当他们到达时，许多人发现的是一串英国人的定居点，那里有良好的耕地，但大部分都没有耕种。庄稼一种植就茂盛起来，收成也有很好的市场。渐渐地，殖民地获得了丰富的声誉，对于那些在英国面临不确定未来的人来说，移民开始变得越来越有吸引力。他们启程前往西方，经常带着妻子和孩子。政府在殖民地从来没有压迫过；但是在 1783 年的独立战争之后，

The first English colonists’ own motives for coming to America were largely the product of delusion. Backers of early voyages of discovery and settlement were courted with prospects of a North-West Passage to enable trade with China and India, of landed estates, and of secure bases to derive wealth from fishing and piracy. The actual returns on capital invested, which came from the fur trade, and from cultivation of crops such as tobacco and indigo, were not foreseen. But from the language point of view, the important thing is not capital, but labour. And after the colonies had become established, there were yet other reasons for people to go out to live there. Most often they were economically desperate, and went under contracts of indentured labour, serving out terms of four or five years before they were free to settle. Others came out to found a new society on ideal principles: such were the famed Pilgrim separatists who came to Massachusetts in 1620, and were followed by so many Puritans in the decades that followed, when the home country was racked by civil war, Commonwealth and Restoration. But what many found, when they arrived, was a string of English settlements where good arable land was available, and as yet largely unfarmed. Crops, when planted, flourished, and there were good markets for the harvests. Gradually, the colonies acquired a reputation for plenty, and emigration began to seem ever more attractive to those facing an uncertain future in Britain. They embarked for the west, often bringing wives and children with them. Governments were never oppressive in the colonies; but after the war for independence which prevailed in 1783, the new beacon of political liberty could be added to the attractions of ready wealth on offer.

正是这种从数十万个新农场引进的大规模农业，导致了白人定居者以牺牲当地人为代价的蔓延。它为他们提供了养育大家庭的资金，远远超过了在下一代取代他们的力量所需的资金：相反，多余的人将流向更远的西部。在 1650 年到 1700 年的两代人中，这些英国殖民地的人口翻了两番。从 1600 年开始的三个多世纪以来，这种情况一直持续下去：惊人的生育率加上来自欧洲的新兵源源不断。

It is this introduction of wide-scale agriculture, from hundreds of thousands of new farms, which accounts for the spread of the white settlers at the expense of the natives. It gave them the wherewithal to raise large families, far bigger than what was needed to replace their strength in the next generation: instead, the surplus would head off farther west. The population of these English colonies quadrupled in the two generations between 1650 and 1700. And so it continued, unrelenting for more than three centuries from 1600: startling fertility coupled with an unceasing flow of new recruits from Europe.

对于语言的选择，这一时期前半段的移民主要来自不列颠群岛是至关重要的。大约 220,000 人在 17 世纪移民，可能是 18 世纪的两倍。与接下来两个世纪将达到的 4000 万相比，这个数字很小。但第一批移民的语言影响是决定性的：他们中的绝大多数来自英国和爱尔兰，会说英语。不仅如此：在 18 世纪初，大约 8% 的人口是德国血统。然而，1794 年，弗吉尼亚州奥古斯塔县的讲德语的农民在向美国众议院要求将法律翻译成德语时被解雇。当时的众议院议长 FAC Mühlenberg，^*

For choice of language, it turned out to be crucial that the immigration for the first half of this period had been predominantly from the British Isles. Some 220,000 had immigrated during the seventeenth century, and perhaps twice as many in the eighteenth. Small numbers, compared with the 40 million who would come in the next two centuries. But the first immigrants’ language influence was decisive: the vast majority of them had come from Britain and Ireland, and spoke English. Not exclusively so: at the beginning of the eighteenth century, already perhaps 8 per cent of the population were of German origin. Nevertheless, in 1794 German-speaking farmers in Augusta County, Virginia, were dismissed when they asked the US House of Representatives for a German translation of the laws. The Speaker of the House at the time, F. A. C. Mühlenberg, happened to be a German himself, but still refused to support the request.^*

自 1820 年以来，说英语的移民实际上一直是少数，占 43%。^†但是，尽管移民在这里和那里建立了许多人可以理解特定外语的社区，但美国作为一个国家——也许是从传统的英国立场中走出来的——仍然坚决地只说英语。尽管直到 19 世纪末随着定居者向西迁移，建立新城镇和城市的巨大机会，但随着这些新社区的兴起，英语在任何地方都被接受为公共语言。

Since 1820, English speakers have in fact been a minority among immigrants, at 43 per cent.^† But although immigrants have here and there established communities where many can understand a given foreign language, the USA as a country—perhaps taking its lead from the traditional British stance—has remained resolutely monolingual in English. Despite the vast opportunity to found new towns and cities right up until the end of the nineteenth century as the settlers moved west, English was everywhere accepted as the public language in these new communities as they arose.

那么，为什么在最初的两个世纪中北美被殖民的主要是英国呢？毕竟，英国几乎不是第一个在美国东部海岸建立立足点的国家：魁北克于 1608 年与弗吉尼亚州的詹姆斯敦几乎同时成立，成为新法国的首都。新荷兰于 1617 年在哈德逊河上游的拿骚堡开始，三年前朝圣者在马萨诸塞州定居。17 年，即 1638-55 年，甚至瑞典人也在荷兰人声称的地区的特拉华湾维持了一个定居点Ny Sverige。

Why, then, was it predominantly from Britain that North America was colonised in those first two centuries? Britain, after all, had hardly been the first to establish a foothold on the eastern American shores: Quebec was founded as the capital of Nouvelle-France in 1608 almost simultaneously with Jamestown in Virginia; and Nieuw Nederland had been begun at Fort Nassau up the Hudson river in 1617, three years before the Pilgrims settled in Massachusetts. For seventeen years, 1638-55, even the Swedes had maintained a settlement, Ny Sverige, at Delaware Bay, in the area claimed by the Dutch.

英国人的不同之处在于他们渴望定居。从一开始，他们就寻找个人拥有的土地，他们可以在上面谋生，养家糊口。无论他们走了多远，他们都渴望以与他们原来的家园所接受的大致相同的条件和相同的宗教信仰来做这件事。由此产生的大家庭将长大以重复这个循环。这样做的动力和证明能力意味着，在最初的几代人之后，当与其他欧洲大国竞争时，英国人总是大量出现。这转化为胜利的军队，但这也意味着他们很快就占领了他们取得的任何领土收益。

What distinguished the British was their desire to settle. From the very beginning, they looked for individual holdings of land, on which they could make a living, and bring up a family. However far they may have travelled, they aspired to do this on much the same terms, and with the same religious beliefs, that they had accepted in their original homes. The resulting large families would then grow up to repeat the cycle. It was the drive and then the proven ability to do this which meant that, after the first couple of generations, when competition arose with other European powers, the British were always present in larger numbers; this translated into winning armies, but it also meant that they soon occupied any territorial gains that they made.

五十年后，紧缩伴随着荷兰人而来。在那个时候，荷兰西印度公司（见第 11 章，“荷兰闯入者”，第 395 页）已经从海狸毛皮贸易站的文化，通过农场的支持性基础设施 ( bouwerijen )，^*发展为向富人提供商人准封建租佃称为守护神船舶，该系统旨在确保以五十个包裹运送殖民者。直到 1656 年，这种对富人的优待被搁置，公司开始为自己和他们的家人提供免费通行权，并在他们能够耕种的土地上，才开始定居，从1648 年估计为两千到 1660 年一万。但为时已晚。定居者在公司的敦促下加强他们的财产的速度很慢，英国邻国的人数仍然超过荷兰人的四比一。³⁵1664 年，当尼科尔斯上校带着四艘战舰抵达时，作为当时全球英荷战争中的一项行动，新荷兰不战而降。九年后它再次易手，但在 1674 年最终被授予英国。在结束战争的严格商业谈判中，一个主要以海狸皮闻名的北美殖民地的价值低于苏里南的甘蔗和东印度群岛鲁恩岛的肉豆蔻。

The crunch came with the Dutch after fifty years. In that time, the Dutch West India Company (see Chapter 11, ‘Dutch interlopers’, p. 395) had gone on from a culture of trading posts for beaver furs, through a supporting infrastructure of farms (bouwerijen),^* to offering wealthy businessmen quasi-feudal tenancies called patroonships, a system designed to ensure the delivery of colonists in packages of fifty. It was only when this preferential treatment for the wealthy was shelved, and the company began to offer mechanics and farmers free passage for themselves and their families in 1656, with as much land as they were able to cultivate, that settlement took off, from an estimated two thousand in 1648 to ten thousand in 1660. But it was too late. Settlers were slow to follow the company’s urgings to fortify their holdings, and the British neighbours still outnumbered the Dutch four to one.³⁵ In 1664, when Colonel Nicolls arrived with four men-of-war, as one operation in the then global Anglo-Dutch war, Nieuw Nederland surrendered without a fight. It changed hands once more nine years later, but in 1674 was finally awarded to Britain. In the strictly business negotiations that ended the wars, a North American colony famous chiefly for its beaver pelts counted for less than the sugar cane of Suriname, and the nutmeg of Rūn Island in the East Indies.

法国与北美的联系显然更难破解。法国的政策开始时与英国完全不同，国王和他的宫廷在建立定居点方面发挥了强有力的领导作用，但只要皮草继续流回法国，一旦到了那里，人们就会对生活采取绝对自由放任的态度。结果是社会形象出现了显着差异，年轻的单身男性独自前往新法国，成为野蛮的边疆人，并安顿下来——如果他们曾经这样做的话—— à la façon du pays，找到与当地妇女，生产梅蒂人根本不会认为自己是法国人的孩子，而且很可能不会说这种语言。这种方法使他们在美洲印第安人中更受欢迎，他们在与荷兰人和英国人的战争中大多站在他们一边。但事实证明，这并不是他们需要的支持。对狩猎收益（毛皮）的经济关注并没有促成土地的广泛定居或驯化，而对当地新娘的依赖——因此当然否认了尽可能多的土著男性的问题——意味着他们的人口没有增加。1670 年代，法国政府试图通过提供马里尔馅饼来干预这一过程，并取得了一些成功（见第 11 章，“法语国家”，第 414 页）。但即使这样也无法与渴望土地的英国人的自然增长相抗衡。

The French connection with North America was a decidedly harder nut to crack. French policy had begun quite differently from British, with a strong lead from the king and his court in establishing settlements, yet a decidedly laissez-faire approach to life once there, as long as the furs continued to flow back to France. The result was a marked variance in social profile, with young single males going out alone to Nouvelle-France to become coureurs de bois, wild frontiersmen, and settling down—if they ever did—à la façon du pays, to found bilingual ménages with local women, producing métis children who would hardly consider themselves French at all, and might well not speak the language. This approach made them much more popular with the American Indians, who for the most part sided with them in wars with the Dutch and British. But this turned out not to be the support they needed. The economic focus on the proceeds of hunting—furs—did not make for widespread settlement or domestication of the land, and the reliance on local brides—thereby of course denying issue to as many indigenous men—meant that their population did not increase. The French government attempted to intervene in the process in the 1670s by providing a supply of filles à marier, with some success (see Chapter 11, ‘La francophonie’, p. 414). But even this could not compete with the natural growth of the land-hungry British.

如果是经过近一个世纪的全球战争之后的和平条款，即 1763 年的《巴黎条约》，这将结束法国对美国的直接参与。但是，如果只有北美才是战场和战利品，那么谁会占上风早就很清楚了。当时，欧洲大陆上的每个法国人都有超过 20 个英国人。^*如果需要证明地面人员的重要性，那么二十年后十三殖民地的英国叛军提供了证据，他们以法国人永远无法击败的方式击败了英国军队。作为最后的侮辱，战争导致英国忠诚者进入加拿大，以及随后排除法国的移民，这意味着英国臣民和讲英语的人直接将法国人在他们自己的殖民地中少数化。

In the event it was the terms of peace after almost a century of global war, the Treaty of Paris in 1763, which were to end direct French involvement in America. But if North America alone had been the battlefield and the prize, it had long been clear who would prevail. There were over twenty Britons for every Frenchman in the continent at the time.^* And if proof were needed of the importance of men on the ground, it was provided by the English rebels of the Thirteen Colonies twenty years later, who defeated the British army as the French never could. As a final insult, the infusion of British loyalists into Canada which the war caused, together with subsequent immigration that excluded France, meant that British subjects, and English speakers, quite directly minoritised the French in what had been their own colony.

北美英语主导地位的最后一个严重障碍是殖民竞争的第一个进入者西班牙帝国。尽管 16 世纪西班牙和英国的皇室争执不休，17 世纪英国海盗在加勒比地区进行了非正式的争吵，但在 17 世纪和 18 世纪，英国和西班牙政府在很大程度上相互疏远了。然后他们进行了短暂而不确定的打击，并在 1763 年和 1783 年之间来回交换了佛罗里达州的控制权。真正的清算是在他们的两个继承国美利坚合众国和墨西哥共和国之间在德克萨斯州进行。

The final serious obstacle to English-speaking dominance of North America was provided by the first entrant to the colonial competition, the empire of Spain. Although Spain and England had been at royal loggerheads during the sixteenth century, and English pirates had pursued the quarrel unofficially in the Caribbean during the seventeenth, the British and Spanish governments had largely given each other a wide berth during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Then they had come to blows briefly and inconclusively, and exchanged control of Florida back and forth between 1763 and 1783. The real reckoning was to come between their two successor states, the United States of America and the Republic of Mexico, over Texas.

再次是英国移民的定居倾向导致了麻烦。摩西·奥斯汀发现了铅矿，并在 1820 年，就在墨西哥获得独立之前，从西班牙获得了许可证，可以将三百个美国家庭带入这个迄今为止被视为非常贫瘠的地区。到 1832 年，他的殖民地大约有八千人，而其他人则使盎格鲁人口达到两万。1833 年，墨西哥城发生政变，安插了安东尼奥·洛佩斯·德·圣安娜，并推翻了墨西哥对德克萨斯的政策：盎格鲁人的反应是宣布独立，并在阻止墨西哥收回领土的企图的同时，向山姆大叔上诉。他们不得不等待两个冷酷无情的政府结束，但在 1845 年波尔克总统同意吞并。波尔克得到了他想要的战争，然后能够通过武力获得他被拒绝购买的东西，即吉拉河以北的墨西哥太平洋地区，包括加利福尼亚。一口气，美国的疆域已经“从大海延伸到闪亮的大海”。随后，盎格鲁-撒克逊大规模定居的新浪潮完成了收购，尽管这一次的动机是西班牙人非常欣赏的一个动机：这一次的定居者不是农民，而是四十九岁的人，他们是在黄金轨道上的探矿者。

Once again it was the propensity of English immigrants to settle which led to trouble. Moses Austin, discovering deposits of lead, had acquired from Spain—in 1820, just before it granted independence to Mexico—a permit to bring three hundred American families into this territory, hitherto seen as a very barren area. By 1832 his colonies amounted to about eight thousand souls, and others had brought the Anglo population up to twenty thousand. In 1833 a coup in Mexico city installed Antonio López de Santa Anna, and reversed Mexican policy on Texas: the Anglos’ response was to declare independence and—while staving off Mexican attempts to reclaim the territory—appeal to Uncle Sam. They had to wait out two unsympathetic administrations, but in 1845 President Polk agreed to annexation. Polk got the war he wanted, and was then able to get by force of arms what he had been denied as a purchase, namely the Pacific stretch of Mexico north of the Gila river, including California. In one mighty throw, the USA’s bounds had been extended ‘from sea to shining sea’. Then a new surge of Anglo-Saxon mass settlement sealed the acquisition, though the motive this time was one that the Spanish could very much appreciate: the settlers this time were not farmers but Forty-Niners, prospectors on the track of gold.

如此广阔的地区——基本上就是现在的整个美国西部——可以如此轻易地易手的事实表明，在他们控制的三个世纪里，西班牙的存在是多么肤浅。由于法国人通过加拿大和路易斯安那州的毛皮贸易与当地人达成了非侵入式的住所，所以西班牙人终于在 1769 年至 1823 年期间在沿海建立了一系列天主教传教团，只与当地人建立了最轻微的接触。Su Majestad el Rey的加利福尼亚人。尽管如此，以生皮、牛角和牛脂为主要出口贸易的农业和畜牧牧场在教士们的主持下一度繁荣起来。在 1821 年墨西哥独立后的最后几年里，出现了一场更激进的定居运动，从 1834 年开始，向后来被称为los Californios的墨西哥人发放了大量土地，他们很快就取得了成就。残酷的名声。但在政治上，向盎格鲁控制的过渡几乎是即时的。

The fact that such a vast area—essentially what is now the whole American West—could change hands so lightly demonstrates how superficial the Spanish presence had been in the three centuries of their control. As the French had reached a non-intrusive accommodation with the natives through the fur trade in Canada and Louisiane, so the Spanish, at last planting a string of Catholic missions along the coast from 1769 to 1823, had established only the lightest contact with the Californian subjects of Su Majestad el Rey. Nevertheless, agriculture and stock ranches, with a significant export trade in hide, horns and tallow, had briefly flourished under the auspices of the padres. In the very last years, after Mexican independence in 1821, there had been a movement for more radical settlement, and from 1834 a flurry of land grants were made to Mexicans who came to be known as los Californios, non-clerical settlers who quickly achieved a brutal reputation. But politically, the transition to Anglo control was almost instant.

从语言上讲，情况变得更加矛盾。那些教士，甚至加州人，似乎都有相当大的影响力。今天，在佛罗里达州、德克萨斯州和墨西哥北部被占用一个半世纪后，2000 万美国公民，占人口的 7.3%，仍然认为西班牙语不是他们的第二语言，而是他们的第一语言。³⁶因为几乎所有这些人都将生活在九个州之一^*过去至少部分是西班牙领土（总人口 8300 万），那里的语言情况实际上是四分之一的人仍然最乐于说西班牙语。即将到来的盎格鲁定居者，居住了五六代人，已经清楚地确立了英语的主导地位：但西班牙语社区并没有消亡。确实，它还在增长。

Linguistically, the situation has turned out to be far more ambivalent. It seems that those padres and even Californios had quite an influence. Today, one and a half centuries after the appropriation of Florida, Texas and northern Mexico, 20 million US citizens, 7.3 per cent of the population, still consider Spanish to be, not their second, but their first language.³⁶ Since almost all of these will live in one of the nine states^* that used to be, at least in part, Spanish territory (total population 83 million), the language situation there is actually one where one person in four is still happiest to speak Spanish. The incoming Anglo settlers, resident for five or six generations, have clearly established English as dominant: but the Spanish-language community is not dying out. Indeed, it is still growing.

改变视角——印度的英语

Changing perspective—English in India

舌头，是心灵宝藏的钥匙，是加强社会纽带的媒介，也是解开心灵秘密的器官，却被剥夺了它的职责。印度斯坦和英国。大多数英国绅士不懂他们的臣民的语言，最后没有一个懂英语。当然，随之而来的是一群印度人，与他们的英国统治者有业务往来，看起来很像墙上挂着的一些照片……

The tongue, which is the key to the treasures of the heart and mind, and which serves as a medium to strengthen the bands of society, as well as an organ to unlock the secrets of the heart, happens to be deprived of its office between the Hindostanies and the English. Most of the English Gentlemen do not understand the language of their subjects, and none of these last understand a word of English. It follows, of course, that a company of Hindians, having business with their English rulers, looks very much like a number of pictures set up against the wall…

赛德·古拉姆·侯赛因·汗，1789 ³⁷

Sied Gholam Hossein Khan, 1789³⁷

我对梵文或阿拉伯语一无所知。但我已尽我所能对它们的价值做出正确的估计。我读过最著名的阿拉伯文和梵文作品的翻译。我在这里和家里都与那些以精通东方语言而著称的人交谈过。我已经准备好以东方学家自己的评价来接受东方学问了。我从来没有找到一个人可以否认一个好的欧洲图书馆的一个书架值得印度和阿拉伯的全部本土文学。支持东方教育计划的委员会成员，确实完全承认西方文学的内在优越性。

I have no knowledge of either Sanscrit or Arabic. But I have done what I could to form a correct estimate of their value. I have read translations of the most celebrated Arabic and Sanscrit works. I have conversed both here and at home with men distinguished by their proficiency in the Eastern tongues. I am quite ready to take the Oriental learning at the valuation of the Orientalists themselves. I have never found one of them who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole native literature of India and Arabia. The intrinsic superiority of the Western literature is, indeed, fully admitted by those members of the Committee who support the Oriental plan of education.

托马斯·巴宾顿·麦考利（三十五岁），1835 ³⁸

Thomas Babington Macaulay (aged thirty-five), 1835³⁸

商人冒险

A merchant venture

一个有趣而深刻的巧合将英语和葡萄牙语结合在一起。作为美洲殖民者的日常语言，这两种语言都得到了广泛而永久的传播。但在南亚各地，每种语言也在扩展，最终在当地人口中的使用量超过了从欧洲来到那里的相对少数的水手、商人和士兵。我们刚刚看到，语言在美洲传播所必需的属性是说话者倾向于定居和抚养大家庭，从而取代了当地人，这些人传播稀少，技术欠发达。南亚肯定有其他事情可以说明，那里有大量人口长期习惯于外国商人，而且很少有移民会永久定居。尤其是对英国人来说，印度和他们的其他亚洲殖民地一直是职业的地方，而不是生活的地方——发帖的地方，而不是家庭的地方。与其他征服者相比，他们在控制中保持矜持和疏远。然而自相矛盾的是，英国人以他们的语言在亚洲这些地区留下了自己的印记，正如现在看来，比任何已知的先前入侵者都更加不可磨灭。

An interesting and profound coincidence unites English with Portuguese. Each of the two enjoyed a wide and permanent spread as an everyday language of colonists in the Americas. But around southern Asia each language also expanded, ultimately used more among the local population than by the relatively few sailors, merchants and soldiers who came there from Europe. We have just seen that the property essential for language spread in the Americas had been the propensity for speakers to settle and raise large families, so displacing local peoples, who were thinly spread and technically less developed. Something else must have proved telling in southern Asia, which is home to massive populations long used to foreign traders, and where few of the incomers would ever settle permanently. Especially to the British, India and their other Asian colonies were always places for careers, not lives—for postings, not family homes. More than other conquerors, they remained reserved and distant in their control. Yet paradoxically, the British left their mark on these parts of Asia in their language, far more indelibly, as it now appears, than any known previous invader.

当考虑到语言在贸易中的作用时，与葡萄牙语的相似之处就被打破了。当英国东印度公司获得其在印度的重要基地——马德拉斯（1654 年）、孟买（1668 年）和加尔各答（1690 年）^* ——有效的通用语仍然是葡萄牙语，“大多数欧洲人首先学习的语言才能使他们获得资格为了与彼此以及与印度的不同居民进行一般交谈'。³⁹该公司储备了 200 部葡萄牙语词典，每个分支机构或“工厂”都有一名葡萄牙语语言学家，即使伦敦的董事写信给孟买，要求在当地翻译文书工作，因为“在印度说的葡萄牙语与那有很大不同”葡萄牙语”。⁴⁰更非正式地说，很多生意都是在印度人所说的 Feringhee 中进行的，这是一种欧洲语言的非正式洋泾浜：到 17 世纪末，葡萄牙语、丹麦语、法语、荷兰语和英语都在孟加拉方圆 10 英里范围内设有工厂。当时英语只能在公司自己的代理人中使用，并且从未成为贸易的通用语。在实践中，交易通常是通过一位双语印度商人的调解完成的，在加尔各答和孟买被称为榕树，在马德拉斯的杜巴什被称为。^†

The parallel with Portuguese breaks down when the role of the languages in trade is considered. When the English East India Company acquired its crucial bases in India—Madras (1654), Bombay (1668) and Calcutta (1690)^*—the effective lingua franca was still very much Portuguese, ‘the language that most Europeans learn first to qualify them for general converse with one another, as well as with different inhabitants of India’.³⁹ The company stocked two hundred Portuguese dictionaries, and every branch office, or ‘factory’, had a Portuguese linguist, even if the directors in London wrote to Bombay requiring local translation of paperwork because ‘the Portuguese spoken in India differed so much from that spoken in Portugal’.⁴⁰ More informally, much business was done in what the Indians called Feringhee, an informal pidgin of European languages: by the end of the seventeenth century, Portuguese, Danish, French, Dutch and English all had factories within a radius of 10 miles in Bengal. English was at this time usable only among the company’s own agents, and never became a lingua franca for trade. In practice, business was usually done through the mediation of a bilingual Indian trader, known as banyan in Calcutta and Bombay, dubash in Madras.^†

同样清楚的是，直到 19 世纪，与印度当局，尤其是莫卧儿政府的高层交往，都是用波斯语进行的。^§公司代理人可以流利地使用它，尽管他们保留了munshi的服务，^¶组合的口译、笔译、秘书和语言导师。这种专长的典范是 Antoine-Louis Henri Polier，他是为这家英国公司服务的法国人，也是 Warren Hastings 的朋友，他在 18 世纪后期发表了他的波斯书信。这表明他在与语言相配的宫廷风格方面也非常有成就。⁴¹

It is also clear that until the nineteenth century higher-level dealings with Indian authorities, above all the Mughal government, were conducted in Persian.^§ Company agents could become fluent in it, although they retained the services of a munshi,^¶ a combined interpreter, translator, secretary and language tutor. A paragon of such expertise was Antoine-Louis Henri Polier, a Frenchman in the English company’s service and a friend of Warren Hastings, who published his Persian correspondence in the late eighteenth century. This shows him highly accomplished, too, in the courtly style that went with the language.⁴¹

在此基础上，真正的问题是：除了东印度公司的“作家”（即文员）的移植社会和在该国服役的英国军团之外，英语是如何在印度传播的？毕竟，这种情况几乎与东印度群岛当代荷兰人的情况相同，波斯人扮演马来人的角色，乌尔都语扮演爪哇人，葡萄牙人扮演自己的角色。正如我们所见，在第一次半心半意地尝试教授自己的语言之后，荷兰人已经满足于语言现状：除了荷属东印度群岛的殖民统治者之外，荷兰语从未成为任何人的语言（见第 11 章，“荷兰闯入者”，第 395 页）。如果遵循这种模式，波斯语至今仍是印度首选的通用语言。

On this basis the real question is: how did English ever spread in India at all, beyond the transplanted society of the ‘writers’ (i.e. clerks) of the East India Company, and British regiments serving in the country? The situation, after all, was almost identical with that of the contemporary Dutch in the East Indies, with Persian cast in the role of Malay, Urdu as Javanese, and Portuguese as its very own self. And as we have seen, after a first half-hearted attempt to teach their own language, the Dutch had contented themselves with the linguistic status quo: Dutch never became the language of any but the colonial rulers in the Dutch East Indies (see Chapter 11, ‘Dutch interlopers’, p. 395). If this pattern had been followed, Persian would have remained the preferred common language of India to the present day.

在英国人的头脑中还有一个额外的动机，它耗尽了他们在印度更广泛地使用他们的母语的热情。正如一位英国议会成员在 1793 年所说：“我们在美洲传授教育，已经失去了我们在美洲的殖民地；我们也不需要在印度这样做。⁴²这一损失在 18 世纪后期记忆犹新：康沃利斯勋爵，1781 年将英国投降给乔治华盛顿的将军，在 1786 年至 1793 年继续担任孟加拉总督。欧洲人的定居者社区，如果他们变得成熟，可能会效仿美国，按照自己的条件寻求独立。根据这个推理，印度必须仍然是一个外国国家，尽管它对英国企业保持可靠开放；它不应该是一个新的英国家。1797 年出任的总督理查德·韦尔斯利 (Richard Wellesley) 于 1799 年写信给控制委员会主席：

And there was an extra motive in the back of British minds which drained any enthusiasm for wider use of their native language in India. As a member of the British Parliament put it in 1793: ‘We have lost our colonies in America by imparting our education there; we need not do so in India too.’⁴² This loss was very fresh in memories in the late eighteenth century: Lord Cornwallis, the very general who had delivered the British surrender to George Washington in 1781, went on to become governor-general of Bengal from 1786 to 1793. Settler communities of Europeans, if they became well established, might follow the American example, and look for independence on their own terms. On this reasoning, India must remain a foreign country, albeit one kept open reliably for British business; it should not be a new British home. Richard Wellesley, governor-general from 1797, wrote to the chairman of the Board of Control in 1799:

……关于将欧洲人驱逐出英国在印度的属地的权力……在我看来，这些权力仍然太有限。

… with relation to powers of banishing Europeans from the British possessions in India … those powers appear to me still to be too limited.

居住在这些省份以及印度大英帝国所有地区的[不在公司服务的]人数每天都在增加。其中有许多人物，他们因痛苦而绝望，或因他们在欧洲的行为而臭名昭著。他们的职业主要是……在加尔各答，法律的最低分支，商店和酒馆的建立，或公共娱乐场所的建立，或报纸的监督……在所有这些人中，尤其是报纸编辑部落，雅各宾主义最坚强、最大胆的精神占了上风……

The number of persons [not in the company’s service] resident in these provinces, as well as in all parts of the British empire in India, increases daily. Among these are to be found many characters, desperate from distress, or from the infamy of their conduct in Europe. Their occupations are principally… at Calcutta, the lowest branches of the law, the establishment of shops and taverns, or of the places of public entertainment, or the superintendence of newspapers… Amongst all these persons, but particularly the tribe of editors of newspapers, the strongest and boldest spirit of Jacobinism prevailed…

在马德拉斯，欧洲人不为公司服务所造成的罪恶更大。卡纳提克家族的顾问，以及他反对英国政府的主要工具，以及他对自己臣民的压迫，几乎完全可以在这一类欧洲人中找到。⁴³

In Madras, the evil resulting from Europeans not in the Company’s service is still greater. The advisers of the nabob of the Carnatic, as well as the principal instruments of his opposition to the British government, and of his oppressions over his own subjects, are almost exclusively to be found among that class of Europeans.⁴³

因此，除了由公司直接赞助的活动外，英国在印度的定居点甚至不被英国当局视为可取的。众所周知，从 1757 年到 1856 年，Kampani Sahib开始扩大其金融、政治和军事控制，首先跨越孟加拉到德里，然后跨越德干，最后到现在的印度、巴基斯坦、斯里兰卡和缅甸的大部分地区. 公司几乎没有传播的一件事是一群说自己董事语言的人。

British settlement in India, then, apart from activities directly sponsored by the company, was not even seen as desirable by the British authorities. From 1757 to 1856, Kampanī Sahib, as it was known, proceeded to expand its financial, political and military control first across Bengal to Delhi, then across the Deccan, and finally to most of what is now India, Pakistan, Śri Lanka and Burma. The one thing the company hardly spread at all was a body of speakers of its own directors’ language.

新教、利润和进步

Protestantism, profit and progress

最后，英语更广泛的传播不是由东印度公司开始的，而是由英国新教传教士开始的。^*该公司普遍怀疑传教士在其领域的参与，其理由与他们回避其他欧洲人的理由大致相同——而且有更好的证据。1806 年，他们的印度军队在马德拉斯附近的 Vellore 发生血腥叛乱，这与克劳迪乌斯·布坎南 (Claudius Buchanan) 对印度教徒对基督教漠不关心的咆哮有关，要求“采取一切手段来胁迫我们本土臣民的这种蔑视精神”；1808 年，该公司不得不迅速压制了位于加尔各答附近的塞兰波尔 (Śrirampur) 的浸信会传教出版社出版的传单，“写给印度教徒和回教徒”。⁴⁴印度长期以来一直是强调宗教观点的危险场所，该公司对这种危险很敏感，这可能对贸易造成极大破坏。

In the end, the wider spread of English was begun not by the East India Company, but by British Protestant missionaries.^* The company was in general suspicious of missionary involvement in its domains, on much the same grounds—and with better evidence—as those on which they shunned other Europeans. The bloody mutiny of their Indian troops in Vellore, near Madras, in 1806 was associated with rants by one Claudius Buchanan on Hindu indifference to Christianity, demanding ‘every means of coercing this contemptuous spirit of our native subjects’; in 1808 the company had speedily to suppress a tract put out by the Baptist Mission Press in Serampore (Śrirampur), near Calcutta, ‘Addressed to Hindus and Mahomedans’.⁴⁴ India has long been a dangerous place for pressing a religious point, and the company was sensitive to this hazard, which could be highly damaging to trade.

尽管如此，公司的定居点从一开始就有教士。早期，他们必须像其他人一样用葡萄牙语工作，这是公司在 1698 年更新的章程中明确规定的要求。⁴⁵但很快他们就开始为公司雇员和仆人的孩子（通常是孤儿）创办英语学校：1715 年在马德拉斯、1719 年在孟买和 1731 年在加尔各答。访问英语，附带印刷机和图书馆。任何人都清楚，英语的影响力和权力在整个 18 世纪都在大幅增长：毫不奇怪，雄心勃勃的印度父母越来越多地试图为他们的孩子获得英语知识，以分享这种增长。1780 年左右，拉姆纳德 (Ramanathapuram) 的拉贾将自己的儿子送到马德拉斯南部坦乔尔 (Thanjavur) 的施瓦茨传教学校。施瓦茨的学校得到了该地区所有主要力量的支持：英国公司、穆斯林海达尔阿里和阿尔科特的纳瓦布，⁴⁶

Nevertheless, there had been churchmen at the company’s settlements from the earliest days. Early on, they had had to work in Portuguese, like everyone else, a requirement made explicit in the company’s renewed charter of 1698.⁴⁵ But soon they began to found English-language schools, primarily for children—often orphans—of company employees and servants: at Madras in 1715, Bombay in 1719, and Calcutta in 1731. The schools grew in attendance, then multiplied, and became centres of access to English, with attached printing presses and libraries. It was clear to anyone that English influence and power were growing massively throughout the eighteenth century: not surprisingly, ambitious Indian parents increasingly tried to obtain for their children a knowledge of English, to share in this growth. Around 1780 the raja of Ramnad (Ramanathapuram) sent his own son to Schwartz’s missionary school at Tanjore (Thanjavur), south of Madras. Schwartz’s schools were being supported by all the main powers in the region: the English Company, the Muslim Haidar Ali and nawab of Arcot, and the Hindu raja of Tanjore.⁴⁶

市场很快做出了反应。到世纪之交，“蘑菇”学校在英国所有的权力中心都在成长，尤其是在加尔各答周围。老师们，“崩溃的士兵，破产的商人和挥霍无度的人”，⁴⁷人主要是为了钱，但其中包括受人尊敬的英国女士，例如巴特那郊外的迪纳普尔的一位米德尔顿夫人，甚至是著名的浸信会塞兰波尔的传教士威廉·凯里。他们的目标是富裕的印度人，收取的费用很高。然而，老师们的态度却越来越傲慢。1801 年的第一天，牧师 D. MacKinnon 写信给一名军官，透露了他的动机：

The market soon responded. By the turn of the century, ‘mushroom’ schools were growing up in all the centres of English power, but especially round Calcutta. The teachers, ‘the broken down soldier, the bankrupt merchant and the ruined spendthrift’,⁴⁷ were in it mostly for the money, but they included respectable British ladies, such as one Mrs Middleton of Dinapur, outside Patna, and even the celebrated Baptist missionary William Carey of Serampore. They were aimed at prosperous Indians, and the fees charged were high. Nevertheless, the attitudes of the teachers were increasingly patronising. Writing to a military officer on the first day of 1801, the Reverend D. MacKinnon revealed his motives:

……我无法在任何阶层或任何在印度斯坦甚至整个亚洲出生和接受教育的人类物种中发现一点古典品味、数学真理知识或真正的道德或宗教原则。在我看来，黑暗种族出现了，也确实出现了，埋藏在黑暗中，像机械一样移动，完全没有那些使我们的种族尊严和高贵，并赋予我们与神有血缘关系的情感。

… I could not discover one particle of classical taste, of the knowledge of mathematical truth, or of genuine moral or religious principle in any class nor in any individual of the human species born and educated in Hindostán or even in all Asia. The dark race appeared and do appear to me, buried in darkness, moving like mere mechanism and utterly void of those sentiments which dignify and ennoble our species and entitle us to claim kindred with the Gods.

我所有的推测最终都归结为两个简单的命题。

All my speculations were at last reduced to two simple propositions.

1. 印度人不能被他们自己的语言所照亮，也不能被现在以这些语言存在的书籍所照亮。

1. That the natives of India cannot be illuminated by their own languages, nor by the Books now existing in those languages.

2. 因此，他们必须通过学习其他语言和阅读能够形成他们的品味的书籍和教导他们有用和扎实的知识以及真正的道德和宗教原则来获得启迪。

2. That therefore they must be enlightened by the acquisition of other languages & by reading Books capable of forming their taste & of teaching them useful & solid knowlege as well as genuine moral and religious principles.

早在 1787 年，在圣诞节那天在 Kudjuah 战场上布道之后……我认真地决定尝试自己微弱努力的效果。我编写了一份英语语法，其中的规则和说明是用波斯语和字符编写的。这本书于 1791 年出版，费用和风险由加尔各答公报的所有者 Harington & Morris 先生承担。我也遇到了将语法版本制作成孟加拉语的麻烦和费用，但那个版本没有打印出来。

So long ago as the year 1787 after preaching a Sermon on Christmas Day on the field of battle of Kudjuah … I seriously resolved to try the effect of my own feeble efforts. I compiled a Grammar of the English language of which the rules & instructions were written in the Persian language & character. This Book was published in 1791 at the expence and risk of the Proprietors of the Calcutta Gazette Messrs Harington & Morris. I also was at the trouble & expence of causing a Version of the Grammar to be made into the Bengal-language, but that version was not printed.

当我提到时，你会微笑，当我决定做出这项努力时，我正式向政府申请允许让这个国家的原住民获得阳光。但我提到它，怀着感激的心情观察和作证，在我对政府和受人尊敬的个人的所有公开和私人申请中，我都得到了坚定的鼓励和认可。

You will smile when I mention, that when I resolved to make this effort, I formally applied to Government for permission to let in day-light on the Natives of this country. But I mention it, to observe & testify with gratitude, that in all my applications public and private to Government and respectable Individuals, I met with decided encouragement & approbation.

确实，这些努力尚未产生任何明显的效果。尽管如此，我还是可以举出在我的语法帮助下获得了熟练的英语知识的个人本地人的实例...... ⁴⁸

It is but too true that these efforts have not as yet produced any visible effect; altho I can produce instances of Individual natives who have acquired a competent knowlege of the English language by the help of my Grammar…⁴⁸

随着东印度公司的行动在伦敦越来越受到审查和控制，这些态度——查尔斯·格兰特、威廉·威尔伯福斯和詹姆斯·米尔等有影响力的改革者经常认同的态度——正在成为政策的动力。1813 年，下议院决定“这个国家有责任促进印度英属领地原住民的利益和幸福，应当采取措施，以在他们中间引入有益的知识，以及宗教和道德的进步”。⁴⁹

As the actions of the East India Company were more and more subjected to scrutiny and control in London, these attitudes—often shared by such influential reformers as Charles Grant, William Wilberforce and James Mill—were becoming the motive force of policy. In 1813 the House of Commons resolved that ‘it is the duty of this Country to promote the interests and happiness of the native inhabitants of the British dominions in India, and that measures ought to be introduced as may tend to the introduction among them of useful knowledge, and of religious and moral improvement’.⁴⁹

在 19 世纪，随着英国在印度的政治控制扩大和加强，与当地人打交道的旧的自由放任商业道德，需要强烈的相互尊重，越来越多地被对欧洲优势的无耻信念所取代，再加上尽职尽责地努力将“黑暗种族”提升到敬畏上帝的英国人的道德和智力水平。

In the nineteenth century, as British political control expanded and hardened in India, the old laissez-faire business ethic in dealing with the natives, which had entailed a robust mutual respect, was increasingly replaced by an unashamed belief in European superiority, coupled with a duteous endeavour to bring up ‘the dark race’ to the moral and intellectual level of the Godfearing Briton.

该公司的 1813 年宪章法案包括一项规定，“每年应拨出不少于 1 lac [100,000] 卢比的款项，用于复兴和改进文学作品以及鼓励印度有学问的当地人，以及用于在印度英国领土的居民中引入和推广科学知识……”但在这个阶段，该公司对传教优先事项的传统不信任仍然有效：资金明确旨在“促进东方和西方科学……一个可靠的平衡点，一个保护死水免受传教事业泛滥的威胁。⁵⁰关于如何使用这笔小额款项的决定对次大陆的语言历史至关重要。

The company’s Charter Act of 1813 included the provision that ‘a sum of not less than a lac [100,000] of rupees in each year shall be set apart and applied to the revival and improvement of literature and the encouragement of learned natives of India, and for the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British territories in India…’ But at this stage the company’s traditional distrust of missionary priorities was still effective: the funding was explicitly aimed at ‘fostering both Oriental and Occidental science… a reliable counterpoise, a protecting backwater against the threatened deluge of missionary enterprises’.⁵⁰ The decision on how this small sum was to be applied turned out to be crucial for the language history of the subcontinent.

传教士希望优先使用英语的愿望一直得到本国政府的支持，最后得到了印第安人自己的支持。在 18 世纪后期，该公司在民众的推动下，建立了一些声望卓著的学院，以获取印度知识：1781 年为穆斯林设立加尔各答宗教学校，1791 年为印度教徒设立贝拿勒斯梵文学院，以及为新来的英国文职行政人员设立1800 年在加尔各答的威廉堡学院。所有这些学院都有一些用英语授课的课程；威廉堡没有别的了。在 19 世纪早期，知名公民也自发地建立了基金会，特别是在 1817 年加尔各答印度教学院，“特别是孟加拉语和英语的培养；接下来是印度斯坦语……；然后是波斯人，⁵¹ Ram Mohan Roy 被认为是其首席天才，他是梵语和阿拉伯语的学者，但他强烈呼吁更多地使用英语。

The missionaries’ wish to give priority to the English language was all the time gathering support from the home government, and at last from the Indians themselves. In the late eighteenth century the company, following popular urging, had founded a number of prestige colleges for the acquisition of Indian learning: for Muslims the Calcutta Madrassa in 1781, for Hindus the Benares Sanskrit College in 1791, and for incoming civil administrators from Britain the Fort William College in Calcutta in 1800. All of these had some classes conducted in English; and Fort William had little else. In the early nineteenth century spontaneous foundations were also made by eminent citizens, notably in 1817 the Hindu College of Calcutta, for ‘the cultivation of the Bengalee and English languages in particular; next, the Hindustanee tongue…; and then the Persian, if desired, as ornamental general duty to God’.⁵¹ Ram Mohan Roy, who is considered its presiding genius, was a scholar of Sanskrit and Arabic, but vociferous in his appeals for greater access to English.

……据我们了解，英格兰政府已下令每年投入大量资金用于教育其印度臣民。我们满怀乐观的希望，希望这笔款项将用于聘请有才能和受过教育的欧洲绅士，向印度土著人教授数学、自然哲学、化学、解剖学和其他有用的科学，这些科学是欧洲土著人继承的。某种程度的完美使他们超越了世界其他地区的居民……我们现在发现，政府正在印度教专家的指导下建立一所梵文学校，以传授印度明显流行的知识…… ⁵²

… we understand that the Government in England had ordered a considerable sum of money to be annually devoted to the instruction of its Indian subjects. We were filled with sanguine hopes that this sum would be laid out in employing European gentlemen of talents and education to instruct the natives of India in mathematics, natural philosophy, chemistry, anatomy, and other useful sciences, which the natives of Europe have carried to a degree of perfection that has raised them above the inhabitants of other parts of the world … We now find that the Government are establishing a Sanskrit school under Hindoo pundits to impart such knowledge as is clearly current in India …⁵²

还建立了几所新的政府学院，通常是东方学科，但在来自伦敦的压力下，东方学院获得了各种诱因来改善他们的英语教学。然后在 1830 年代初期，所有非英语科目的入学人数都出现了灾难性的下降，而英语的入学人数也相应激增。1834 年的一次公开会议抗议对古典语言的赞助，并支持英语和白话。⁵³

Several new government colleges were also founded, often in oriental disciplines, but under pressure from London the oriental ones were offered various inducements to improve their English-language instruction. Then in the early 1830s came catastrophic falls in the enrolments for all non-English subjects, and corresponding surges for English. A public meeting in 1834 protested against patronage of the classical languages, and in favour of English and the vernaculars.⁵³

在这种情况下，公共教育总委员会就如何花费公司每年 10 万卢比来宣传文学和知识做出了拖延已久的决定。1835 年 3 月 7 日，他们决定“英国政府的伟大目标应该是在印度原住民中推广欧洲文学和科学；并且所有用于教育目的的资金，最好只用于英语教育”。⁵⁴

In this context, the General Committee of Public Instruction made its long-delayed decision on how to spend the company’s annual lakh of rupees to promote literature and knowledge. Reversing their previous preference, which had followed the hints in the charter, for native learning (and the translation of European scientific texts into Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian), they decided on 7 March 1835 that ‘the great object of the British Government ought to be the promotion of European literature and science among the natives of India; and that all the funds appropriated for the purposes of education, would be best employed on English education alone’.⁵⁴

这个决定虽然在当时仍有争议，但被证明是决定性的。^*在《英语教育法》实施的三年内，政府的英语学校数量增加了一倍多。⁵⁵这只是开始。1857 年，大学在英国的三个经典城市孟买、加尔各答和马德拉斯成立时，英语将成为他们的教学语言。1835 年，一项规定同时强化了这种教育偏好，规定英语将取代波斯语成为官方国家语言和高等法院的媒介，而下级法院使用当地的白话。⁵⁶梵文、阿拉伯文和波斯文迄今保留了一半实用的价值，可与拉丁语在现代早期欧洲的生存相媲美：此后，就像启蒙运动之后的拉丁语一样，它们将被归为纯粹的经典地位，是遗产的象征，而不是学习的载体和研究。曾经只是外国统治阶层的标志的英语现在将成为向整个次大陆开放外国文化传统的手段。

This decision, although still controversial at the time, proved fateful.^* The number of the government’s English-language schools more than doubled within three years of the English Education Act.⁵⁵ This was just the beginning. When in 1857 universities were founded in the classic three British cities, Bombay, Calcutta and Madras, English would be their language of instruction. And this educational preference was simultaneously reinforced in 1835 by a regulation that English was to replace Persian as the official state language and the medium of the higher courts of law, with lower courts using the local vernacular.⁵⁶ Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian had hitherto kept a half-practical value, comparable to the survival of Latin into early modern Europe: henceforth, like Latin after the Enlightenment, they would be consigned to purely classic status, symbols of heritage rather than vehicles of learning and research. And English, which had been little more than the mark of a foreign ruling caste, was now going to serve as the means for opening the whole subcontinent to foreign traditions of culture.

基本的语言平衡已经达到，它在印度一直持续到 1947 年独立。实际上，虽然英语现在被列为印度的副官方语言，理论上不如十八种官方白话，但它一直持续到现在。英语作为受过教育的人的通用语在南亚是普遍的：有多少人真正知道这很难说，据估计在过去 20 年中，印度人的比例从 3% 上升到 30%，但在印度的其他州则更少该区域。⁵⁷

The basic language balance had been struck, and it persisted in India through to independence in 1947. And in practice, although English is now classed as an Associate Official language of India, theoretically inferior to the eighteen official vernaculars, it has persisted right up to the present day. English is universal in South Asia as the lingua franca of the educated: how many actually know it is harder to say, with estimates over the past twenty years rising from 3 per cent to 30 per cent of Indians, but fewer in the other states of the region.⁵⁷

另一个有利于英语的长期影响，特别是在南部，是没有任何其他有用的通用语：英国的领土一直包括该国的南部，并继续涵盖整个次大陆。但在旧的莫卧儿边界以南，波斯语或印地语-乌尔都语是不可接受的。如果印度，尤其是民主的印度，要保持团结，就需要一种看起来中立的共同语言，或者至少对所有人都同样具有压迫性。

Another long-term influence that favoured English, especially in the south, was the absence of any other useful lingua franca: Britain’s domain had always included the south of the country, and went on to encompass the whole subcontinent; but Persian or Hindi-Urdu were never acceptable south of the old Mughal boundary. If India, especially a democratic India, is to stay united, it needs a common language that seems neutral, or at least equally oppressive to all.

成功，尽管有最好的意图

Success, despite the best intentions

尽管英国肯定没有在西利的“心不在焉”的情况下征服了南亚，但在征服之后英国语言的传播几乎是偶然的。

Although Britain had certainly not conquered South Asia in Seeley’s ‘fit of absence of mind’, the spread of Britain’s language which followed on from the conquest was almost fortuitous.

英语在这里取得成功的过程与北美完全不同。这些过程甚至与最初让英国人和印度人接触的过程也不同。在北美，英语在传播时与当地人口保持完全分离，只是随着时间的推移因过度拥挤的人数和压倒性的定居点而取代他们。在南亚，英语是通过招募当地精英来传播的。尽管公司很早就开始担心，但英语移民从未变得非常多，也从未停留太久，而且现在基本上都离开了。

The success of English here came about by processes totally different from those that worked themselves out in North America; and these processes were different even from those that had put Britons and Indians in contact in the first place. In North America, English spread while remaining quite detached from local populations, simply displacing them over time by overcrowding numbers and overwhelming settlements. In South Asia, English spread by recruiting the local elites. Despite the company’s early fears, English-language immigrants never became very numerous, never stayed for long, and by and large have all now left.

推动招聘的一个重要力量是文化声望，这在 19 世纪绝对是英国的特色。这种声望的吸引力超出了在政府或企业中获得优先权的早期动机。然而，使印度成为英国人的并不是文化声望，而是东印度公司男人的动物精神。这些浪漫的机会者^*划定界限的是干预当地宗教的任何想法，或者似乎与他们密切相关的语言的角色。新教传教士虽然顾虑重重，却没有这个，也正是在这一点上，他们逐渐在国内赢得了争论。公司员工最终被迫冒险对本土教育采取规定性路线：想象一下，当它不仅没有引起骚乱，甚至证明受到（有思想的）公众的欢迎时，他们会感到惊讶。印度学者发现，英语确实让他们进入了一个超越印度传统的思想世界，包括法律、物理和社会科学、政治、文学——甚至在这里和那里，宗教。

One essential force driving the recruitment was cultural prestige, definitely a British characteristic by the nineteenth century; and the attractions of this prestige went beyond the early motives of gaining preferment in the government or business. Yet it was not cultural prestige which had made India British, but rather the animal spirits of the men in the East India Company. The one point at which these romantic chancers^* drew the line was any thought of meddling with local religions, or the roles of the languages that seemed so closely associated with them. Protestant missionaries, for all their many scruples, did not have this one, and it was precisely on this point that they gradually won the argument back in the home country. The company men at last were forced to take the risk of a prescriptive line on native education: imagine their surprise when it not only did not cause riots, but even proved popular with the (thinking) public. Indian scholars found that English did indeed give them access to a world of thought beyond Indian tradition, in law, physical and social sciences, politics, literature—even, here and there, religion.

事实上，唯一令人失望的是新教传教士，他们赢得了语言和文化的争论，接受了英语教育的可喜普及，但仍然未能在新说英语的人中找到许多皈依者。总的来说，现代欧洲文化的世俗内容被证明对英国统治下的印度人比任何新的和更容易接触新教的方式都更有吸引力。从这个意义上说，那些自信地预测“彻底的英语教育将彻底颠覆印度教”的传教士⁵⁸被欺骗了。

In fact, the only disappointment was felt by the Protestant missionaries, who, having won the linguistic and cultural argument, and accepted the gratifying popularity of English-language education, still failed to find many converts among the new English speakers. By and large, the worldly content of modem European culture proved much more attractive to Indians under British rule than any new and readier access to Protestantism. In that sense, the missionaries, who had confidently predicted that ‘a thorough English education would be entirely subversive of Hinduism’,⁵⁸ were deceived.

英语在整个地区仍然存在，在使它存在成为可能的征服被撤消很久之后。随着高等教育的发展（以及其他文化影响，我们将看到），英语可能会继续在这里传播，或者更确切地说是变得更加丰富。出于这个原因，英语在印度和南亚其他地区的发展为该语言未来可能的传播提供了一个比北美英语历史更好的模型。

English has remained all over the region, long after the conquest that made its presence possible has been undone. English will probably continue to spread here, or rather to thicken, with the growth of higher education (and other cultural influences, as we shall see). For this reason, the growth of English in India and the rest of southern Asia provides a far better model for any likely future spread of the language than does the history of English in North America.

被风暴席卷的世界

The world taken by storm

“北美说英语。”

’North America speaks English.’

1898 年，一位记者问德国总理俾斯麦的答案，以确定他那个时代的决定性事件

Answer attributed to German chancellor Bismarck, when asked by a journalist in 1898 to identify the defining event of his times

完成了一个帝国

An empire completed

这两种传播英语的方式——我们可以称之为美国的扫荡和印度的再教育——将在整个大英帝国扩展到覆盖地球四分之一的时候，一种或另一种应用。具有启发性的是，这种选择与气候和人口一样多：典型的——也是最终最具影响力的——定居者是农民，而欧洲农民只真正了解温带作物。在温带殖民地，尤其是澳大利亚和新西兰，英国长期定居者占人口的大多数，因此英语成为主要语言。但在热带地区，英国的活动仅限于政府、贸易和商业剥削，英语的传播更为肤浅，影响到当地精英，以及与英国权力中心有联系的人，

These two means to the spread of English—what we may call American sweep-aside and Indian re-education—were to be applied, one or the other, across the whole British empire as it expanded to cover a quarter of the earth. Revealingly, the choice was correlated as much with climate as population: the typical—and ultimately most influential—settler is a farmer, and European farmers only really know temperate-zone crops. In temperate colonies, above all Australia and New Zealand, British long-term settlers became a majority of the population, and so English became the principal language. But in the tropics, where British activities were restricted to government, trade and commercial exploitation, the spread of English was more superficial, affecting local elites, and those in contact with British power centres, through school education and gradual recruitment of the locals into British government and enterprise: this was the pattern in most of the Asian colonies—Burma, Hong Kong, Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, Brunei and Sabah.

在被一扫而光的国家，^*行动集中在十九世纪。当英国人在 1790 年代开始抵达澳大利亚时，估计澳大利亚已经容纳了 300,000 人（讲 200 种语言）；到 1890 年，他们减少到 50,000 种（剩下 150 种语言）。他们的人口一直集中在东南部，就像今天讲英语的人一样：那里有水。在同一时期，讲英语的人数从零增加到 1850 年的 400,000 人，到 1900 年接近 400 万人。⁵⁹与美洲一样，在最初的几年之后，并没有认真努力适应土著人，更不用说学习他们的任何语言了; 甚至传教士在进行非破坏性接触方面也相当不成功。

In the sweep-aside countries,^* the action was concentrated in the nineteenth century. Australia is estimated to have accommodated 300,000 people (speaking two hundred languages) when the British began arriving in the 1790s; by 1890 they were down to 50,000 (with 150 languages left). Their population had always been concentrated in the south-east, just as the English speakers are today: that is where there is water. In the same period, English speakers went from nil to 400,000 by 1850, and nearly 4 million by 1900.⁵⁹ As in the Americas, after the first few years no serious effort was made to accommodate the Aboriginals, let alone learn any of their languages; even the missionaries were rather unsuccessful in making non-destructive contact.

在新西兰，尽管英国人在 1770 年发现它由一个说单一语言毛利语的人持有，但类似的故事最终上演了。1840 年毛利人和英国签订《怀唐伊条约》后，英国移民开始腾飞，在接下来的十年中增长了 12 倍，从 2000 年增加到 1850 年的 25,000 人。在接下来的半个世纪中，他们的人口再次增长了 30 倍，现在家庭，以及源源不断的充满希望的新定居者：到 1900 年，这一数字已达到 750,000。在同一个 19 世纪，毛利人的人数从超过 100,000 人下降到 42,000 人。在英国人到来之前，他们可能已经了解这个国家一千年了。但他们无法应对欧洲的疾病，尤其是欧洲农场动物、牛羊的生产力，进化到在温带草原上茁壮成长。他们进行了激烈的斗争，但像澳大利亚原住民一样，他们被扫到了一边。⁶⁰

In New Zealand, although the British found it in 1770 held by a single people speaking a single language, Maori, a similar story ultimately played out. After the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi was struck between the Maori and Britain, British immigration took off, growing twelvefold in the following decade, from 2000 to 25,000 by 1850. In the next half-century, their population grew thirtyfold again, now boosted by big families, as well as an unceasing flood of hopeful new settlers: by 1900 it had reached 750,000. In the same nineteenth century, Maori numbers sank from well over 100,000 to 42,000. They may have had the advantage of knowing the country for a millennium before the British arrived; but they could not contend with European diseases, and above all the productivity of European farm animals, cattle and sheep, evolved to thrive on temperate grasslands. They put up a bitter fight, but like the Australian Aboriginals, they were swept aside.⁶⁰

澳大利亚原住民和毛利人的人口在 20 世纪后期都有所回升，但他们在本国的比例仍然很小：170,000——略低于 1%——澳大利亚人现在被认为是原住民血统（47,000——0.03%——有一定的土著语言知识），现在有超过 310,000 名毛利人（占新西兰人的 8%），其中大约 70,000 人说这种语言，占 1.8%。他们只是被现代英语国家澳大利亚（1850 万）和新西兰（380 万）吞没，他们仍然在其中挣扎求生。⁶¹

Both Australian Aboriginal and Maori populations have rebounded in the late twentieth century, but their proportions in their own countries remain tiny: 170,000—a little less than 1 per cent—Australians are now reckoned to be of Aboriginal descent (47,000—0.03 per cent—with some knowledge of an Aboriginal language), and there are now over 310,000 Maori—8 per cent of New Zealanders—of whom some 70,000 speak the language, 1.8 per cent. They are simply engulfed by the modern English-speaking nations of Australia (18.5 million) and New Zealand (3.8 million) in which they still struggle to survive.⁶¹

再往北，讲英语的人直到 1786 年才真正来到东南亚，当时英国东印度公司收购了槟城，这是吉打附近的一个小岛，主要作为海军改装的基地。^*康沃利斯勋爵当时仍然是总督，一如既往地热衷于避免和解，尤其是任何政治参与。但是一件事导致了另一件事；从 1795 年到 1814 年，英国人亲切地管理着荷兰帝国，而它的大都市被法国人占领，与此同时，槟城获得了自己的商业生活，使古老的马六甲中心黯然失色。反对归还荷兰殖民地的英国副州长史丹福莱佛士爵士认为，位于海峡之外的槟城不太适合保护印度和中国之间蓬勃发展的贸易（主要是鸦片贸易）。1819 年，他通过外交上的诡计，将一位被荷兰人轻视的马来苏丹安顿在那里，为英国取得了新加坡。当时这是一个相当小的定居点，

Farther north, English speakers came in earnest to South-East Asia only in 1786, when the English East India Company acquired Penang, a small island just off Kedah, largely as a base for naval refitting.^* Lord Cornwallis was still governor-general at the time, as keen as ever to avoid settlement, and above all any political involvement. But one thing led to another; the British kindly stewarded the Dutch empire from 1795 to 1814, while its metropolis was occupied by the French, and in the meantime Penang gained a mercantile life of its own, eclipsing the ancient entrepôt of Malacca. The British lieutenant-governor, Sir Stamford Raffles, who had opposed return of the Dutch colonies, felt that Penang, lying outside the Straits, was not quite right to protect the burgeoning trade (largely in opium) between India and China. Through an act of diplomatic legerdemain, installing there a Malay sultan who had been slighted by the Dutch, he was able to acquire Singapore for Britain in 1819. It was then a fairly small settlement, but the population instantly went up to five thousand, and began to develop as the new major entrepôt.

随后的阴谋和战争，总是由英国人进行，着眼于商业主要机会，导致英国的政治控制扩展到整个缅甸（1853-86），马来亚（1883-95）和婆罗洲北部地区（ 1888）。锦上添花的是，英国还在中国香港（1848年，1860年和1898年扩大）获得了自己的基地。语言效果是英语在法律和行政方面的延伸，遍及东南亚和东亚的这些地区。其他人很快就看到了语言风向：新加坡海峡时报于 1845 年开始出版（目前发行量 386,000 份，全国人口 300 万），1903 年香港的南华早报（发行量 200,000 份，为600万人口）。

Subsequent intrigues and wars, always undertaken by the British with an eye to the commercial main chance, resulted in British political control being extended to the whole of Burma (1853-86), Malaya (1883-95) and the northern region of Borneo (1888). As icing on the cake, Britain also acquired its own base in China, Hong Kong (1848, enlarged in 1860 and 1898). The linguistic effect was extension of English for law and administration, all over these parts of South-East and East Asia. Others soon saw which way the language wind was blowing: the Straits Times of Singapore began publication in 1845 (current circulation 386,000, for a national population of 3 million), and the South China Morning Post of Hong Kong in 1903 (circulation 200,000, for a population of 6 million).

如今，英语知识仍然是英属殖民地所有继承国精英的标志。通常很难知道有多少人会说它。自 1957 年独立以来，其地位在马来西亚引起了政治争议；有一个积极的政策来“标准化”马来语的教育，但就像在印度一样，英语在大部分少数民族中很受欢迎，这里说华语和泰米尔语，他们感到受到威胁。在缅甸（或者，使用其更古老的名称，缅甸），现在政府消息来源并不承认使用英语。自 1997 年返回中国大陆以来，它在香港的未来一直不明朗，但 1992 年的一项调查显示，超过 25% 的人在这方面有一定的能力。在新加坡，1975 年的一项调查显示，40 多岁的人有 27% 的能力，⁶²

Nowadays, knowledge of English is still a mark of the elite in all the successor states of the British colonies. It is often difficult to know what proportion of the people speak it. Its status has become politically controversial in Malaysia since independence in 1957; there is an active policy to ‘standardise’ on Malay in education, but as in India, English is popular with the large minorities, here Chinese- and Tamil-speaking, who feel threatened by this. In Burma (or, to use its more ancient name, Myanmar) use of English is nowadays not readily admitted by government sources. Its future in Hong Kong, since 1997 returned to mainland China, is obscure, but a survey in 1992 suggested that over 25 per cent had some competence in it. In Singapore, a 1975 survey put competence among the over-forties at 27 per cent, but among fifteen-to-twenty-year-olds at over 87 per cent.⁶²

在非洲，直到 19 世纪，除了葡萄牙人和荷兰人之外，没有主要的欧洲人定居点。但是当对殖民地的争夺已经耗尽了可用的领土时，英语在英国领地中的传播遵循了再教育的模式，而不是一扫而空。南非的温带地区确实吸引了大量的白人定居者，但随着英国领土向北延伸，他们逐渐减少。班图人本身就是新来的人，他们很好地守住了自己的阵地。结果，我们发现南非有 350 万讲英语的人，占人口的 9.1%，但即使将讲英语和南非荷兰语的人（其中有 100 万人互通双语）加在一起，也只占 22%。再往北，以英语为母语的人——主要是白人公民——的比例要低得多，津巴布韦为 3%，赞比亚为 0.5%。英语是东非更重要的第二语言；以斯瓦希里语为母语的人很少，但有 5% 的坦桑尼亚人、肯尼亚人和乌干达人使用它，尽管斯瓦希里语可以作为替代通用语。当然，这个数字与接受再教育的亚洲国家非常相似；在所有这些国家，就像在许多亚洲国家一样，英语仍然是官方语言。这个数字与接受再教育的亚洲国家非常相似；在所有这些国家，就像在许多亚洲国家一样，英语仍然是官方语言。这个数字与接受再教育的亚洲国家非常相似；在所有这些国家，就像在许多亚洲国家一样，英语仍然是官方语言。

In Africa, there were no major European settlements until the nineteenth century, except for those of the Portuguese and Dutch. But when the scramble for colonies had exhausted the available territory, the spread of English in British possessions followed the re-education pattern as against sweep-aside. The temperate parts of South Africa did attract large numbers of white settlers, but they tailed off as British territory extended northward; the Bantu population, who were fairly recent arrivals themselves, held their ground well. As a result we find 3.5 million English speakers in South Africa, 9.1 per cent of the population, but even grouping together the English and Afrikaans speakers, a million of them mutually bilingual, they amount only to 22 per cent. Farther north, the percentage of native English speakers—essentially white citizens—is far less, 3 per cent in Zimbabwe, 0.5 per cent in Zambia. English is a more significant secondary language in East Africa; there are few native speakers, but 5 per cent of Tanzanians, Kenyans and Ugandans use it, despite the availability of Swahili as an alternative lingua franca. This, of course, is a figure very comparable to countries of Asia that accepted reeducation; and in all these countries, as in so many Asian ones, English remains as an official language.

非洲老英国殖民地的另一个主要地区是西部，从喀麦隆沿海岸到尼日利亚、加纳、塞拉利昂和冈比亚。在这个地区还有利比里亚，另一个与英语有联系的国家，但在这种情况下，它是通过它的基金会作为从美利坚合众国释放的奴隶的保护区。他们都有不同的历史；但他们分享了一个事实，即他们的气候一直不鼓励白人定居。所有人都将英语定义为官方语言，但似乎只有一小部分人口，同样在 5% 左右，实际上是说英语的。由于所有国家都使用多种语言，因此另一种广泛使用的交流方式是使用以英语为基础的克里奥尔语，例如尼日利亚的尼日利亚洋泾浜语、塞拉利昂的克里奥语、利比里亚的利比里亚英语。⁶³

The other major area of old British colonies in Africa is the west, from Cameroon out along the coast to Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone and the Gambia. In this area also is Liberia, another country with English-speaking links, but in this case through its foundation as a preserve for freed slaves from the United States of America. They all have different histories; but they share the fact that their climate has always discouraged white settlement. All define English as an official language, but it appears that only a smallish minority of their populations, again in the region of 5 per cent, are actually speakers. Since all the countries are highly multilingual, another widespread means for communication is the use of English-based creóles, such as Nigerian Pidgin in Nigeria, Krio in Sierra Leone, Liberian English in Liberia.⁶³

英语扩展的最后一个主要领域是进入太平洋对岸的岛屿。英国对该地区的殖民化比法国人来得晚（见第 11 章，“法语国家”，第 417 页）：1874 年的斐济，1892 年的吉尔伯特和埃利斯群岛，1893 年的所罗门群岛，1900 年的汤加。新几内亚的西部一半被荷兰人保留，但德国和澳大利亚在 1884 年声称其余的。像许多德国在非洲的殖民地一样，在第一次世界大战中德国战败后，这个殖民地落入了英国人的手中，但在这种情况下，手中的人专门是澳大利亚人。与此同时，萨摩亚的德国（西）半部被分配到新西兰。在新赫布里底群岛，英国传教士和法国种植园主从 1887 年开始共同控制。

The last major area for expansion of English was into the islands dotted across the Pacific. British colonisation of this area came rather later than the French (see Chapter 11, ‘La francophonie’, p. 417): Fiji in 1874, the Gilbert and Ellice Islands in 1892, the Solomons in 1893, Tonga in 1900. New Guinea’s western half was reserved by the Dutch, but Germany and Australia claimed the rest in 1884. Like many German colonies in Africa, this one fell into British hands after the German defeat in the First World War, but in this case the hands were specifically Australian. At the same time, the German (western) half of Samoa was assigned to New Zealand. In the New Hebrides, British missionaries and French planters shared control from 1887.

除了与法国影响力进行某种名义上的竞争外，这些领土都没有引起英国帝国战略家的极大兴趣。岛上居民一般都被鲸鱼和海蛞蝓猎人、檀香切割者、甘蔗、棉花和椰子的种植者，当然还有传教士的轮换怜悯留给了他们。结果之一是临时招募大批南海岛民到昆士兰、斐济和萨摩亚的种植园工作，在那里他们学会了用洋泾浜英语交流。另一个是印度人大量涌入斐济从事糖类种植和加工，因此现在该国近一半的人口讲一种印地语。但作为所有这些契约工人的长期结果，南太平洋已成为英语克里奥尔语的主要地区，其中两种现在被接受为官方语言：Tok Pisin 是巴布亚新几内亚的语言，自 1975 年独立以来，瓦努阿图的比斯拉马语（曾经是新赫布里底群岛）自 1980 年以来独立。这些克里奥尔语与传教士传播的英语非常不同。无论如何，说这种英语的社区在他们的国家都是非常小的少数民族，正如人们所期望的那样，这种语言已经通过再教育传播了。

None of these territories was of great interest to British imperial strategists, except in some notional competition with French influence; the islanders in general were left to the shifting mercies of whale and sea-slug hunters, sandalwood cutters, the cultivators of sugar cane, cotton and coconut, and of course missionaries. One result was the temporary recruitment of large gangs of South Sea Islanders to work on plantations in Queensland, Fiji and Samoa, where they learnt to communicate in pidgin English. Another was a vast infusion of Indians into Fiji to engage in sugar planting and processing, so that now close to half its population speak a form of Hindi. But as a long-term result of all those indentured workers, the South Pacific has become a prime area for English-based creóles, and two of them are now accepted as official languages: Tok Pisin is the language of Papua New Guinea, independent since 1975, and Bislama of Vanuatu (once the New Hebrides), independent since 1980. These creoles are very different from the English spread by missionaries. Anyway, the communities that speak this English are all very small minorities in their countries, as one would expect where the language has been spread by re-education.

英语也从相反的方向来到太平洋岛屿。自 19 世纪初以来，夏威夷一直是捕鲸者的冬季港口，从 1820 年开始，它成为来自新英格兰的 15 个传教士公司的关注焦点。美国商人也越来越活跃，也许是在实现他们国家的“天命”之后寻找新的前沿；他们是 1848-50 年组织的土地分割的主要受益者。在很短的时间内，夏威夷独立幸存下来，在英国、法国和美国相互竞争的利益之间取得了平衡。但美国的压力有增无减：1875 年签订了一项特殊的互惠条约，1893 年夏威夷君主制被废黜，1898 年整个群岛被美国吞并。

English was also coming to the Pacific islands from the opposite direction. Since the early nineteenth century Hawaii had been a winter harbour for whalers, and from 1820 it became the focus of interest for fifteen companies of missionaries from New England. US businessmen were also increasingly active, perhaps looking for a new frontier after the fulfilment of their country’s ‘Manifest Destiny’; they were the main beneficiaries of a land division organised in 1848-50. For a short time, Hawaiian independence survived, balanced among the contending interests of Britain, France and the USA. But American pressure was unabating: a special treaty of reciprocity was struck in 1875, the Hawaiian monarchy was deposed in 1893, and in 1898 the whole archipelago was annexed to the USA.

1896 年，在君主制倒台后短暂成立的夏威夷共和国的第一批法案之一是要求英语作为教学语言不少于一半的上课时间；但实际上，夏威夷人根本不允许。在那一代人中，语言从父母到孩子的传播停止了。一位祖母在她第一天上学前告诉她的孙女：

In 1896 one of the first acts of the Hawaiian republic, formed briefly after the fall of the monarchy, was to require English as medium of instruction for no less than half the school day; but in practice no Hawaiian at all was allowed. In that generation, the transmission of the language from parent to child stopped dead. One grandmother told her granddaughter before her first day of school:

E pa'a pono ka 'ōlelo a ka haole。Mai kālele i kā kākou 'ōlelo, 'a'ohe he pono i laila。A ia ke ola o ka noho 'ana ma kēiamua aku i ka 'ike pono i ka 'ōlelo a ka po'e haole。

E pa’a pono ka ‘ōlelo a ka haole. Mai kālele i kā kākou ‘ōlelo, ‘a’ohe he pono i laila. A ia ke ola o ka noho ‘ana ma kēiamua aku i ka ‘ike pono i ka ‘ōlelo a ka po’e haole.

好好学习白人的语言。不要依赖我们的语言，那里没有价值。一个人未来的幸福取决于掌握外国人的语言。⁶⁴

Learn well the language of the whites. Do not rely on our language, there’s no value there. One’s future well-being is dependent upon mastering the language of the foreign people.⁶⁴

这听起来像是特别严厉的再教育，但实际上夏威夷至少也符合横扫模式：到 1996 年，人口现在达到 120 万，只有 18.8% 是夏威夷人，其中一半有夏威夷血统不到 50%。在 Niihau 这个小岛之外，岛上的每个人现在都至少会说英语，而且绝大多数人不会其他语言。

This sounds like particularly harsh re-education, but in fact Hawaii conforms at least as well to the sweep-aside model: by 1996, with the population now standing at 1.2 million, only 18.8 per cent were ethnic Hawaiians, and half of these had less than 50 per cent Hawaiian ancestry. Outside the one small island of Niihau, everyone on the islands is now at least bilingual in English, and the vast majority know no other language.

1898 年同一年，美国在帝国主义的欢欣鼓舞下强行从西班牙手中夺取了菲律宾和关岛（见第 10 章，“尾声：横跨太平洋”，第 377 页）；一年后，他们还针对萨摩亚长期存在的争端实施了自己的解决方案，占领了群岛的东半部。随着这些新的领土习惯了英语的声音，四十年来有了喘息的机会。但在 1941 年 12 月 7 日，对美国夏威夷珍珠港的袭击引发了与日本的太平洋战争。在战争结束时，美国知道了这些岛屿绝对不友好的一面作为战场，发现自己拥有了密克罗尼西亚的所有日本殖民地。尽管在 1970 年代之后不再是殖民地，但它们都与美国保持着密切的联系。英语已成为太平洋地区的通用语，但在夏威夷之外，

In the same year of 1898, the USA took the Philippines and Guam forcibly from Spain in a flush of imperialist glee (see Chapter 10, ‘Coda: Across the Pacific’, p. 377); and a year later they also enforced their own solution to a long-standing dispute over Samoa, taking the eastern half of the archipelago. There was then a respite for forty years, as these new territories got used to the sound of English; but on 7 December 1941 an attack on Pearl Harbor, in American Hawaii, unleashed the Pacific war with Japan. At the war’s end, having got to know a decidedly unbalmy side of the islands as battlefields, the USA found itself in possession of all the Japanese colonies in Micronesia. Though no longer colonies after the 1970s, they have all kept close ties to the USA. English has become the lingua franca of the Pacific, but outside Hawaii, Australia and New Zealand it is nowhere a majority language.

惊奇又惊奇

Wonder upon wonder

与之前的所有章节一样，本章主要关注传播语言的政治发展。但至少在过去的两个世纪里，还有其他的东西一直有利于英语，而且随着十年后的十年越来越如此。从 1823 年拉姆·莫汉·罗伊 (Ram Mohan Roy) 请求接受英语教育的言论中可以看出它的微光：“……有用的科学，欧洲的土著人已经将这些科学推向了完美的程度，使他们超越了欧洲其他地区的居民。世界 … '

This chapter, like all those before it, has mainly focused so far on the political developments that have spread a language. But something else has been acting in favour of English, at least for the last two centuries, and increasingly so as decade follows decade. A glimmer of it was seen in the 1823 remark of Ram Mohan Roy, pleading for access to English education: ‘… useful sciences, which the natives of Europe have carried to a degree of perfection that has raised them above the inhabitants of other parts of the world … ‘

不仅是自信的侵略、火力上的优势或无与伦比的资本渠道将英国的企业——以及直接或间接的语言——带到了世界各地。所有这些都发挥了作用，但它们源于英国作为工业革命中心和源头的惊人地位，并得到了加强。正如我们所见，在 19 世纪，当世界各地的人们热切地接受英语再教育时，英国显然是世界上最富有、最具活力的国家。引用一位历史学家精辟而压倒性的总结：

It has not only been self-assured aggression, superiority in fire-power or unrivalled access to capital which has carried British enterprise—and so, directly or indirectly, its language—around the world. All these things have played a role, but they had flowed from, and been reinforced by, the amazing status of Britain as centre and source of the Industrial Revolution. In the nineteenth century, when, as we have seen, people all over the world avidly accepted re-education in English, Britain was evidently the richest, and the most dynamic, country in the world. To quote a historian’s pithy and overwhelming summary:

从 1760 年到 1830 年，英国贡献了大约“欧洲三分之二的工业产出增长”（P. Bairoch 1982），其在世界制造业生产中的份额从 1.9% 跃升至 9.5%；在接下来的 30 年里，英国的工业扩张将这一数字推到了 19.9%，尽管新技术向西方其他国家传播……“拥有世界 2% 的人口和欧洲 10% 的人口，英国似乎现代工业的产能相当于世界潜力的 40-45%，是欧洲的 55-60%（— F. Crouset 1982）。1860 年其现代能源（煤、褐煤、石油）的能源消耗是美国或普鲁士/德国的 5 倍，法国的 6 倍，俄罗斯的 155 倍！仅它就负责了世界五分之一的贸易，但也负责了五分之二的制成品贸易。⁶⁵

Between 1760 and 1830, the United Kingdom was responsible for around ‘two-thirds of Europe’s industrial growth of output’ (— P. Bairoch 1982), and its share of world manufacturing production leapt from 1.9% to 9.5%; in the next thirty years, British industrial expansion pushed that figure to 19.9%, despite the spread of the new technology to other countries in the West … ‘With 2% of the world’s population and 10% of Europe’s, the United Kingdom would seem to have had a capacity in modern industries equal to 40-45% of the world’s potential, and 55-60% of that in Europe’ (— F. Crouset 1982). Its energy consumption from modern sources (coal, lignite, oil) in 1860 was 5 times that of either the United States or Prussia/Germany, 6 times that of France, and 155 times that of Russia! It alone was responsible for one-fifth of the world’s commerce, but for two-fifths of the trade in manufactured goods.⁶⁵

沐浴在如此令人震惊的现实的光环中——即使当时还没有完整的统计数据——印度学生通常对英国方法的物质利益印象比新教传教士承诺的不朽回报更令人印象深刻，这并不奇怪。19 世纪英语的威望通过同样的过程被提升到天空，这使得法语成为整个中世纪和现代早期欧洲文化的主要语言。从根本上说，这个想法是：“如果你这么有钱，你怎么可能不聪明？”

Bathed in the aura of such a stunning reality—even if the full statistics were not then available—it is hardly surprising that Indian students had usually been more impressed by the material benefits of British methods than the imperishable rewards promised by the Protestant missionaries. The prestige of English in the nineteenth century was elevated to the skies through the same process that had made French the leading language of European culture throughout the Middle Ages and the early modern period. At root, the thought was: ‘if you’re so rich, how can you not be smart?’

法国拥有良好的天然禀赋，肥沃的农田和丰富的劳动力可以在此基础上建立起来，但英国的启动资金却相当有限。十七世纪初，当英国人首次出现在东印度群岛并试图涉足香料贸易时，他们的主要问题是缺乏当地需求的商品。但现在，经过两个多世纪的贸易、讨价还价、造船和战争，他们的资本和影响力使他们能够获得几乎任何他们想要的东西：正如经济学家斯坦利·杰文斯在 1865 年所说：

France had had a good natural endowment of fertile farmland and abundant labour on which to found this, but Britain had had quite a modest starting capital. In the early seventeenth century, when the British had first turned up in the East Indies, and tried to get involved in the spice trade, their main problem had been the lack of goods for which there was any local demand. But now, after over two centuries of trading, finagling, shipbuilding and warring, their capital and influence gave them access to pretty much anything they might desire: as the economist Stanley Jevons crowed in 1865:

北美和俄罗斯的平原是我们的玉米地；芝加哥和敖德萨我们的粮仓；加拿大和波罗的海我们的木材森林；大洋洲有我们的羊场，在阿根廷和北美西部大草原有我们的牛群；秘鲁送她的白银，南非和澳大利亚的黄金流向伦敦；印度教徒和汉语为我们种茶，我们的咖啡、糖和香料种植园遍布整个印度...... ⁶⁶

The plains of North America and Russia are our corn fields; Chicago and Odessa our granaries; Canada and the Baltic our timber-forests; Australasia contains our sheepfarms, and in Argentina and on the western prairies of North America are our herds of oxen; Peru sends her silver, and the gold of South Africa and Australia flows to London; the Hindus and the Chinese grow tea for us, and our coffee, sugar and spice plantations are in all the Indies…⁶⁶

作为一个大国，英国将发现其中一些其他大国，尤其是北美的一个大国，将倾向于改变贸易条件以对抗它。但这对英语社区来说并没有什么损失；如果说有什么不同的话，那就是说英语的美国居民开始超越他们自己的领域，并利用他们的资源，在肥沃的田野、生产性的矿山以及受过高等教育和庞大的人口中，为他们自己的计划而努力。设计。

Britain, as a power, was going to find that some of these other powers, especially one in North America, would have a tendency to shift the terms of trade against it; but this was no loss to the English-language community; if anything it was a net gain when the English-speaking inhabitants of America began to look beyond their own domain, and use their resources, in fertile fields, in productive mines, and in a highly educated and massive population, for schemes of their own devising.

在飞速创造财富的普遍挥霍中，通信的力量和速度出现了特别的激增。19 世纪和 20 世纪见证了前所未闻的进步，首先是发明，然后是在世界范围内迅速应用人员和商品运输系统。也许更令人印象深刻的是在传输和存储各种信息的系统中主要使用电子设备取得的平行进展。从 1830 年开始的 150 年，我们从第一台铁路发动机到汽船，再到大众市场航空运输，从电报到电话，再到全球广播和电视广播，以及第一个通往有效计算机网络的方法。在同一时期，人们发现了存储和随意访问各种声音的方法，包括语音和音乐、视觉场景和图片，以及事件和动作发生时的视图。其中任何一个都有可能在更早的时代改变世界。但在这个时代，当人类对神通的梦想成真时，他们都走到了一起。

Amid the general splurge of galloping wealth creation, there was a particular surge in the power and speed of communications. The nineteenth and twentieth centuries witnessed progress that was unheard of, first in inventing, and then in speedily applying, all over the world, systems for transport of people and merchandise. Perhaps even more impressive is the parallel progress made, largely using electronics, in systems to transmit and store all sorts of information. A hundred and fifty years from 1830 takes us from the first railway engine through the steamboat to mass-market air transport, and from telegraph through the telephone to global broadcasts of radio and television, as well as the first approaches to effective computer networks. In the same period, means were found to store, and to access at will, all kinds of sounds, including speech and music, visual scenes and pictures, and views of events and actions as they took place. Any one of these would have had the potential to transform the world in an earlier age; but in this age, when humanity’s dreams of magical powers came true, they all came together.

几乎每一项新技术都是由说英语的人发明的——斯蒂芬森、富尔顿、赖特、贝尔、贝尔德、爱迪生——或者可能是说另一种语言的人发明的，他们必须在英语世界工作，比如马可尼和路透社有。甚至当他们不是——想想奔驰的德国内燃机，或者法国的照片和电影，由于达盖尔和卢米埃尔等先驱——它是讲英语的开发商，比如亨利福特或好莱坞的电影制片人，谁首先展示了可以在真正大规模上使用新媒体做什么。这不可避免地意味着，关于这些成就、如何复制它们以及如何处理它们的关键谈话首先是用英语进行的。对于科学家和工程师，但对商人来说至关重要，英语一直是世界专有技术所使用的语言。自从楔形文字将阿卡德语确立为近东和中东的外交语言以来，技术在传播语言方面从未如此有效。（见第 3 章，“阿卡德语——世界领先的技术：识字模型”，第 58 页。）

Almost every one of these new technologies was invented by a speaker of English—Stephenson, Fulton, Wright, Bell, Baird, Edison—or by a speaker perhaps of another language who had to work in the English-speaking world, as Marconi and Reuter had. And even when they were not—think of Benz’s German internal combustion engine, or the French photograph and motion picture, due to pioneers such as Daguerre and Lumière—it was English-speaking developers, such as Henry Ford or the film-makers of Hollywood, who first demonstrated what could be done with the new media on a truly vast scale. This inevitably meant that the key talk about these achievements, how to replicate them and what was to be done with them, took place above all in English. For scientists and engineers, but crucially for businessmen, English has been the language in which the world’s know-how is set out. Never since cuneiform writing set up Akkadian as the diplomatic language of the Near and Middle East has technology been so effective in spreading a language. (See Chapter 3, ‘Akkadian—world-beating technology: A model of literacy’, p. 58.)

这些在所谓的“沟通”方面的胜利都倾向于减少世界上距离的时间花费和努力成本的影响。但它们也倾向于减少世界之间的差异，因为它呈现给遥远的人。从字面上看，他们使某些对经验的描述对越来越多的人“普遍”。他们使区域和国际业务例行公事，允许国际联系涉及最高级别的人员，将遥远的目的地变成短暂访问甚至假期的地点。但它们也将人们记忆中的图像和短语标准化，从广告到娱乐再到教育；现在不仅有经典的文字和艺术作品让我们欣赏，还有经典的歌曲、经典的广告、经典的媚俗，

These triumphs in what is called ‘communications’ all tend to reduce the time-taking and effort-costing effects of distances in the world. But they also tend to reduce the differences between the world as it is presented to distant people. Quite literally, they make certain descriptions of experience ‘common’ to more and more people. They make regional and international business routine, allow international contacts to involve the highest level of personnel, turn far-distant destinations into sites for brief visits, even holidays. But they also standardise the images and phrases that people carry in their memories, from advertising through entertainment to education; nowadays there are not only classic texts and works of art that we are taught to appreciate, but classic jingles, classic ads, classic kitsch, which we can’t get out of our heads from one end of the country or one end of the world to another: and quite likely the words we remember will be in English, even if we are Hungarian, Balinese, South African or Mongolian.

新的传播技术也使新机构成为可能，这些机构的存在首先是为了旋转文字、装饰文字和传播文字。报纸、杂志、电影制片厂、电影院、歌曲出版商和唱片公司、广播电台、电视制作公司、网站设计师：毫无疑问，这个名单将在未来很长一段时间内继续存在。在每一种媒体中，广告——语言媒体的至高无上的元产品，充当一种肥料或生长激素，通过其明确的内容促进所有这些基于语言的产品的分销和销售，甚至作为其对空间的支付渠道使传播媒体能够降低价格并传播到更远的地方；同时，它本身就是语言材料的主要生产者。

The new technologies of communication have made possible new institutions too, institutions that exist above all to spin words, to decorate them and transmit them. Newspapers, magazines, film studios, cinemas, song-sheet publishers and recording companies, radio stations, television production companies, website designers: the list will no doubt continue long into the future. And within every medium, advertising—the supreme meta-product of the language media, acting as a kind of fertiliser or growth hormone, promoting distribution and sales of all these language-based products through its explicit content, even as its payments for space on the channels enable the communications media to cut their prices and reach farther; and at the same time, a major producer of language material in its own right. None of these new institutions of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries is restricted to English—but they all became available first in English, and English has remained the biggest producer.

正如葡萄牙人在他们第一次在印度洋获得贸易声誉时所发现的那样，一种国家语言不必仅限于本国国民。葡萄牙语成为南亚和东南亚国际贸易的通用语——实际上是基督教会——在十代甚至更长的时间里，远在葡萄牙本身的影响力屈服于荷兰和英国之后。英语也发生了同样的事情，但在全球范围内，而不是在海洋范围内。世界各地的许多人都发现他们需要与说英语的人打交道，以至于他们的交易开始重叠：非本地人，甚至那些与英语世界没有任何直接联系的人，开始在他们之间使用英语，纯粹是为了自己的方便。用英语谚语的话来说，“没有什么比成功更成功”，语言的传播也不例外。二十世纪英语取代法语成为国际会议的常用语言。空中交通的语言一直是（一种受限的）英语——这也许并不奇怪，因为航空是美国的发明；但无论如何英语已经成为世界首选的国际语。1996 年估计有 85% 的国际协会正式使用英语，33% 不使用其他语言。在亚太地区，90% 的国际组织只使用英语。⁶⁷

As the Portuguese found when they first gained a reputation for trade in the Indian Ocean, a national language need not remain restricted to its own nationals. Portuguese became the lingua franca of international trade—and indeed the Christian Church—in South and South-East Asia for ten generations and more, long after Portugal itself had yielded in influence to the Dutch and British. The same thing has happened to English, but on a global, rather than an oceanic, scale. So many people in different parts of the world were finding that they needed to deal with English speakers that their dealings began to overlap: non-natives, and even those without any direct connection to the English-speaking world, started using English among themselves, purely for their own convenience. In the words of the English proverb, ‘nothing succeeds like success’, and the spread of a language is no exception. In the twentieth century English replaced French as the usual language for international conferences. The language of air traffic has always been (a restricted form of) English—unsurprising, perhaps, since aviation is a US invention; but English has anyway become the world’s interlingua of choice. For 1996 it was estimated that 85 per cent of international associations made official use of English, and 33 per cent used nothing else. In Asia and the Pacific, 90 per cent of international organisations work only in English.⁶⁷

英语世界以其对商业机会的独特眼光，也将其转变为一种付费主张：英语语言教学 (ELT) 不仅已成为一个教育领域，而且——就像在孟加拉的早期那样——本身就是一个商业服务业。现在它在世界上几乎每个国家都蓬勃发展：如果环境语言是英语，它一定是学生进行大量练习的好地方；如果不是，那么英语一定是一种非常值得学习的技能。有影响力的哲学家詹姆斯·密尔（James Mill，1773-1836）曾经说过，帝国公务员制度只不过是英国“为上层阶级提供的一个庞大的户外救济系统”：ELT 可以被视为同一问题的新答案,

And the English-speaking world, with its characteristic eye for a business opportunity, has converted this too into a paying proposition: English Language Teaching (ELT) has become not only a field of education, but—as in those early days in Bengal—a commercial service industry in its own right. Now it flourishes in almost every country of the world: if the ambient language is English, it must be a good place for the students to get plenty of practice; and if it is not, English must be an eminently desirable skill to learn. The influential philosopher James Mill (1773-1836) had once remarked that the imperial civil service was little more than ‘a vast system of outdoor relief for the upper classes’ of Great Britain: ELT could be seen as a new answer to the same problem, though now the qualifications in background and nationality are a little less demanding than they were then.

与英国殖民地的扩张相比，英语的这种传播在地理上更难描绘。在精神上，它直接继承了英国在印度引入的再教育政策。但这种机制几乎是纯粹的传播，因为——与印度不同——这种语言在其母语使用者很少出现的情况下传播开来。它可能是通过与之相关的文化的绝对声望传播的语言的最好例子。我们之前的例子已经显示了原则上的可能性，比如公元前 14 世纪的埃及和赫梯宫廷在阿卡德语对应，公元 5 世纪的柬埔寨人和爪哇人选择用文学梵文刻在他们的寺庙上，或者当莫卧儿人，十六世纪从阿富汗席卷印度，比起他们的母语突厥语，他们更喜欢波斯语作为他们的宫廷语言。17 世纪和 18 世纪东欧的法语风尚也应该从这个角度来看待。但是英语的传播是第一次让一种语言和文化同时让全世界人民都喜欢它，这确实是一个独特的事件。

This spread of English is harder to map geographically than the expansion of British colonies. In spirit, it follows in direct descent from the re-education policy that the British introduced in India. But the mechanism is almost pure diffusion, since—unlike in India—the language has travelled with very little presence of its native speakers. It is probably the best example of a language spread by the sheer prestige of the culture associated with it. Our previous examples have shown the possibility in principle, as when the Egyptian and Hittite courts of the fourteenth century BC corresponded in Akkadian, when the Cambodians and Javanese of the fifth century AD chose to inscribe their temples with literary Sanskrit, or when the Mughals, sweeping down into India from Afghanistan in the sixteenth century, preferred Persian to their native Turkic as their court language. The seventeenth- and eighteenth-century vogue for French in eastern Europe, too, should be seen in this light. But the spread of English was the first time that a language and culture had simultaneously made themselves desirable to peoples all over the world, truly a unique event.

在某种程度上，我们对这一过程的描述与通常的不同。这是因为我们不重视美国的作用。

In one way, our account of this process has differed from the usual one. This is in our lack of emphasis on the role of the USA.

二十世纪，尤其是二战后的后半期，英语在世界范围内的普及，主要是由于美国、其全球驻扎的军队和舰队、其外展商业企业的影响，最重要的是它无处不在的电影、流行音乐、电视节目、新闻媒体和计算机软件。当然，所有这些事情都意义重大，现在大众对英语文化的热情集中在美国的产品上。在以英语为母语的人中，美国的 2.31 亿显然是最大的单一群体，是英国 6000 万的四倍，仅占全球总数的三分之二。⁶⁸可以说，现在首选的英语品牌——从他们所在地区以外流行的口音判断——是通用美国人，接近非裔美国人的白话英语；相比之下，英国目前最受欢迎的广播节目“Estuary English”是一种以伦敦为导向的替代传统牛津剑桥“Received Pronunciation”的替代品，非常符合当地口味。^*

The worldwide take-up of English in the twentieth century, and particularly in its latter half after the Second World War, is mostly set down to the influence of the USA, its globally stationed armies and fleets, its outreaching commercial enterprises, and above all its ubiquitous films, pop music, TV shows, news media and computer software. Certainly, all these things have been significant, and mass enthusiasm for English-language culture is now focused on the products of the USA. Among the native speakers of English, the USA’s 231 million are clearly the largest single group, four times the size of the UK’s 60 million, and alone make up two-thirds of the global total.⁶⁸ And arguably, the preferred brand of English now—to judge from accents fashionable outside their own regions—is General American, verging to African American Vernacular English; by contrast, the UK’s current broadcast favourite of ‘Estuary English’, a London-oriented alternative to the traditional Oxbridge ‘Received Pronunciation’, is very much a local taste.^*

但我们在本书中关注的一直是语言社区的传播，即能够通过给定语言相互理解的人群。从这个意义上说，口音的区别在威胁到相互理解之前是无关紧要的。从历史上看，很明显，英语一跃成为全球地位的跳板远不是建立在山姆大叔最近的功绩上，而是建立在约翰·布尔过去 350 年的冒险之上。

But our concern in this book has always been the spread of language communities, bodies of people who can understand one another through a given language. In this sense, distinctions of accent are irrelevant until they threaten mutual understanding. And looked at historically, it is quite evident that the springboard from which English made its jump to global status was built far less on the recent exploits of Uncle Sam than on the adventures over the previous 350 years of John Bull.

我们必须考虑第二语言使用者的增长，因为正是他们主导了 20 世纪英语使用的扩张：到 1950 年代，所有以英语为第一语言的大国都已经减缓了其人口的增长。对于说第二语言的人，David Graddol 1999 年的文章“母语者的衰落”提供了一个很好的估计或估计范围。他确定了拉丁美洲、撒哈拉以南非洲和南亚最近的增长，这种增长几乎肯定会导致在未来 50 年内使用第二语言的人数超过以母语为母语的人数，如果他们还没有的话。

We have to consider the growth of second-language speakers, since it is they who have dominated expansion of English use in the twentieth century: by the 1950s, all sizeable countries whose first language was English had already slowed the growth in their populations. For second-language speakers, a good estimate, or range of estimates, is provided by David Graddol’s 1999 essay ‘The decline of the native speaker’. He identifies recent growth in Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, growth that will almost certainly lead on to second-language speakers outnumbering native speakers within the next fifty years, if they don’t already.

在前英国殖民地持续存在的水平在 2% 到 5% 之间，但通常估计总计约 2 亿人。最近的其他估计表明，这一比率要高得多，印度和巴基斯坦高达 20%，孟加拉国高达 10%。⁶⁹如果这些都是正确的，那么总数应该已经达到了 3.95 亿。对比拉丁美洲和撒哈拉以南非洲，那里的英语知识明显增长，但 Graddol 估计目前的百分比不超过人口的 1%（7300 万、4300 万）。在世界上极少数直接由于美国影响而大量使用英语的地区，知道英语的人比例在菲律宾（3600 万）为 50%，在利比里亚为 85%（200 万——尽管这是最后一次）代表说英语克里奥尔语的人）。总而言之，这些非英国血统的英语地区可能总共有 1.52 亿人。

The levels persisting in ex-British colonies range between 2 per cent and 5 per cent, but are usually estimated to amount in total to around 200 million speakers. Other recent estimates put the rate much higher, as much as 20 per cent in India and Pakistan, 10 per cent in Bangladesh.⁶⁹ If these are correct, the total should already stand at 395 million. Contrast Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa, where knowledge of English is clearly growing, but where Graddol estimates current percentages as no more than 1 per cent of the population (73 million, 43 million). In the very few parts of the world with significant use of English directly due to US influence, the proportions of people knowing it are 50 per cent in the Philippines (36 million), and 85 per cent in Liberia (2 million—although this last represents speakers of English creole). All in all, these English-speaking regions of non-British origin may represent a total of 152 million.

因此，在英语世界这个第二语言的地区，英国血统的英语的增长似乎仍然比美国影响力的激进影响更为显着。但这忽略了目前可能是第二语言英语增长最快的地区，即欧洲。^*欧洲英语应被视为外语或第二语言领域的一部分，这纯粹是一个定义问题，但显然它已成为欧盟的主要工作语言，并被广泛用于北欧国家，特别是斯堪的纳维亚半岛的商业、工业和学术界。Graddol 对欧盟欧洲晴雨表的分析1990 年至 1998 年的调查表明，欧洲的英语能力很高，但相当稳定，直到 1980 年，不到 20%；然后它振作起来，自 1990 年以来开始迅速起飞。它现在已超过 1 亿，接近欧盟人口的三分之一。^*

Already in this second-language-speaking part of the English world, then, it seems that the growth of British-origin English remains more significant than the radical effects of the US influence. But this leaves out of account what may currently be the fastest-growing area of second-language English, namely Europe.^* It is purely a matter of definition whether European English should be considered as part of the foreign-language or the second-language domain, but it is clear that it has become the major working language of the European Union, as well as being widely used in commerce, industry and academia in northern European countries, particularly Scandinavia. Graddol’s analysis of the European Union’s Eurobarometer surveys from 1990 to 1998 suggests that English competence in Europe was high, but fairly static, until 1980, at under 20 per cent; it then perked up and since 1990 has begun to take off meteorically. It now stands at over 100 million, approaching a third of the European Union’s population.^*

英语在同龄人中

English among its peers

O wad some Pow'r the giftie gie us

像别人看到我们一样看待我们自己。

它让我们犯了一个大错，这是

一个愚蠢的想法。

穿着打扮和步态让我们

充满活力。

O wad some Pow’r the giftie gie us

To see oursels as others see us.

It wad frae monie a blunder free us

An’ foolish notion.

What airs in dress an’ gait wad lea’e us

An’ ev’n Devotion.

罗伯特·伯恩斯，《致虱子》，1798

Robert Burns, ‘To a Louse’, 1798

一种将语言社区联系在一起的语言，即使是像全球使用英语思考和说话的庞大群体这样的语言，其特征与其说是其语音和短语，不如说是堆积在其单词上的联想模式它们代代相传。一种语言代表着一段历史——当然，是那些说它的人的历史——这是它在国外享有盛誉的主要创造者，因为它吸引了那些可能想学习这种语言的人，因此加入它的行列。社区。这就是为什么对一种语言的研究长期以来一直强调它的文学，“最好的说法和思想” ^†使用该语言，根据其自身的传统选择。但并非所有在语言长期记忆中的经历都被优秀的写作所神圣化。

A language that links together a speech community, even a vast one like the global multitude who think and speak in English, is given its character not so much by its phonetics and phrasings as by the patterns of associations that have piled up on its words as they are transmitted down the generations. A language bespeaks a history—the history, of course, of those who have spoken it—and this is the main creator of its reputation abroad, as it is of its attractions to those who may want to learn the language, and so join its community. This is one reason why study of a language has long emphasised its literature, ‘the best that has been said and thought’^† using that language, as selected by its own tradition. But not all the experiences in a language’s long memory may have been hallowed by good writing.

回顾英语作为它现在的性格和声誉的形成的历史，记忆可以是相当有选择性的：16世纪宗教改革和殖民扩张开始之前的过去似乎只留下了最微弱的痕迹。但是从那个时代开始，传播英语并受到许多讲英语的人最看重的冒险类型确实具有一定的一致性。英语与致富的追求、蓄意的财富获取联系在一起，通常是通过前所未有的和富有想象力的计划。这种追求有时不得不与宗教和公民良知以及爱国主义的荣耀作斗争，但在很大程度上能够争取到他们的支持。总的来说，它是个人自由的盟友，而不是对手。英语一直，⁷⁰

Looking back on the history of English as formative of its present character and reputation, memory can afford to be quite selective: the past before the sixteenth century of the Reformation and the beginnings of colonial expansion seems to have left only the very faintest of traces. But from that era on, the kinds of adventures that spread English, and which were prized most highly by many of its speakers, do have a certain consistency. English is associated with the quest to get rich, the deliberate acquisition of wealth, often by quite unprecedented and imaginative schemes. This quest has sometimes had to struggle with religious and civic conscience, and the glories of patriotism, but has largely been able to enlist them on its side. In general, it has been the ally, rather than the rival, of freedom of the individual. English has been, above all, a worldly language.⁷⁰

在注定要融入盎格鲁-撒克逊语的日耳曼方言到来之前的那个时代，英语中所剩无几：也许只有不列颠这个名字本身，来自一个大概的高卢语术语，用来描述古代不列颠人，“被描绘的人”（Pretanoi —威尔士pryd，古爱尔兰cruth，“形式”），以表彰他们对人体彩绘的习俗。更古老的可能是名称 Albion，在希腊语 c.300 BC 中使用，在盖尔语中仍用于指代苏格兰，A lba：为此，唯一建议的词源是前印欧语，使其与A lps同源，和两个古罗马城市，称为A lba：一个真正古老的词，意为“高地”。⁷¹爱尔兰英语中出现的某些特征，例如“我在完成我的工作”和“我看到托马斯和他坐在火边”，从爱尔兰的典型用语中导入，也有可能是碰巧出现的特征。回到凯尔特人到达这里之前这里所说的语言。毕竟分别在埃及语和闪米特语中发现了类似的用语，解释这一点的一个假设以及其他许多假设是这些地区之间存在史前贸易。⁷²

There is little left in English from the epoch before the arrival of the Germanic dialects that were destined to fuse into Anglo-Saxon: perhaps only the name Britain itself, from a presumably Gaulish term to describe the ancient Britons, ‘the figured ones’ (Pretanoi—Welsh pryd, Old Irish cruth, ‘form’), for their custom of body painting. Even older might be the name Albion, used in Greek c.300 BC, and still used in Gaelic to refer to Scotland, A lba: for this the only suggested etymology is pre-Indo-European, making it cognate with the A lps, and two ancient Roman cities called A lba: a truly ancient word for ‘highlands’.⁷¹ It is also just possible that some features seen in Irish English, such as ‘I’m after finishing my work’ and ‘I saw Thomas and he sitting by the fire’, imported from typical phraseology in Irish, are features that happen to go back to the language spoken here before the Celts even got here. Similar phraseology is after all found in Egyptian and the Semitic languages respectively, and one hypothesis to explain this, and much else, is that there was prehistoric trade among these regions.⁷²

我们可以简要回顾一下英语存在的第一个千年。这种语言曾于五世纪在英国建立，发现自己在西部和北部被凯尔特语包围。凯尔特人无法抵挡其前锋的进攻，但逐渐将其演讲者转变为基督教的力量从西北和东南汇聚，最终在 664 年的惠特比主教会议上相遇并结束了竞争，当时奥斯威国王统治有利于罗马传统。英语对罗马基督教的老练传教士反应良好，变得积极识字，不仅有拉丁语的翻译，还有它自己的诗歌和散文。在十一世纪被法语覆盖，它的文学生活遭受了挫折，但受益于入侵者的军事威望，它开始扩展到英国和爱尔兰所有剩余的凯尔特人地区。它在法国统治下的生活或许可以与早期的亚拉姆语相提并论，在军事上被来自亚述的说阿卡德语的人淹没，但随着帝国精英面临动摇其权力结构的危机，逐渐取而代之的是（见第 3 章，“阿卡德语-世界-殴打技术：识字模式”，第 64 页）。对于诺曼法兰西的侠义浪漫，破坏性的危机就像黑死病一样出现，它在 14 世纪反复袭击，尤其是在城镇和修道院，以及英格兰和威尔士与法国南部的军事隔离。在新的时代，封建纽带被解散，政治坚定地集中在海峡以北，

We can briefly recapitulate English’s first millennium of existence. The language, once established in Britain in the fifth century, found itself surrounded by Celtic to the west and the north. Celts could not stand against its advance at spear-point, but gradually forces bent on converting its speakers to Christianity converged from the north-west and south-east, finally meeting and ending the competition at the Synod of Whitby in 664, when King Oswy ruled in favour of the Roman tradition. English reacted well to the sophisticated missionaries of Roman Christianity, becoming actively literate, with translations from Latin but also its own poetry and prose set down in books. Overlaid by French in the eleventh century, it suffered a setback to its literary life, but benefited from the invaders’ military prestige in that it began to expand into all the remaining Celtic areas of both Britain and Ireland. Its life under French domination could perhaps be compared to the early years of Aramaic, submerged militarily by speakers of Akkadian from Assyria, but gradually replacing it as the empire’s elite faced crises that shook its power structure (see Chapter 3, ‘Akkadian—world-beating technology: A model of literacy’, p. 64). For the chivalrous romance of Norman French, the disrupting crises came as bubonic plague, which struck repeatedly in the fourteenth century, especially in towns and monasteries, and military severance of England and Wales from southern France. In the new dispensation, where feudal ties were dissolved and politics was firmly focused north of the Channel, English came into its own as the unifying language of the kingdom.

这漫长的一千年，创造了我们所知道的英语的实质，但在社会上它与随后的资产阶级生活如此不同，以至于它对语言的现代性几乎没有贡献。在 16 世纪，英格兰的统治者开始将这个国家视为一个独立于并且在原则上等同于欧洲任何世俗或精神权力的机构。在此期间，也为与不列颠群岛、苏格兰和爱尔兰的外围地区正式联合奠定了基础。整个地区的治理牢牢掌握在伦敦手中。与此同时，随着印刷书籍的出现，英语的拼写和语法变得标准化。英格兰和英语都处于增长的位置。

This long period, a full millennium, created the substance of English as we know it, but socially it was so different from the bourgeois life that followed that it has contributed little to the language’s modern character. In the sixteenth century England’s rulers began to conceive the country as an agency independent of, and in principle equal to, any power in Europe, secular or spiritual. In this period the foundation was also laid for the formal union with the outlying parts of the British Isles, Scotland and Ireland. The governance of the whole region was firmly in London’s hands. At the same time, with the advent of printed books, the spelling and grammar of English became standardised. England, and English, was positioned for growth.

这种增长，当它到来时，是建立在海上力量和商业信贷的基础上的。在 17 世纪和 18 世纪期间，皇家海军和伦敦金融城的实力变得无懈可击，两者都使英语得以在世界范围内传播。作为定居者带到北美的语言，英语只是坚持并传播开来：殖民地是自给自足的，并以牺牲邻国为代价而发展壮大。毫不奇怪，随着他们变得更加富有，他们也变得更加自信和专横：他们从来没有认真的理由来改变他们早期的自私态度，特别是因为他们几乎不会不注意到每当他们遇到反对时，无论是土著或来自另一个殖民国家，他们的表现最好。

This growth, when it came, was based on sea power and commercial credit. Over the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the strength of the Royal Navy and the City of London became unassailable, and both enabled English to be projected around the world. As the language that settlers brought to North America, English simply persisted and spread: the colonies were self-sufficient, and grew at the expense of their neighbours. Not surprisingly, as they became richer they also became more self-confident and overbearing: they never had serious cause to revise their early, self-regarding, attitudes, especially since they could hardly fail to notice that whenever they came up against opposition, whether indigenous or from another colonial power, they came off best. A belief in ‘manifest destiny’ could almost be seen as the lesson of experience.

在另一家传播英语的大海外企业中，英国东印度公司——在 17 世纪初成立于弗吉尼亚州——商业头脑更为突出。推动这项事业的不是绝望或充满希望的人献出自己的生命，而是富人投入了部分资本。但就像在美洲殖民地一样，那些参与的人的冒险精神使它取得了成功。尽管如此，在最初的两个世纪里，它并没有开始认真地传播英语。只有当一种更认真的精神开始在国内盛行时，以营利为目的的殖民地开始被视为赋予了提升不幸者的责任，学校才开始积极地传播英国的无形利益，从语。

In the other great overseas enterprise that spread English, the English East India Company—founded like Virginia at the beginning of the seventeenth century—business acumen was more to the fore. This enterprise was driven not by desperate or hopeful people committing their lives, but by rich people committing part of their capital. But as in the American colonies, the venturesome spirit of those engaged made it a success. Nonetheless, it did not begin seriously to spread English for the first two centuries. It was only when a more earnest spirit began to prevail at home, and the colonies taken for profit came to be seen as conferring a responsibility to uplift the less fortunate, that schools were founded actively to spread the intangible benefits of Britishness, starting with the language.

到这个时候，第三股英国企业开始蓬勃发展，这些企业以工业革命的名义从化石燃料和纯粹的独创性中获利。同样的革命开始了世界的缩小，随着远方成就的消息越来越多。从现在开始，英语不仅被认同为自尊的定居者和自以为是的州长，而且也被认同为自我发明和自我扩张的企业家：因此它被视为全世界雄心勃勃的人们自我提升的通行证。

By this time a third stream of English-based enterprise was beginning to flourish, the host of ventures in ways to profit from fossil fuels and the sheer ingenuity that go under the name of the Industrial Revolution. This same revolution began the shrinking of the world, with news ever more available of achievements far away. English was from now on identified not only with self-regarding settlers and self-righteous governors but self-inventing and self-aggrandising entrepreneurs too: and so it became seen as a passport to self-improvement for ambitious people all over the world.

英语的这种进步在许多方面与其他世界语言的职业形成鲜明对比。

This progress of English contrasts in many ways with the careers of other world languages.

与同时代的欧洲帝国语言相比，英语的进步是非常非正式的。除了该州对东印度公司的贸易垄断权的第一个特许状，直到英国议会开始关注 19 世纪的政策，人们都有一种自己动手的感觉。在有利可图的加勒比海盗活动的光辉岁月结束后，维护皇家海军成为国家责任；但是，在世界范围内传播英国定居点、英国商业以及事实上的圣公会圣言的实际活动是由个人主动决定的。

Compared with its contemporaries, the fellow European imperial languages, the advance of English is remarkably informal. With the exception of the state’s first charter of a trading monopoly for the East India Company, and until the British parliament began to concern itself with policy in the nineteenth century, there is a sense of do-it-yourself. Maintenance of the Royal Navy became a state responsibility, after the glory days of profitable Caribbean piracy were over; but the actual activity of spreading English settlement, British business and indeed the Anglican word of God around the world was left up to private initiative.

这与西班牙和葡萄牙的运作模式形成鲜明对比，在西班牙和葡萄牙，个人征服者可能会开辟道路，但总督的国家参与以及国家和教会的整个机构紧随其后。直到十九世纪的革命，西班牙和葡萄牙的所有殖民地都由直接从欧洲派出的总督统治。这导致本国政府与成功在国外建立自己的克里奥尔人之间的关系紧张，缺乏团结。说浪漫的定居者并没有真正被信任为他们的天主教陛下的代表。早期，通过封地分配土地意味着他们充其量只是国王的承租人；正如我们所见，许多秘鲁定居者的后裔采用盖丘亚语来强调他们与欧洲建制派的区别。（见第 10 章，“教会的解决方案： lenguas generales”，第 364 页。）在这种情况下，很难说西班牙语和葡萄牙语在海外代表了什么：也许最重要的是，与天主教会——讽刺的是，当我们记得宗教团体的政策如何将这些语言在拉丁美洲的传播延迟了数百年时。

This contrasts starkly with the mode of operation of Spain and Portugal, where individual conquistadores might open the way, but state involvement of viceroys, and the whole apparatus of state and Church, immediately followed; until the revolutions of the nineteenth century, all Spain’s and Portugal’s colonies were ruled by governors sent out directly from Europe. This made for strained relations, and a lack of solidarity, between the home governments and the criollos who had succeeded in establishing themselves abroad. The Romance-speaking settlers were not really trusted as representatives of their Catholic Majesties. In the early days, the allocation of land through encomienda meant that they were at best leaseholders from the king; and as we have seen, many settlers’ descendants in Peru adopted Quechua to emphasise their separateness from the European establishment. (See Chapter 10, ‘The Church’s solution: The lenguas generales’, p. 364.) In these circumstances, it is hard to say what the Spanish and Portuguese languages came to represent overseas: perhaps more than anything else, the continuing link with the Catholic Church—ironic, when we remember how the policies of the religious orders had delayed the spread of these languages in Latin America for hundreds of years.

对于法国来说，海外扩张也受到政府的控制，自从 1534 年弗朗索瓦一世国王派雅克·卡地亚（Jacques Cartier）去寻找西北航道以来。在 17 世纪，科尔伯特一直为法语的不扩张而烦恼; 但一个世纪后，当地的法国殖民者对德拉萨沿密西西比河的探索兴趣甚微，更不用说对它们的有效占领了，以至于拿破仑自愿在看不见的情况下将它们卖给了美国。法国人在 19 世纪获得的所有殖民地，从阿尔及利亚到印度支那，都为法国的荣耀而被法国军队占领：la gloire仍然是一个积极的动机。与此同时，法国显然仍然是它所推动的科学文明的主要力量，因此法语的使用可以被视为通向现代性的渠道。定居者确实搬到了阿尔及利亚，但在其他地方，使法国殖民地成为现实的力量——并因此传播了法语的使用——是中央政府。除了在阿尔及利亚和印度支那，这种集中化的做法意味着法国在 1960 年代撤出控制权出奇地迅速和轻松。留下的往往是对法语的喜爱，这是法国文明的象征，有理性的抱负，有民族的情感。

And for France, too, overseas expansion was under government control, ever since King François I had sent Jacques Cartier out to seek a North-West Passage in 1534. In the seventeenth century, Colbert had fretted over the non-expansion of the French language; but a century later, the French colonists on the ground had taken so little interest in de la Salle’s explorations along the Mississippi, let alone effective occupation of them, that Napoleon volunteered to sell them, sight unseen, to the USA. All the colonies that the French acquired in the nineteenth century, from Algeria to Indochina, were taken by French arms for the glory of France: la gloire remained an active motive. At the same time France was clearly still a major force in the scientific civilisation that it promoted, so that use of French could be presented as a channel to modernity. Settlers did move into Algeria, but elsewhere the force that made the French colonies a reality—and so spread the use of French—was the central government. Apart from in Algeria and lndo-China, this centralised approach meant that withdrawal of French control, when it came in the 1960s, was surprisingly speedy and painless. What often remained was an affection for the French language, a symbol of la civilisation française, rational in aspiration, national in sentiment.

鉴于俄语作为沙皇帝国权力的标志在三个世纪中被广泛传播——对那些不被接受为俄语的人的吸引力有限——而且 20 世纪试图在事后将其转变为一种方言1991年，“科学社会主义”随着苏联解体，俄语出现了某种形象问题。其唯物主义的强硬态度与法国理性主义的轻松、英国实用主义的不偏不倚以及美国消费主义的开放态度形成鲜明对比。俄语与集体努力和经济紧缩的联系几乎与英语对个人的主动性和独创性的召唤相反，通过企业获得财富。

Given that Russian was spread over three centuries rather nakedly as a mark of the power of the Tsar’s empire—of limited appeal to those not accepted as Russian—and that the twentieth-century attempt to convert it, after the fact, into a vernacular for ‘Scientific Socialism’ collapsed with the Soviet Union in 1991, the Russian language has something of an image problem. The heavy-handedness with which its materialism was asserted contrasted with the lighter touch of French rationalism, and the even-handedness of British pragmatism, and the open-handedness of American consumerism. Russian’s associations with group effort and economic austerity are almost the converse of English’s conjuring up of initiative and ingenuity by individuals, leading to wealth through enterprise.

英语作为一种典型的“世俗”语言，也可以与更遥远的过去世界语言的氛围相对照。汉语和埃及人，甚至古代世界的希腊语和拉丁人，都是强调此时此地价值的文明的载体，并且在最好的情况下能够为他们的公民提供高标准的生活，以及和平与安全的程度。相比之下，阿拉伯语和梵语，就像基督教时代的拉丁语和希腊语一样，曾经并且正在受到更多超凡脱俗的文化的推动，将他们的说话者的愿望集中在精神目标上，并将他们在日常生活中可见的成功或满足程度视为只是一种真正重要的东西的一小部分。^*

English, as a quintessentially ‘worldly’ tongue, can also be set against the atmospheres of world languages from a more distant past. Chinese and Egyptian, and indeed Greek and Latin in the ancient world, were all vehicles of civilisations that emphasised the value of the here and now, and at their best were able to provide a high standard of living to their citizens, as well as a degree of peace and security. Arabic and Sanskrit, by contrast, like Latin and Greek in the Christian era, were and are promoted by much more otherworldly cultures, focusing their speakers’ aspirations on spiritual aims, and seeing their degree of visible success or gratification in daily life as only a small part of what is really important.^*

这种语言文化的差异在我们这个时代非常明显。在 21 世纪初，学习英语或阿拉伯语的愿望已成为世界各地许多年轻人的独特之处。在西亚和北非国家，阿拉伯语教学已经成为一个寻求外国客户的服务行业，就像世界其他许多地方的ELT一样。英语和阿拉伯语在某些方面非常相似：两者都有大约一千年的书面历史，由经常不知道其他语言的人传播到世界各地，并且拥有大量的文学作品，使他们与许多人联系在一起百年历史。但很少有年轻人为阿维森纳的哲学、一千零一夜的故事而努力学习阿拉伯语或者 Naguib Mahfouz 的小说；更罕见的是那些希望阅读《钦定版圣经》或《公祷书》的人与英语作斗争。在我们这个时代，对于外国学习者来说，阿拉伯语是古兰经的语言，英语是现代商业和全球流行文化的语言。

This difference of language culture is in our age very evident. In the early twenty-first century, the aspiration to learn English or Arabic has become distinctive for many young people all over the world. In the countries of western Asia and North Africa, Arabic Language Teaching has become a service industry seeking foreign customers, just like ELT in so many other parts of the world. English and Arabic are in some ways remarkably similar: both have a written history of about one and a half thousand years, have been spread around the world by speakers who often knew no other language, and have bodies of literature that freight them with associations many centuries old. But rare is the young person who strives to learn Arabic for Avicenna’s philosophy, the stories of the Thousand and One Nights or the novels of Naguib Mahfouz; even rarer is one who struggles with English hoping to read the King James Bible, or the Book of Common Prayer. In our age, Arabic is for foreign learners the language of the Koran, English the language of modern business and global popular culture.

^*古英语“快乐”；'保持健康'; “让它来”（即传递的爱心杯）；'大口喝' '倒着喝'; “给我喝”“喝一半；'喝到渣滓'。这些都是英国人的祝酒词，当英国人在黑斯廷斯关键战役的前一晚狂欢时，可以听到他们喝酒的自夸。蒙茅斯 (Monmouth) 的杰弗里 (Geoffrey) 写于 0.1140年，他说：“……直到今天，英国的传统仍然存在，在宴会上，向另一个人喝酒的人会说“waesseil”，而在他之后接过杯子的人会回答“drincheil””（ Historia Regum Britannie § 100, ms 568, f. 46v.)。

^* Old English ‘Be happy’; ‘stay healthy’; ‘let it come’ (i.e. the loving-cup passed around); ‘drink lustily’ ‘drink backwards’; ‘drink to me’ ‘drink half; ‘drink to the dregs’. These are all English toasts and drinking boasts to be heard as the English caroused the night away before the crucial battle of Hastings. Geoffrey of Monmouth, writing c.1140, says “… to this day the tradition has endured in Britain that at a banquet the one who drinks to another says “waesseil”, and he who receives the cup after him replies “drincheil’” (Historia Regum Britannie § 100, ms 568, f. 46v.).

^*祈祷的拉丁文标题，“主的灵”，“人民的救赎”，“圣母万岁”，遵循归化的法语形式“怜悯”，（希腊语）“主啊，怜悯”，“我们的父亲” .

^* Latin titles of prayers, ‘Spirit of the Lord’, ‘Salvation of the people’, ‘Hail Holy Mother’, following naturalised French forms of ‘Take pity’, (Greek) ‘Lord, have mercy’, ‘Our Father’.

^†罗伯特·韦斯（Robert Wace）是来自泽西岛的诺曼人，他在 1160 年代受国王亨利二世的委托，为诺曼人的历史写了一篇庆祝活动，以它的族长罗洛（即鲁）命名。这与他早期的Roman de Brut相似，在诺曼人之前的英国（同样据说由布鲁图斯创立）。这部分讲述了英国人和诺曼人在黑斯廷斯前夜的不同举止，1066；但它也巧妙地说明了英语、诺曼法语和拉丁语在诺曼英格兰的不同作用。

^† Robert Wace, a Norman from Jersey, was commissioned in the 1160s by King Henry II to write a celebration of Norman history, named for its patriarch Rollo (i.e. Rou). This was to parallel his earlier Roman de Brut, on Britain before the Normans (likewise supposedly founded by Brutus). This section tells of the different demeanours of the English and Normans on the night before Hastings, 1066; but it also neatly illustrates the different roles of English, Norman French and Latin in Norman England.

^*在本节中，“诺曼人”将包括 1066 年至 1399 年期间英格兰及其属地的统治阶级。他们的白话最初是诺曼法语，也称为盎格鲁-诺曼语；但在 1154 年之后，由于亨利二世和他的贵族们都在法国西南部的安茹（Anjou），法庭上使用的法语种类会更加广泛。此后，该王朝被称为安茹。

^* In this section, ‘Norman’ will include the governing classes of England and its dependencies from 1066 to 1399. Their vernacular was initially Norman French, also known as Anglo-Norman; but after 1154, the varieties of French spoken at court would have been more broadly based, since Henry II and his barons were based in Anjou, in south-western France. Thereafter the dynasty is known as Angevin.

^*这些对他们的文学文化和他们的政治都是一种资产。虽然亚瑟出自凯尔特人的传奇，但正是盎格鲁-诺曼文学创造了身披闪亮盔甲的英勇骑士的理想，骑士，这个词最初的意思是“骑士”。在古英语中，骑士（通常拼写为cniht）只是意味着“小伙子”，因此是一个足够年轻可以战斗的人，没有骑兵的暗示，更不用说骑士精神了。

^* These were an asset to their literary culture as much as to their politics. Although Arthur comes out of Celtic legend, it was Anglo-Norman literature which created the ideal of the gallant knight in shining armour, the chevaler, a word that originally meant ‘horseman’. In Old English knight (usually spelt cniht) had just meant ‘lad’, hence someone young enough to fight, without overtones of cavalry, let alone chivalry.

^*在其中的第一个之后，爱德华应该在 1301 年提出给威尔士王子一个“出生在威尔士，不会说英语”的王子——然后提出了他自己的儿子，他最近刚出生在卡那封的竞选总部. 然而，这个故事只能追溯到 16 世纪，如果爱德华本人会说英语而不是法语，这将更加可信。他的儿子出生于 1284 年。

^* After the first of these, Edward, in 1301, is supposed to have offered to give the Welsh a prince ‘born in Wales, and without a word of English’—then presented his own son, just recently bom at campaign headquarters in Caernarfon. The story, however, goes back only to the sixteenth century, and would be more credible if Edward himself had been a speaker of English rather than French. And his son had been born in 1284.

† Calum Ceann Mór，“大头”，从 1059 年到 1093 年在位。这是著名的马尔科姆，他废黜并杀死了麦克白。

† Calum Ceann Mór, ‘Big Head’, who reigned from 1059 to 1093. This was the famed Malcolm who had deposed and killed Macbeth.

^*这一切都让人想起 20 世纪中叶英格兰文法学校为学习拉丁语本身辩护时的情绪化、怀旧和有些绝望的语气。

^* It is all very reminiscent of the emotional, nostalgic and somewhat desperate tone of the defence for learning Latin itself, offered in the grammar schools of England in the middle of the twentieth century.

^*以保守为特征，该法律坚持的时间最长：直到 1733 年议会通过一项法案，法国法律才最终从英国法院消失。按照同样的追溯标准，该法律对 18 世纪假发和长袍的喜爱仍然存在世纪运行。

^* Characteristically conservative, the law held out longest: Law French did not finally disappear from the English courts until eliminated by an act of Parliament in 1733. By the same standard of retrospection, the law’s fondness for eighteenth-century wigs and gowns has still a century to run.

† '……在许多国家/地区语言受损；有些人使用奇怪的咿呀学语、叽叽喳喳、咆哮、咆哮和咬牙切齿。

† ‘… in many the country language is impaired; some use a strange babbling, twittering, snarling, growling and gnashing.’

^*从另一个角度来看，英语方言对乔叟这样的自然主义作家来说是一个福音，他是第一个使用它们来赋予对话现实主义的人。在《坎特伯雷故事集》中，里夫本人被改编成诺福克人，讲述了剑桥学生约翰和艾琳的故事，他们显然是来自北方的小伙子。Summoner 和 Friar 都不断闯入广泛的北方英语（Robinson 1957: 686, 688, 704-5）。

^* From another point of view, the dialects of English were a boon to a naturalistic author like Chaucer, who was the first to use them to give realism to dialogue. In The Canterbury Tales, the Reeve, himself scripted as a Norfolk man, tells a story of Cambridge students John and Aleyn, who are clearly lads from the North. And the Summoner and the Friar both keep breaking into broad Northern English (Robinson 1957: 686, 688, 704-5).

^*该地区的基本语言特征是：在woe、stone、go等词中使用 ō not ā——在亨伯河以北，他们保留了古英语 ā；使用 y（即 ü，法语 u）和后来的 i，在诸如hill、sin、fire、mice之类的词中——在肯特和东安格利亚，他们说 ē——这解释了大多数 Caxton 拼写中明显无意义的 y 的例子；使用情态动词shall，而不是Northumbrian sal；使用代词，她，他们，他们，他们，来对抗西部和南部国家heo, hy, hem, here。在动词中，现在分词和动名词泛化了 Southern 和 Midland - ynge，与 Northern - ande 相对；复数以-结尾en or nothing：我们说话，他们使用，与我们说话的南方国家相比，hy useth。事实上，动词的现在时变得很容易混淆，因为这个 - eth结尾在南方也被用作第三单数结尾，并且在莎士比亚和钦定版圣经中被广泛使用：风吹过，他走了。最终，这也被替换了，但被替换为-es结尾，它已用于每个人，但在北方的第一个单数：我在这里，但你/他/我们/你/他们在这里。（这些细节是从 Mossé 1962 收集的，他提供了更多。）

^* The basic linguistic features of this area were: using ō not ā in words like woe, stone, go—north of the Humber they kept the Old English ā; using y (i.e. ü, French u) and later i, in words like hill, sin, fire, mice—in Kent and East Anglia they said ē—and this explains most instances of the apparently gratuitous y in Caxton’s spelling; using the modal verb shall, as against Northumbrian sal; using pronouns, she, they, them, theyr, as against West and South Country heo, hy, hem, here. In verbs, the present participle and gerund generalised Southern and Midland -ynge, as against Northern -ande; the plural ends in -en or nothing: we speken, they use, as against the South Country we speketh, hy useth. In fact, the present tense of verbs became subject to a lot of confusion, since this -eth ending was also used as a third singular ending in the South, and is widely used as such in Shakespeare and the King James Bible: the wind bloweth, he goeth. Ultimately, this too was replaced, but by the -es ending, which had been used for every person but first singular in the North: I here, but thou/ he/ we/ ye/ they heres. (These details are gathered from Mossé 1962, who gives many more.)

^*确实是威尔士语：伊丽莎白一世还授权出版了1588 年在伦敦印刷的《 Y Beibl Cyssegr-lan》，并在威尔士教堂加入了《祈祷书》（ Y Llyfr Gweddi Gyffredin）的威尔士语翻译。

^* And indeed in Welsh: Elizabeth I also authorised the publication of Y Beibl Cyssegr-lan, which was printed in London in 1588, and joined the Welsh translation of the Prayer Book (Y Llyfr Gweddi Gyffredin) in Welsh churches.

†通常与英王钦定本圣经同时提及的文本集，在英语文本定义中的地位几乎相同，是威廉·莎士比亚的诗歌。两者几乎是同时代的，这部《圣经》的“授权版”是从 1604 年到 1611 年编写的，莎士比亚的作品是从 1590 年到 1611 年。但与《圣经》不同的是，莎士比亚（1623 年首次完全出版）并没有立即成为标志性文本直到 18 世纪塞缪尔·约翰逊 (Samuel Johnson) 将其完全封为圣典，他的声誉在 17 世纪一直在增长。

莎士比亚现象让人想起荷马在希腊历史上的地位。每个人都是百科全书式的诗人，品质无可挑剔，但身份模糊，处于或接近该语言主要文学经典传统的基础。每个人似乎都在他真正生活和安定下来至少一个世纪后获得了这种地位。每个人都在他的语言遗产中发挥了压倒性的作用，受到评论家和学校教师的无休止的赞扬，并为语言社区历史的传统观念提供了信息。也许最好的解释是，强调他们每个人都比大多数人更受制于丰富的古代传统，荷马对旅行吟游诗人或aoidós的影响更大，莎士比亚到那个漫步的玩家。这对他们的同时代人来说并不那么引人注目，他们在上下文中看到了它们，但不知何故，随着时间的推移，他们的作品被认为是对传统的总结，因此在记忆中取代了它。

† A corpus of texts that is usually mentioned in the same breath as the King James Bible, and accorded almost equal status in the textual definition of English, is the poetry of William Shakespeare. The two are almost exact contemporaries, this ‘Authorised Version’ of the Bible being compiled from 1604 to 1611, and Shakespeare writing from 1590 to 1611. But unlike the Bible, Shakespeare (first fully published in 1623) did not immediately become an iconic text of the English language, his reputation growing through the seventeenth century until it was fully canonised by Samuel Johnson in the eighteenth.

The Shakespeare phenomenon recalls the place of Homer in the history of Greek. Each was a poet of encyclopedic range and unchallenged quality but obscure identity, at or near the very foundation of the language’s main tradition of literary classics. Each seems to have acquired this status at least a century after he actually lived and composed. Each went on to have an overwhelming role in the heritage of his language, endlessly praised by critics and schoolteachers, and also to inform traditional ideas of the language community’s history. Perhaps this is best explained by emphasising that each of them is indebted more than most to a rich ancient tradition, Homer to that of the travelling bard or aoidós, Shakespeare to that of the strolling player. This was less remarkable to their contemporaries, who saw them in context, but somehow, as time went on, their works were felt to sum up the tradition, and so replaced it in memory.

^*过多地评论英语的本质，尤其是作家的评论，几乎是对英语的传统和愿望的赞美。考虑一下 Arthur Quiller-Couch 爵士在介绍牛津英文诗集时的话：“在几个世纪的过程中，我们的祖先为这个王国、它的殖民地和广泛的属地提供了一种像阁楼一样可塑性和柔顺的演讲，像拉丁语一样庄重，阳刚，但没有条顿人的喉音，能够像法语一样精确，意大利的悦耳，西班牙的铿锵有力，并为它的服务提供了所有这些卓越的服务。或者沃尔特·惠特曼：“自由地看，英语是每一种方言、种族和时间范围的积累和发展，是所有人的剔除和组合。从这个角度来看，它代表最大意义上的语言，是真正最伟大的研究”（《美国俚语》，北美评论, 41, 1885)。当然，这种自信可能有助于雄辩地使用这种语言。任何语言都承载着与过去的巨大联系网络，随着人们对过去的记忆，这种联系的力量越来越大。

^* Too many remarks proffered as comments on the nature of English, especially by writers, are thinly disguised praise of the traditions and aspirations of its speakers. Consider Sir Arthur Quiller-Couch’s words introducing the Oxford Book of English Verse: ‘Our fathers have, in the process of centuries, provided this realm, its colonies and wide dependencies, with a speech as malleable and pliant as Attic, dignified as Latin, masculine, yet free of Teutonic guttural, capable of being as precise as French, dulcet as Italian, sonorous as Spanish, and captaining all these excellences to its service.’ Or Walt Whitman: ‘Viewed freely, the English language is the accretion and growth of every dialect, race and range of time, and is the culling and composition of all. From this point of view, it stands for Language in the largest sense, and is really the greatest of studies’ (’Slang in America’, North American Review, 41, 1885). Such confidence may of course be useful in using the language eloquently. Any language carries a vast network of associations with the past, which grow in power as that past is remembered.

^*我应该向阅读本文的语言学家保证，我有意识地忽略了从拉丁语、法语和希腊语借来或构建的大量词汇中潜在的结构。

^* I should reassure linguists reading this that I am consciously ignoring the structure latent in the vast amount of vocabulary borrowed from, or constructed out of, Latin, French and Greek.

^*据我所知，只有日本的“kanbun”传统将古典中文文本标记为就像用日语一样读出，才有胆量放弃这个基本惯例。

^* To my knowledge, only the Japanese ’kanbun’ tradition of marking up classical Chinese text to be read out just as if it were in Japanese has had the chutzpah to dispense with that basic convention.

^*它，以及它著名但神秘地撤离到的克罗地亚岛，实际上位于现代北卡罗来纳州的海岸。少数幸存者与当地讲阿尔冈昆语的人融合在一起，在 17 世纪放弃了他们的英语。但英语确实在詹姆斯敦的后续殖民地幸存下来，后者的首都后来搬到了威廉斯堡。

^* It, and the island of Croatoan, to which it famously but mysteriously decamped, were actually on the coast of modern North Carolina. The few survivors, merging with local Algonquian speakers, were to drop their English in the seventeenth century. But English did survive in the follow-up colony at Jamestown, whose capital was later moved to Williamsburg.

^*有趣的是，罗马和俄罗斯的一个主要动机，即通过征服邻国来保护边界的动力，在很大程度上是不存在的。

^* It is interesting to note that one major motive for Rome and Russia, the drive to secure borders by conquering neighbours, was largely absent.

^*这个词是不合时宜的，但概念不是。Hakluyt 组织了文件，西方种植的话语，所有引人注目的内容都在第二页，章节标题说明了一切：

一个特别的话语，涉及西方人喜欢在英格兰的这个领域发展的更大的必要性和多种商品。最近尝试的发现，写于 1584 年，由牛津大学的 Richarde Hackluyt 应右派崇拜者 Walter Raghly [Ralegh] nowe Knight 先生的请求和指导，在他的 Twoo Barkes 的 comynge 家之前写成：分为 xxi 章节，其标题在下一页中。

^* The term is an anachronism, but the concept is not. Hakluyt organises the document, Discourse of Western Planting, with all the striking content on the second page, chapter headings that tell it all:

A particuler discourse concerninge the greate necessitie and manifolde comodyties that are like to growe to this Realme of Englande by the Westerne discoveries lately attempted, Written In the yere 1584 by Richarde Hackluyt of Oxforde at the requeste and direction of the righte worshipfull Mr. Walter Raghly [Ralegh] nowe Knight, before the comynge home of his Twoo Barkes: and is devided into xxi chapiters, the Titles whereof followe in the nexte leafe.

^*切萨皮克湾是弗吉尼亚殖民地的所在地，实际上是西班牙耶稣会在“佛罗里达州”活动的北部边界。从 1565 年起，这包括现代乔治亚州、卡罗来纳州和弗吉尼亚州的小定居点，但在 1572 年，八名传教士在切萨皮克遇害后，整个地区被废弃。

^* Chesapeake Bay, the site of the Virginia colony, had in fact been the northern boundary of Spanish Jesuit activities in ‘la Flórida’. From 1565 this had included small settlements in the modern Georgia, Carolinas and Virginia, but the whole area was abandoned in 1572 after eight missionaries were killed at Chesapeake.

† Pocahontas 在很多方面都是一位杰出的女性。七年前，当她还是个女孩的时候，她与父亲进行了干预，以挽救另一位英国先驱约翰史密斯船长的生命，约翰史密斯船长后来成为詹姆斯敦殖民地的第一任总督。当约翰·罗尔夫赢得她的手时，她仍然违背自己的意愿被限制在波托马克河上的一艘英国船上。她后来成为早期皈依基督教新教的人。

† Pocahontas was in many ways an exceptional woman. Seven years earlier, when still a girl, she had intervened with her father to save the life of another English pioneer, Captain John Smith, who went on to become the Jamestown colony’s first governor. When John Rolfe won her hand, she had still been confined against her will on an English ship on the Potomac river. She later became an early convert to Protestant Christianity.

^*法国人在 1541 年探索渥太华河谷时，碰巧已经学习了阿冈昆语。

^* The French had, as it happened, already studied the Algonquin language, when exploring the Ottawa river valley in 1541.

^*瑞典在大西洋沿岸的存在时间相当短（1638-55）；他们在特拉华州的定居点被荷兰人立即驱逐。

^* Swedish presence on the Atlantic seaboard was of fairly short duration (1638-55); their settlement in Delaware had been summarily evicted by the Dutch.

^* 1867 年，阿拉斯加也被俄罗斯收购。

^* In 1867, Alaska too was acquired, by purchase from Russia.

^*这已经变成了一个传说，即在某一时刻，德语几乎被宣布为美国的官方语言。

在 19 世纪和 20 世纪，德语仍然是移民的第二大语言（占 25%）。十九世纪初，讲德语的移民激增，他们很早就倾向于聚集在宾夕法尼亚州。它在 1870 年代达到顶峰，据说在该州 400 万人口中，有 600,000 人使用德语（“宾夕法尼亚荷兰语”）作为日常语言，另有 150,000 人在州外。第一次世界大战严重破坏了在公共场合广泛使用德语。它今天仅存在于门诺派和阿米什人等小宗派社区（Adams 1990：第 7 章）。

^* This has been transmuted into the legend that at one point German was almost to be declared the official language of the USA.

German remained the second-largest language of immigrants (at 25 per cent) during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. There was a surge of German-speaking immigrants in the early nineteenth century, and a tendency early on for them to congregate in Pennsylvania. It peaked in the 1870s, when 600,000, among a state population of 4 million, are said to have had German (’Pennsylvania Dutch’) as their everyday language, with another 150,000 outside the state. The popular use of German in public was very severely damaged by the First World War. It survives today only in small sectarian communities such as the Mennonites and Amish (Adams 1990: ch. 7).

^†其中英国占 14%，爱尔兰占 13%，加拿大占 12%，菲律宾占 4%，牙买加占 1%。在德语占 25% 之后，接下来的语言是俄语（10%）、匈牙利语（4%）和中文（3%）（美国司法部，1998 年统计年鉴，引自 Wright 2000：291）。

^† This is made up of 14 per cent from the UK, 13 per cent from Ireland, 12 per cent from Canada, 4 per cent from the Philippines and 1 per cent from Jamaica. After German with 25 per cent, the next languages are Russian (10 per cent), Hungarian (4 per cent) and Chinese (3 per cent) (US Dept of Justice, 1998 Statistical Yearbook, quoted in Wright 2000: 291).

^*纽约的“Bowery”延续了荷兰最后一位总督 Pieter Stuyvesant 农场的名称。

^* New York’s ‘Bowery’ perpetuates the name of the farm of Pieter Stuyvesant, the last Dutch governor.

^* 55,000 名法国人超过 120 万英国人。

^* Over 1.2 million Britons for 55,000 French.

^*亚利桑那州、加利福尼亚州、科罗拉多州、佛罗里达州、内华达州、新墨西哥州、德克萨斯州、犹他州、怀俄明州。

^* Arizona, California, Colorado, Florida, Nevada, New Mexico, Texas, Utah, Wyoming.

^*有趣的巧合是，在它们周围成长起来的城市，后来成为英属印度的第一个政府中心，都在 1990 年代更名：金奈、孟买和加尔各答。

^* By interesting coincidence, the cities that grew up around them, which went on to become the first centres of government for British India, have all been renamed in the 1990s: as Chennai, Mumbai and Kolkata.

† Gujarati vāniyān , 'merchants', Hindi dubhā⋅iya , '双语' (Yule and Burnell 1986 [1903], s.vv.)。

† Gujarati vāniyān, ‘merchants’, Hindi dubhā⋅iya, ‘bilingual’ (Yule and Burnell 1986 [1903], s.vv.).

§莫卧儿人在 16 世纪将波斯语作为他们的文化语言带到了印度，尽管他们的普通sipāhi（“sepoy”）说突厥语。这里有一些奇怪的类似于诺曼征服英格兰的东西，波斯语扮演法语的角色，而德里的白话在波斯的影响下发展成“乌尔都语”，扮演英语的角色。从这个意义上说，乌尔都语，字面意思是“营地语言”，是印度莫卧儿人独特的语言创造。正是这种语言，而不是英语，成为了英属印度军队的主要语言。（参见第 5 章，“梵文不再孤单”，第 222 页。）

§ The Mughals had brought Persian to India in the sixteenth century as their language of culture, although their ordinary sipāhi (’sepoy’) spoke Turkic. There is something strangely analogous to the Norman conquest of England here, with Persian in the role of French, and Delhi’s vernacular, developing into ’Urdū’ under Persian influence, in the role of English. In this sense Urdu, literally ‘language of the camp’, was the distinctive linguistic creation of the Mughals in India. And it was this, not English, which was to become the major language of the British Indian Army. (See Chapter 5, ‘Sanskrit no longer alone’, p. 222.)

¶阿拉伯语“教育家、作曲家”（Yule 和 Burnell 1986 [1903]，sv）。

¶ Arabic ‘educator, composer’ (Yule and Burnell 1986 [1903], s.v.).

^*将此与传教士在西班牙语传播中的作用相比较，这又是一个讽刺。正如第 10 章（“教会的解决方案：通用语言”，第 364 页）中所指出的，西班牙传教团曾起到延缓西班牙语传播的作用，而国家则倾向于鼓励它。在巴西，也发生了类似的事情（见第 11 章，“葡萄牙先驱”，第 392 页）。但在英属印度，教会和国家——或国家垄断——的影响正好相反。

^* Comparing this with the role of missions in the spread of Spanish points up another irony. For as noted in Chapter 10 (“The Church’s solution: The lenguas generales’, p. 364), the Spanish missions had served to retard the spread of Spanish, while the state was inclined to encourage it. In Brazil, something similar had occurred (see Chapter 11, ‘Portuguese pioneers’, p. 392). But in British India, the effects of Church and state—or state monopoly—were the reverse of this.

^*这正是英国对印度历史的学术研究取得长足进步的时期：在 1835 年至 1837 年间，铸币厂的检验大师

兼孟加拉亚洲协会秘书詹姆斯·普林塞普成功破译了阿育王皇帝的婆罗米文字公元前三世纪的铭文，从而解开了孔雀王朝的核心故事。（见第 5 章，“梵文的特征”，第 188 页。）詹姆斯的兄弟亨利·托比，当时的政府首席秘书，曾雄辩地反对麦考利的会议记录，甚至可能泄露了它，从而为来自政府的请愿提供了基础。八千名穆斯林和另一名来自印度教徒。詹姆斯，在亚洲学会期刊的社论中，谴责“一项面对全印度的措施，使政府从该国博学的当地人中撤出，并宣布谴责和放弃其文学作品”（Allen 2002：166-7）。

^* This was the very period when British academic studies of India’s history were making giant strides: between 1835 and 1837 James Prinsep, Assay Master at the mint, and secretary of the Asiatic

Society of Bengal, succeeded in deciphering the Brahmi writing of the emperor Aśoka’s third-century BC inscriptions, and so unlocked the central story of the Maurya dynasty. (See Chapter 5, “The character of Sanskrit’, p. 188.) James’s brother Henry Thoby, then Chief Secretary to the government, had spoken out eloquently against Macaulay’s minute, possibly even leaking it and so providing the basis for a petition from eight thousand Muslims and another from Hindus. James, in an editorial in the Asiatic Society’s Journal, condemned ‘a measure which has in the face of all India withdrawn the countenance of the Government from the learned natives of the country, and pronounced a verdict of condemnation and abandonment on its literature’ (Allen 2002: 166-7).

^*座右铭：“一个女孩，一天十万”（Dalrymple 2002：33）。

^* Motto: ‘A lass and a lakh a day’ (Dalrymple 2002: 33).

^*英国法律，特别是在澳大利亚适用的法律，有一个揭示性的准同义词： terra nullius，字面意思是“不属于任何人的土地”。

^* English law, especially as applied in Australia, has a revealing quasi-synonym for this: terra nullius, literally ‘land belonging to nobody’.

^*该公司早在（1612-22 年）就曾尝试在北大年（印度尼西亚远东的哈马黑拉）和大城府（当时的暹罗首府）设立香料贸易机构，并于 1669 年在马来半岛的吉打州设立锡矿贸易机构，但他们一直被荷兰人驱逐。

^* The company had attempted early on (1612-22) to set up agencies for spice trading at Patani (in Halmahera, the far east of Indonesia) and Ayutthaya, then capital of Siam, and in 1669 for tin at Kedah in the Malay peninsula, but they had always been expelled by the Dutch.

^*即使在今天，英国的地理位置还是了解世界各地说英语的人的最佳中间点：美国、南非、加勒比海、印度、新加坡和澳大利亚的变种都经常在英国媒体上听到，包括一系列英国地方方言（特别是苏格兰、阿尔斯特、纽卡斯尔、利物浦、约克郡、伯明翰和伦敦）；所有这些都被假定为英国观众可以理解的。相比之下，美国三十多年来已经为澳大利亚英语电影应用配音或字幕。

^* Even today, location in the UK provides the best medial point from which to understand speakers of English from all over the world: US, South African, Caribbean, Indian, Singaporean and Australian varieties are all frequently heard on the British media, together with a range of UK regional dialects (notably Scots, Ulster, Newcastle, Liverpool, Yorkshire, Birmingham and cockney); all are assumed to be intelligible to a British audience. The USA, by contrast, has for over thirty years already applied dubbing or subtitles to films in the English of Australia.

^*很难将其直接归因于英国或美国的影响；在 1971 年英国加入之前，英语已经被广泛用作欧洲共同体的（当时中立的）工作语言。但在欧洲教授英语时，英国英语仍然是主要选择。

^* It is difficult to attribute this directly either to British or US influence; English was already widely used as a (then neutral) working language of the European Community before UK accession in 1971. But British English remains the majority option when English is taught in Europe.

^*在 1950 年到 1980 年的 30 年间，能够参与英语会话的 4200 万大陆人增长到 6000 万（18%）；到 1990 年，这个数字达到了 8000 万（21%），到 2000 年达到了 1.05 亿（31%）。考虑到不同年龄段的能力不同——1994 年，55 岁以上的人中有 10% 会一些英语，但 55% 的 15 至 24 岁的人——Graddol 预计说英语的大陆人的数量将在 2030 年达到 1.9 亿左右的峰值。

^* The 42 million Continentals capable of taking part in an English conversation in 1950 grew to 60 million (18 per cent) over the thirty years to 1980; the figure had reached 80 million (21 per cent) by 1990 and 105 million (31 per cent) by 2000. Taking account of differing competence at different ages—in 1994, 10 per cent of the over-fifty-fives knew some English, but 55 per cent of those between fifteen and twenty-four—Graddol expects the numbers of English-speaking Continentals to peak around 190 million in 2030.

†暗指马修·阿诺德在《文学与教条》的序言中那句令人难忘的话，“文化就是要了解世界上最好的说法和思想。” 但我们现在不像阿诺德（或麦考利）那样坚定地认为一种语言可以提供对整个人类文化的特权访问。

† An allusion to Matthew Arnold’s memorable remark, in the preface to Literature and Dogma, that ‘Culture is to know the best that has been said and thought in the world.’ But we are now less committed than Arnold (or Macaulay) to the view that one language can offer privileged access to the whole sweep of human culture.

^*腓尼基语和希伯来语虽然都没有取得巨大的扩展，而且两者作为语言都高度相似，但它们都是处于这种鸿沟对立面的语言社区的经典案例。至于阿卡德语或亚拉姆语、纳瓦特尔语或盖丘亚语等语言，我们对他们的当代社会知之甚少，无法将它们置于这个框架中。

^* Phoenician and Hebrew, though neither achieved great expansion, and both were as languages highly alike, are classic cases of language communities on opposite sides of this divide. As for languages such as Akkadian or Aramaic, Nahuatl or Quechua, we know too little about their contemporary societies to place them in this framework.

第四部分

今天和明天的语言

PART IV

LANGUAGES TODAY AND TOMORROW

Ohē, iam satis est, ohē, libelle ,

iam peruēnimus usque ad umbilīcos。

Tu procedere adhuc et ire quaeris ,

nec summā potes in schidā tenāri ,

sic tamquam tibi rēs peracta non sat ,

quae prīmā quoque pāginā peracta est.

lam lector queriturque dēficitque ,

iam librārius hoc et ipse dīcit

« Ohē, libelle satis est, .»

Ohē, iam satis est, ohē, libelle,

iam peruēnimus usque ad umbilīcos.

Tu procedere adhuc et ire quaeris,

nec summā potes in schidā tenāri,

sic tamquam tibi rēs peracta non sit,

quae prīmā quoque pāginā peracta est.

lam lector queriturque dēficitque,

iam librārius hoc et ipse dīcit

« Ohē, iam satis est, ohē, libelle.»

哇，这就够了，哇，我的书。

现在我们已经到了最后。

你想继续下去，

不能停在最后一页，

好像你的主题没有用尽

，因为它实际上是在第一页。

读者在抱怨和举报，

甚至出版商也在说：

Whoa there, that’s enough, whoa there, my book.

Now we’ve the reached the endpapers.

You want to keep going on and on,

And can’t be stopped on the last page,

As if your subject was not exhausted

As it actually was on the first.

The reader is complaining and flagging,

even the publisher is saying:

“哇，这就够了，哇，我的书。”

’Whoa there, that’s enough, whoa there, my book.’

武术，警句，iv.89（公元 88 年 12 月）¹

Martial, Epigrams, iv.89 (December AD 88)¹

13

当前的前二十名

13

The Current Top Twenty

语言社区成功的最简单的生物学标准是该语言拥有的用户数量。在为这样一个社区设定界限时，语言学家的主要指导方针是“相互理解”：毕竟，社区是一群可以使用语言相互理解的人。

The simplest, biological, criterion for success in a language community is the number of users the language has. In setting the boundaries for such a community the linguist’s main guideline is ‘mutual intelligibility’: the community is, after all, the set of people who can understand one another using the language.

这个定义有很多困难。存在实际困难，与实际测试人群是否可以一对一地相互理解有关。多少理解才算懂语言？如果人们通常知道邻居的语言，即使他们说不同的语言也能理解他们呢？这是澳大利亚原住民的常见情况，但在世界许多其他多语种地区也是如此。然后是政治困难，与人们希望或想象的一个社区而不是另一个社区的成员身份有关，以及人口普查数据倾向于将一个民族的成员与说其传统语言的人混淆。当然，还有很多理论上的困难。重要的，当它们在边缘淡出到下一种语言时，应该计算多少种语言，这是他们经常做的事情。有时说A的人能和B说话，B能和C说话，但A不能和C说话。这是巴基斯坦和印度北部平原的普遍情况，向上延伸到尼泊尔，旁遮普语逐渐融入印地语，然后是尼泊尔语. 有时说 A 的人可以理解 B，但反之则不然，就像葡萄牙语和西班牙语的臭名昭著的情况一样：可理解性并不总是相互的。

There are many difficulties with this definition. There are practical difficulties, having to do with the impossibility of actually testing whether populations can understand one another, one to one. How much understanding counts as knowing the language? And what if people typically know the language of their neighbours, and so can understand them even when they are speaking a different language? This is a common situation in Aboriginal Australia, but also in many other multilingual parts of the world. Then there are political difficulties, having to do with people’s desired or imagined membership of one community rather than another, and the tendency of census data to confuse members of an ethnic group with speakers of its traditional language. And there are, of course, many theoretical difficulties. Importantly, how many languages should be counted when they fade off at the edges into the next language, something they often do. Sometimes speakers of A can talk to B, and B to C, but A can’t talk to C. This is a common situation in the northern plain of Pakistan and India, extending up into Nepal, Panjabi gradually merging into Hindi and then Nepali. Sometimes speakers of A can understand B, but not vice versa, as in the notorious case of Portuguese and Spanish: intelligibility is not always mutual.

当从历史角度考虑语言时，另一个困难来了。毫无疑问，每一代父母和孩子之间的相互理解总是得到保证，但这不足以保证语言在几个世纪以来保持不变。我们不容易理解十六世纪以前用英语写的东西，如果我们能听到他们的讲话，我们可能对十八世纪的祖先有困难。事实上，语言，即使是在最标准化和最广泛的社区中使用的语言，几乎总是在变化。这是否会影响我们对语言身份的评估，以及随着时间的推移语言的成功？¹

A further difficulty comes when the languages are considered historically. Mutual intelligibility has no doubt always been assured in each generation as between parent and child, but this is not enough to guarantee that the language has stayed the same down the centuries. We can’t easily understand what was written in English before the sixteenth century, and if we could hear their speech, we should probably have difficulty with our ancestors in the eighteenth. In fact, languages, even those spoken in the most standardised and widespread communities, almost always change. Should this have an impact on our assessment of language identity, and so of the success of a language over time?¹

例如，考虑拉丁语的情况。这种语言是否应该被认为已经死了，一个崇高的传统不幸地结束了，因为它没有母语与我们在罗马帝国文本中找到的词相近的母语？还是应该认为它去了语言天堂？它的各个时期的文本仍然被阅读，其现代形式，统称为罗曼语——西班牙语、葡萄牙语、法语、意大利语、罗马尼亚语、加泰罗尼亚语、奥克西唐语等等——在世界范围内使用，总人口超过 6.6 亿，使其成为目前世界上第二成功的语言（仅次于普通话）。哦，死亡，你的毒刺在哪里？

Consider, for example, the case of Latin. Should this language be considered dead, a noble tradition sadly ended, because it has no native speakers whose words are close to what we find in the texts of the Roman empire? Or should it rather be considered to have gone to language heaven? Its texts from every period are still read, and its modern forms, collectively called the Romance languages—Spanish, Portuguese, French, Italian, Romanian, Catalan, Occitan and many more—are spoken worldwide, with a total speaker population of over 660 million, making it up to the present the second-most successful language in the world (after Mandarin Chinese). O death, where is thy sting?

尽管如此，构建当今世界上使用最广泛的语言的排行榜仍然是可能的，即使有必要做出一些武断的决定来这样做。该表一经公布，就大量使用同一种语言的人背后的因素提供了有用的提示。这也是对我们通常依赖以欧洲为中心的媒体所产生的语言偏见的有用纠正。

Still, it is possible to construct the league table of the world’s most widespread languages as they are spoken today, even if it is necessary to make a few arbitrary decisions to do so. The table, once revealed, gives useful hints on the factors behind a large body of people coming to speak the same language. It is also a useful corrective to the linguistic bias that tends to be created by our usual reliance on Eurocentric media.

这些数字²是基于将语言用作第一语言和第二语言的情况，即不仅是母语人士，还包括出于其他目的而获得该语言并积极使用该语言的人。这样的“次要”使用者显然是该语言社区的一部分。但我们必须对数字和详细排名保持谨慎。这里的数字最终基于人口普查结果，可能会受到政治意图的扭曲。尤其是英语有一大群“外语”学习者，他们非常精通并经常使用它，即使它在他们的国家没有正式的作用，而且可能没有记录在人口普查数据中。³然而，超级语言的身份在实践中是没有争议的。

These figures² are based on use of the languages as first and second languages, i.e. not just native speakers but also people who have acquired the language for some other purpose and use it actively. Such ‘secondary’ speakers are clearly part of the language’s community. But we must be cautious about the numbers and hence the detailed ranking. The figures here are based ultimately on census returns, which may be subject to distortions with political intent. And English particularly has a large tail of ‘foreign language’ learners who are quite competent in it and use it frequently, even if it plays no official role in their countries, and may be unrecorded in census figures.³ However, the identity of the mega-languages is in practice uncontroversial.

世界语言的规模分布本身就是一个教训。加上这二十种语言的母语社区，我们已经拥有世界人口的 57%。事实上，仅前 12 种语言就占了世界的 50%，这暗示了在其他六种半千种语言中，大多数仍在使用的语言中的人口一定是多么少。

The size distribution of the world’s languages is a lesson in itself. Adding together the native-speaker communities of these top twenty languages, we already have 57 per cent of the world’s population. Indeed, the top twelve alone account for 50 per cent of the world, hinting at how tiny the populations of most of the other six and a half thousand languages still spoken must be.

在世界前二十名中，所有语言都起源于亚洲南部或东部，或者欧洲。没有一个来自美洲，来自大洋洲或（最令人惊讶的是）来自非洲。^*但是很自然地，反过来说，这些缺失的区域恰恰是世界上剩余的语言多样性集中的地方。

In the world’s top twenty, all the languages have their origins in the south or east of Asia, or in Europe. There is not one from the Americas, from Oceania or (most surprisingly) from Africa.^* But quite naturally, and conversely, these absent areas are precisely where the world’s remaining linguistic diversity is concentrated.

这些语言可以分为两组：一种是“有机地”发展的，另一种是通过“合并和收购”过程组合在一起的。有机增长主要是通过原产地的人口增长，但也可能包括对邻近地区的侵占。并购将一种语言传播到世界上不连续的地区，主要是通过海上入侵和定居。以后一种方式传播的所有语言，英语、西班牙语、葡萄牙语和法语，都起源于西欧，并且确实是拉丁语的子语言，或者深受其影响。尽管列表中的其他三种欧洲语言，俄语、德语和意大利语，在近代历史上并不因其相关政府对和平扩展其领土的方法的依恋而闻名，他们的语言发展在实践中主要是有机的。值得注意的是，作为对任何关于语言增长原因的军国主义假设的早期解毒剂，除了欧洲殖民者在公元二千年后半叶的活动之外，这些巨型语言在顶部的增长很少二十可以归结为帝国侵略。^*

The languages can be divided into two sets: those that have grown ‘organically’ and those that have been put together through processes of ‘merger and acquisition’. Organic growth is principally through population increase in the area of origin, but it can also include encroachment on neighbouring areas. Merger and acquisition spreads a language to discontinuous areas of the world, principally through seaborne invasion and settlement. All the languages that have spread in this latter way, English, Spanish, Portuguese and French, had their origins in western Europe, and indeed are daughter languages of Latin, or profoundly influenced by it. Although the other three European languages in the list, Russian, German and Italian, are not known in recent history for their associated governments’ attachment to peaceful methods of expanding their domains, their linguistic growth has been in practice predominantly organic. It is worth noting, as an early antidote to any militaristic presumptions about the causes of language growth, that outside the activities of the European colonists in the second half of the second millennium AD, very little of the growth of these giant languages in the top twenty can be set down to imperial aggression.^*

那么，是什么促成了他们的成长呢？值得注意的是，许多语言（二十种中的九种）在以水稻为主要作物的文明中使用（孟加拉语、日语、韩语、吴语和越语，^†爪哇语、泰米尔语、马拉地语、越南语）。显然，水稻能够养活密集而广泛的人口，而通过控制洪水来种植水稻需要高水平的组织。稻区不占优势的其他语言在对稻区进行政治控制的邻近地区使用（普通话、印地语和乌尔都语，如果它们完全不同的话，它们在语言上是一个方言连续体）。同样不可避免的是，在欧洲语言之外，这份名单主要由亚洲两个文化巨头中国和印度的语言组成。

What does account for their growth, then? It is noticeable that a great many of the languages (nine out of twenty) are spoken in civilisations sustained by rice as a staple crop (Bengali, Japanese, Korean, Wu and Yue Chinese,^† Javanese, Tamil, Marathi, Vietnamese). Evidently, rice is capable of supporting dense and extensive populations, and its cultivation, through controlled flooding, requires a high level of organisation. Other languages which are not predominantly in the rice area are spoken in neighbouring areas that have assumed political control of the rice areas (Mandarin Chinese, and Hindi and Urdu, which are linguistically in a dialect continuum if they are distinct at all). It is also inescapable that, outside the European languages, the list is predominantly made up of languages of the two cultural giants of Asia, China and India.

再往下看（前五十名），许多相同的模式得到：更多的汉语变体（晋语、湘、客家、闽、赣），更多的印度少数民族语言（古吉拉特语、卡纳达语、马拉雅拉姆语、奥里亚语、旁遮普语、 Bhojpuri, Awadhi, Sindhi)，更多的水稻经济体（缅甸语，巽他语（西爪哇语），泰语），更多的大型欧洲语言，有机种植（波兰语，塞尔维亚-克罗地亚语），尽管（在一种情况下）有殖民历史（荷兰语） .

Looking farther down the list (to the top fifty), many of the same patterns obtain: more variants of Chinese (Jinyu, Xiang, Hakka, Min, Gan), more Indian minority languages (Gujarati, Kannada, Malayalam, Oriya, Panjabi, Bhojpuri, Awadhi, Sindhi), more rice economies (Burmese, Sundanese (of western Java), Thai), more large European languages, grown organically (Polish, Serbo-Croat), despite (in one case) a colonial past (Dutch).

在政治上，值得注意的是，几乎所有这些语言都处于中央集权之下至少一千年：大型语言不会在小型政治单位的地区蓬勃发展，尽管奇怪的是在西欧有机地发展的语言，意大利语和德语是例外。显然，意大利的长期历史给出了某种解释：在公元五世纪西罗马帝国崩溃之前，一直存在政治统一；过去两个世纪实现的政治联盟，是今天明显语言统一的基础，可以追溯到那个黄金时代。德语同样是过去两个世纪政治的产物。但是，在过去的两千年中，各种德语方言的使用者保持足够接近以接受共同的文学标准这一事实令人惊讶和令人印象深刻，因为在语言社区历史的早期阶段几乎没有整体政治统一。（参见第 11 章，“奇怪地无效——德国的野心”，第 446 页。）

Politically, it is noteworthy that almost all these languages have been under a centralised authority for at least a millennium: large-scale languages do not flourish in areas of small-scale political units, although curiously the languages that have grown organically in western Europe, Italian and German, are exceptions to this. Evidently, the longer-term history of Italy gives something of an explanation: there had been political unity until the breakdown of the western Roman empire in the fifth century AD; the political union achieved in the last two centuries, the basis for its apparent linguistic unity today, harks back to that golden era. German is likewise an artefact of the politics of the last two centuries; but the fact that the speakers of the various German dialects have stayed close enough over the last two millennia to accept a common literary standard is surprising and impressive, for there is little overall political unity at earlier stages of the language community’s history. (See Chapter 11, ‘Curiously ineffective—German ambitions’, p. 446.)

另一个问题涉及在这些有利环境中传播的语言的选择。是否有一个标准可以预测一个群体中的哪种语言会传播开来让其邻居黯然失色？在一个中央集权的王国里，这通常是一个有意识或无意识的政策问题：毫不奇怪，选择晋升的标准通常是国家首都使用的品种。因此，汉语在历史上是与北京密切相关的语言形式，⁴就像日语与东京一样。⁵在中古英语中，占主导地位并因此设定标准的方言是伦敦方言。⁶在印度中部的各种方言中，印地语/乌尔都语是德里地区的特色。⁷俄语起源于东斯拉夫语的莫斯科变体；⁸越南人以河内地区为基础；⁹和法语是巴黎的浪漫演说。¹⁰有时，国家首都会搬家：标准的西班牙语源于 13 世纪中叶卡斯蒂利亚王国首都托莱多的讲话；¹¹和朝鲜语被认为起源于朝鲜半岛南部的新罗地区，该地区在 7 至 10 世纪占主导地位。¹²

Another question concerns the choice of the language that spreads out in these favourable environments. Is there a criterion that predicts which language in a group will spread out to eclipse its neighbours? In a centralised kingdom, this is often a matter of policy, conscious or unconscious: unsurprisingly, the standard chosen for promotion is usually the variety used in the national capital. Hence Mandarin Chinese is historically the form of the language closely associated with the city of Beijing,⁴ as Japanese is with Tokyo.⁵ In Middle English, the dialect that came to predominate and so set the standard was that of London.⁶ Among the various middle Indian dialects, Hindi/Urdu was characteristic of the Delhi region.⁷ Russian is by origin the Moscow variant of eastern Slavonic;⁸ Vietnamese is based on the region of Hanoi;⁹ and French is the Romance speech of Paris.¹⁰ Sometimes, the national capital has moved: so standard Spanish derives from the speech of Toledo, capital of the kingdom of Castile in the mid-thirteenth century;¹¹ and Korean is believed to have originated in the region of Silla in the south of the Korean peninsula, which was dominant in the seventh to tenth centuries.¹²

因此，粗略地说，在语言的政治经济学中，成为国家首都的城市的方言是值得的。在热带平原上是值得的，特别是如果它种植水稻的话；最重要的是，在东亚或南亚是值得的。但所有这些标准都有例外：事实上，英语一开始就没有这些优势。与商业一样，并购显然可以超过有机增长。

Grossly, then, one could claim that, in the political economy of languages, it pays to be the dialect of a city that becomes a national capital; it pays to be in a tropical plain, especially if it grows rice; and above all it pays to be in East or South Asia. But all these criteria have exceptions: indeed, English started out with none of these advantages. As in business, it is evident that merger and acquisition can outpace organic growth.

将我们的观察建立在当今世界上最广泛使用的语言的属性上的一个缺点是，前 20 名的列表并没有给出语言发展动态的内在意义：例如，哪些是新的进入者，哪些语言正在上升，哪些下降？一个世纪前的名单会是什么样子，一百年后会是什么样子？

A disadvantage in basing our observations on the properties of the most widespread languages in the world, as they happen to be today, is that the top twenty list gives no intrinsic sense of the dynamics of language growth: which, for example, are the new entrants, and which languages are moving up, which down? How would the list have looked a century ago, and how will it look a hundred years hence?

为了回答这些问题，我们需要将人口统计数据与某种语言声望的盛衰相结合。

To answer these questions we need to combine demographics with some sense of language prestige as it waxes and wanes.

人口统计是众所周知的问题：列表中的亚洲语言，其增长一直是有机的，将继续增长，除了中国（通过政策）和日本（通过自然生育率下降）。亚洲语言之所以在名单上，是因为它们的国家人口众多，而这些人口本质上并不是一夜之间发展起来的。因此，他们必须是名单上的常任理事国，除非这些人口表现出改变语言的倾向（例如，采用当地的国家语言代替他们自己的地区语言），或者受到一些巨大灾难的打击，规模如此之大，足以与 16 世纪欧洲人出现后肆虐美洲的流行病相提并论。¹³

The demographics are a matter of common knowledge: the Asian languages in the list, whose growth has been organic, will continue to grow, with the exceptions of China (by policy) and Japan (through falling natural fertility). The Asian languages are in the list because of their countries’ huge populations, which by their very nature did not develop overnight. Therefore, they must be permanent members of the list, until and unless these populations show some tendency to change their language (for example, to adopt the local national language in place of their own regional speech), or are hit by some immense catastrophe, so frighteningly huge that it would have to be comparable to the epidemics that devastated the Americas after the advent of the Europeans from the sixteenth century.¹³

未来 50 年，中国和印度次大陆的语言之间可能会出现一些竞争和重新平衡：1995 年至 2000 年期间，中国的人均生育率为 1.8，日本为 1.4，而印度和孟加拉国为 3.1 ，在巴基斯坦 5.0。根据这些趋势，印度的总人口预计到 2050 年将超过中国；在同一时期，巴基斯坦（主要语言旁遮普语，可能有三分之一的人口说）将成为世界上人口第三多的国家（超过美国），但孟加拉国（说孟加拉语）将保持其地位（作为第八大人口）。将人口增长百分比应用于这些语言，主要影响应该是乌尔都语和旁遮普语的使用者数量增加，而印度地区语言泰卢固语，马拉地语和泰米尔语可能会超过汉语、吴语和越语的区域形式。普通话遥遥领先（今天每一种英语、印地语-乌尔都语或西班牙语都有三个人说）它仍将是迄今为止世界上最广泛使用的语言，尽管在 50 年内它的规模可能仅是最接近的语言的两倍对手。

Some jockeying and rebalancing among languages in China and the Indian subcontinent is likely in the next fifty years: the fertility rate per woman in China in the period 1995-2000 has been 1.8, in Japan 1.4, whereas in India and Bangladesh it has been 3.1, in Pakistan 5.0. On these trends, India’s overall population is projected to overtake China’s by 2050; in the same period, Pakistan (majority language Panjabi, spoken by perhaps a third of the population) is set to become the third most populous country in the world (overtaking the USA), but Bangladesh (speaking Bengali) will just hold its position (as eighth most populous). Applying the population growth percentages to these languages, the main effect should be a jump in the speaker numbers for Urdu and Panjabi, while the Indian regional languages Telugu, Marathi and Tamil may overtake the regional forms of Chinese, Wu and Yue. Mandarin Chinese is so far ahead (with three speakers for every one of English, Hindi-Urdu or Spanish today) that it will still be by far the most widespread language in the world, though perhaps in fifty years only double the size of its nearest rival.

阿拉伯语国家的出生率很高，因此在接下来的半个世纪里，他们的人口可能会增加一倍以上。这应该足以维持阿拉伯语作为第五大语言的地位；但是仍然有必要将实际上是 25 种不同的口语加在一起——除了精英使用之外，没有统一标准的趋势。非洲大部分南部地区的增长也远远超过全球平均水平，因此我们可以预期其语言将在排行榜上上升：如果它们与尼日利亚的整体人口保持同步，最大的两个，豪萨语和约鲁巴语，将到 2050 年，他们的母语人口将增加两倍，从第 38 位和第 49 位上升到第 21 位和第 23 位。然而，即使有这样的增长，

Birth rates are high across the Arabic-speaking countries, so their population may more than double in the next half-century. This should be enough to maintain Arabic’s position as the fifth-biggest language; but it will still be necessary to add together what are in effect twenty-five separate spoken languages—there is no trend towards a unified standard outside elite usage. Most of the more southerly parts of Africa are also growing far beyond the global average, so we can expect its languages to move up the league table: if they keep pace with Nigeria’s population as a whole, the two largest, Hausa and Yoruba, will treble their native-speaker populations by 2050, rising from thirty-eighth and forty-ninth positions to twenty-first and twenty-third. Even with such growth, however, the languages of sub-Saharan Africa will remain outside the top twenty for the next fifty years.

不出所料，名单上的欧洲语言处于更加脆弱的位置。德国人和意大利人的大量人口归功于本国人口的有机增长。然而，就目前的生育率而言，这些都将下降，未来五十年可能下降多达 10%。这足以将德国人降到前二十名的底部，并将意大利人完全降级。但在目前情况下，这两个国家的任何减少都可能被移民增加所弥补，通过外国招聘有效地维持演讲者社区。

Unsurprisingly, the European languages on the list are in a much more fragile position. German and Italian have owed their large numbers to organic growth of their home populations; in terms of current fertility rates, though, these are set to fall, perhaps by as much as 10 per cent in the next fifty years. This would be enough to demote German towards the bottom of the top twenty, and relegate Italian altogether. But any decrease in either of these countries is in present conditions likely to be made up by increased immigration, effectively maintaining speaker communities through foreign recruitment.

俄语也在下降。为了促进其在东欧的有机增长，它扮演了一个庞大帝国的通用语言角色，该帝国在其鼎盛时期以从高加索到日本海的巨大新月形占据了整个北亚。然而，目前，整个大俄罗斯其他地区的人口都在减少。而在中亚新独立的国家，人们正在重新意识到他们有一种预先存在的通用语，可以用他们自己的、密切相关和相互理解的突厥语语言与邻国一起使用。如果这些还不够，人们也越来越相信，采用英语而不是俄语作为更广泛交流的语言可能会更好地服务于他们的全球联系。由于所有这些原因，

Russian too is in decline. Augmenting its organic growth in eastern Europe, it has had a role as the lingua franca of a vast empire, which at its height took in the whole of north Asia in a gigantic crescent from the Caucasus to the Sea of Japan. At the moment, however, populations are shrinking all across the remaining parts of greater Russia; and where they are not, in the newly independent states of central Asia, people are reawakening to the fact they have a pre-existing lingua franca to use with the neighbours in their own, closely related and mutually intelligible, Turkic languages. If these do not suffice, the people are also increasingly coming to believe that their global links may be better served by adopting English rather than Russian as their language of wider communication. For all these reasons, the future does not look rosy for Russian.

其他主要的欧洲语言，英语、西班牙语、葡萄牙语和法语，都归功于在公元二千年后半期开始主宰地球的殖民帝国。它们是殖民地人口的语言，能够在他们新移植的新家园中大量增长，从而为他们的自然增长增加了移民的力量；它们还能够以牺牲以前被殖民土地本地语言为代价的传播：通过这种方式，更广泛的交流语言往往最终垄断了所有的交流。

The other major European languages, English, Spanish, Portuguese and French, all owe their status to the colonial empires that came to dominate the earth in the second half of the second millennium AD. They are the languages of colonial populations that were able to grow massively in their new, transplanted, homes, adding the strength of immigrants to their natural increase; they were also able to spread at the expense of languages previously local to the colonised lands: in this way, languages of wider communication often ended up monopolising all the communication.

对于除法国人外的所有人来说，他们人口最多的前殖民地现在大大超过了他们的祖国：美国的人口是英国的四倍多，墨西哥的人口几乎是西班牙的三倍，巴西的人口是葡萄牙的十七倍。从现在起 50 年后，很难预测它们在世界上最广泛使用的语言中的位置。西班牙和葡萄牙应该在仍然强劲增长的国家中保持其份额：例如，墨西哥和巴西预计在此期间将增加约 50% 的人口，而美洲和非洲的其他殖民地则不会不同的。与此同时，美国的人口可能会增加四分之一，尽管这可能不会使英语社区受益——值得注意的是，增长主要是在讲西班牙语的人群中。

For all of them except French, their most populous ex-colony now vastly outnumbers their motherland: the USA has over four times the population of the UK, Mexico almost three times that of Spain, Brazil seventeen times that of Portugal. It is extremely difficult to predict their positions among the most widespread languages of the world fifty years from now. Spanish and Portuguese should maintain their share in countries that are still growing strongly: Mexico and Brazil, for example, are expected to add some 50 per cent to their populations in this period, and the other colonies in the Americas and Africa will not be that different. Meanwhile, the USA may add a quarter to its population, although this may not benefit the English-language community—significantly, the growth is mainly among Spanish speakers.

事实上，未来最难预测的是法语和英语。这些语言可以被视为全球化的载体，每一种语言都是与更广阔的世界联系的通用语。他们的母语人口往往在人口已经稳定甚至可能正在减少的国家。这意味着它们未来的增长前景有限。然而，这些国家在经济、文化和军事上都是世界上最具影响力的国家。结果，英语和法语被世界各地的人们广泛用作第二语言，出于商业和文化原因，这与语言的声望息息相关。尤其是法语，该语言的地位在政治上被锁定，因为有这么多法国的前殖民地，特别是在中非，已将其作为官方语言。（参见第 11 章，“法语国家”，第 419 页。）至于英语，其声望有时与历史渊源几乎没有关系：见证波罗的海周围目前对学习英语的兴趣激增，这是一个从未有过的地区。与英国或美国有过往来。更普遍地说，以美国为中心的大众文化目前在全球享有盛誉。但正如我们所见，这种长期的语言效应可能是令人惊讶的短暂。（另见第 14 章，“前进的道路”，第 541 页。）一个从未与英国或美国打过交道的地区。更普遍地说，以美国为中心的大众文化目前在全球享有盛誉。但正如我们所见，这种长期的语言效应可能是令人惊讶的短暂。（另见第 14 章，“前进的道路”，第 541 页。）一个从未与英国或美国打过交道的地区。更普遍地说，以美国为中心的大众文化目前在全球享有盛誉。但正如我们所见，这种长期的语言效应可能是令人惊讶的短暂。（另见第 14 章，“前进的道路”，第 541 页。）

In fact, it is for French and English that the future is hardest to predict. These are the languages that might be seen as vehicles of globalisation, each in its way a lingua franca for contact with a wider world. Their native-speaker populations tend to be in countries where the population has stabilised and may even be decreasing. This would imply that their prospects for future growth are limited. However, those same countries are the most influential in the world, economically, culturally and militarily. As a result, English and French are widely acquired as second languages by people all over the world, for business and cultural reasons that have everything to do with the prestige of the languages. In the case of French especially, the language’s status is locked in politically, since so many of France’s ex-colonies, especially in central Africa, have adopted it as their official language. (See Chapter 11, ‘La francophonie’, p. 419.) As for English, the prestige has sometimes very little to do with historic links: witness the current surge of interest in learning English around the Baltic Sea, a zone that has never had dealings with Britain or America. More generally, US-centred mass culture enjoys global popularity at the moment. But the long-term linguistic effect of this, as we have seen, may be surprisingly transient. (See also Chapter 14, ‘Way to go’, p. 541.)

全球语言之间的未来平衡现在非常激烈。从人口统计上看，随着世界其他地区的绝对财富和相对财富的增长，欧洲语言，尤其是英语的作用可能会下降。（最近通过了一个关键的里程碑，当时互联网上的英语流量超过了其他语言的总流量。）但是随着财富的增长，学习和使用这些语言的需求似乎越来越大，因为它们现在很少见作为殖民统治的象征，更是进入全球体系的关键钥匙。从某种意义上说，语言在通用语角色中的重要性，以及作为对超越当地利益的生活方式的承诺的象征，抵消了它们作为第一语言的主导地位的衰落。

The future balance among languages worldwide is now very much in contention. Demographically, the role of the European languages, and especially English, could have been expected to decline, as the rest of the world grows both absolutely, and in terms of relative wealth. (One key milestone was passed recently, when English traffic on the Internet was exceeded by the total in other languages.) But as that wealth grows, there appears to be an increasing demand to learn and use these languages, for they are now seen less as symbols of colonial domination and more as crucial keys for access to the global system. In some sense, the languages’ importance in the role of lingua franca, and as symbols of commitment to a way of life that goes beyond local interests, counteracts the decline of their dominance as first languages.

这种向内和向外增长之间的紧张关系，在母语随着母语人口的增长而日益增加的重要性与被视为与更广阔世界建立联系的通用语的同时流行之间的紧张关系，不仅在这个全球层面上都能感受到。原则上，这并不是什么新鲜事：同样的紧张关系在为建立联邦而超越部落和社区摩擦的斗争中有着悠久的历史。

This tension between inward and outward growth, between the increasing importance of a mother tongue as its speaker population grows and the concurrent popularity of a lingua franca seen as developing links to a wider world, is felt not only at this, global, level. In principle, it is nothing new: the same tension has a long history in the struggles to transcend tribal and communal frictions in order to build federated nations.

值得注意的是，印度尼西亚最大的两种语言，爪哇语（7500 万）和巽他语（2700 万）都在人口稠密的爪哇岛上使用，它们正在快速增长，并且远大于被宣传为国语的语言。这个国家，印度尼西亚语（1700 万）——在语言上就是马来语，这是东印度群岛的通用语，因此不仅在印度尼西亚，而且在马来西亚、文莱和新加坡，共有 4700 万使用者。^*对于印度尼西亚的大多数人来说，就像在世界上一样，当地生活及其联系仍然远远大于国家或全球的愿望。

It is notable that the two largest languages in Indonesia, Javanese (75 million) and Sundanese (27 million), both spoken on the highly populated island of Java, are growing fast, and are far larger than what is promoted as the national language of the country, Bahasa Indonesia (17 million)—which is linguistically none other than Malay, the lingua franca of the East Indies, and as such spoken not only in Indonesia but also in Malaysia, Brunei and Singapore, with 47 million speakers in all.^* For most people in Indonesia, as in the world, local life and its contacts still loom far larger than national or global aspirations.

同样，在东非，通用语是斯瓦希里语。这种语言起源于班图语，但通过与阿拉伯语的贸易接触而发生了变化（见第 3 章，“阿拉伯语——雄辩与平等：‘顺从的胜利’，第 103 页），共有约 3000 万使用者，但只有 500 万他们自然而然地将其作为第一语言习得。尽管如此，它是坦桑尼亚的官方语言，也是邻国肯尼亚和该地区许多其他国家使用最广泛的语言。在任何地方，它的使用者都少于各国最大的语言。

Likewise, in East Africa the lingua franca is Swahili. This language, of Bantu origin but transformed through trade contact with Arabic (see Chapter 3, ‘Arabic—eloquence and equality: The triumph of ‘submission”, p. 103), has some 30 million speakers in all, but only 5 million of them acquired it naturally as their first language. Nevertheless, it is the official language of Tanzania, and the most widely spoken language in neighbouring Kenya and many other countries in the area. Everywhere, it has fewer speakers than the countries’ largest languages.

出于许多目的，语言社区中有多少人并不重要，重要的是这些人是谁——以及分布有多好。

For many purposes, it is less important how many there are in a linguistic community than who those people are—and how well distributed.

^*非洲裔的第一语言实际上是埃及阿拉伯语，有 4600 万使用者，其排名不高于 23。阿拉伯语的不同“方言”有超过 25 种，它们为相互理解提供了相当坚固的障碍，因此它们在这个列表中被很好地列为不同的语言。如果将它们整合为一个单一的超语言社区，并通过精英使用古典阿拉伯语作为通用语而联合起来，那么它们将达到 2.05 亿以上，介于孟加拉语和葡萄牙语之间。懂古典阿拉伯语的人大约有1亿人。（与所有闪米特语一样，阿拉伯语的遥远祖先在非洲。见第 3 章，“阿卡德语——世界领先的技术：识字模式”，第 58 页。下一个主要的非洲语言是豪萨语，有 3900 万母语者和次要者。）

^* The first language of African origin is in fact Egyptian Arabic, with 46 million speakers, which ranks it no higher than twenty-third. The different ‘dialects’ of Arabic, of which there are over twenty-five, offer quite solid barriers to mutual intelligibility, so they are well cast in this list as distinct languages. If they are consolidated as a single hyper-language community, united by the elite’s use of classical Arabic as a lingua franca, they would amount to something over 205 million, placing them between Bengali and Portuguese. Those who know classical Arabic number about 100 million. (The distant ancestry of Arabic, like all the Semitic languages, lies in Africa. See Chapter 3, ‘Akkadian—world-beating technology: A model of literacy’, p. 58. The next major African language is Hausa, with 39 million native and secondary speakers.)

†他们在西方更广为人知的是上海话和广东话。

† They are better known in the West as Shanghainese and Cantonese.

^*然而，它与印度尼西亚的联系足够强大，以至于它在新的东帝汶国家被明确地抛弃为官方语言，东帝汶怀念地选择回归早期殖民大国葡萄牙语的语言。

^* Nevertheless, its association with Indonesia was strong enough for it to be pointedly discarded as an official language in the new state of East Timor, which has nostalgically opted instead for a return to the language of the earlier colonial power, Portuguese.

14

展望未来

14

Looking Ahead

什么是旧的

What is old

从我们的全球调查中得出的最明显的判断是，作为历史上传播语言的第一股力量，人们的迁徙一直占据着主导地位。农民的迁徙把汉语带到了长江沿岸和更远的地方；游牧民族和难民的迁徙将亚拉姆语从叙利亚向东带入幼发拉底河到巴比伦；一次商人的迁徙使布匿穿越地中海，从提尔到迦太基和北非。移民在政治上以国家殖民地的形式组织起来，但仍然吸引着志愿者，他们在公元前 2 世纪和 1 世纪在意大利北部和法国南部的高卢人中播种了拉丁语，因为他们在公元 17 世纪沿北美东海岸播种了英语，并沿着十九世纪的澳大利亚海岸。

The most evident judgement to emerge from our global survey is that migration of peoples, the first force in history to spread languages, dominates to this day. A farmers’ migration brought Chinese south to the banks of the Yangtze Kiang and beyond; nomads’ and refugees’ migrations brought Aramaic east from Syria and down the Euphrates to Babylon; a merchants’ migration brought Punic across the Mediterranean sea from Tyre to Carthage and North Africa. Migrations organised politically as state colonies, but still attracting volunteers, seeded Latin among the Gauls of northern Italy and southern France in the second and first centuries BC, as they seeded English along the eastern shores of North America in the seventeenth AD, and along the shores of Australia in the nineteenth. Even now the quasi-spontaneous migration dynamic of Spanish speakers moving north across the Rio Grande is the greatest challenge to the complete dominance of English in the USA.

看来，在 19 世纪英语在印度出现有趣的发展之前，只有在征服之后有大量已经说征服者语言的人移民后，外国征服才会导致语言转变。从这个意义上说，当一个军事征服者显然将他的语言传播到新的领土时，真正的根源是迁移而不是征服。

It appears that, until the interesting developments with English in India in the nineteenth century, foreign conquests led to language shift only if the conquest was followed up with substantial immigration of people who already spoke the conquerors’ language. In this sense, it is migration rather than conquest which is really at root when a military conqueror apparently spreads his language into new territories.

吸引移民的重要性可能解释了我们注意到的希腊和罗马帝国之间的主要差异。尽管希腊的控制在政治上是安全的，但在亚历山大征服波斯帝国的遥远省份之后，讲希腊语只是表面上的。在波斯本身，当帕提亚人重新确立土著控制权时，希腊语在五六代之后就被淘汰了。甚至在叙利亚、巴勒斯坦和埃及，希腊的行政权由罗马人接管并持续了一千年，当时流行的语言仍然是亚拉姆语（埃及人在埃及）。当阿拉伯人在七世纪接管政府时，希腊语在几代人之内就被完全消灭了，甚至在一千年之后。相比之下，罗马对西欧大陆的征服已经证明其语言效果是永久性的。即使在没有明确的殖民地的地方（我们已经注意到这些是如何在意大利北部为拉丁语开辟道路的——参见第 7 章，“Rún：凯尔特人的冲动卓越”，第 293 页），在整个帝国罗马军队提供了源源不断的定居者，退伍军人经常在他们曾服役的土地上定居和工作。¹

The importance of attracting immigrants may account for a major difference that we noted between the Greek and Roman empires. Greek-speaking only superficially followed Alexander’s conquests in the far-flung provinces of the Persian empire, even though Greek control was politically secure. In Persia itself, Greek was eliminated after five or six generations when Parthians reasserted indigenous control; and even in Syria, Palestine and Egypt, where Greek administration was taken up under the Romans and so continued for a millennium, the popular language for all that time remained Aramaic (with Egyptian in Egypt). When the Arabs took over administration in the seventh century, Greek was eliminated altogether within a couple of generations, even after a thousand years. By contrast, the Roman conquests on the continent of western Europe have proved permanent in their linguistic effects. Even where there were no explicit colonies (and we have noted how these led the way for Latin in northern Italy—see Chapter 7, ‘Rún: The impulsive pre-eminence of the Celts’, p. 293), all over the empire the Roman army provided a continuing source of settlers, veterans often settling down and working the land where they had served.¹

同样，在 17 世纪和 18 世纪，讲英语的移民迅速进入北美，这对将英语推向所有其他殖民语言产生了影响。（参见第 12 章，“Westward Ho！”，第 481 页。）作为证明规则的例外，加拿大法语通过一项为讲法语的女性提供协助移民的深思熟虑的政策确立了自己的地位并蓬勃发展。（见第 11 章，“法语国家”，第 414 页。）后来向北美的大规模移民在不同的意义上是一个例外：它并没有削弱该大陆现在定居的说英语的趋势，因为移民没有，在一般情况下，与同语言的其他人一起搬家或定居；因此，这些后来的移民大多倾向于学习英语，而不是将他们自己的语言传给他们的新邻居。

Likewise, the cracking early pace of English-speaking immigration into North America was influential in promoting English over all the other colonial languages in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. (See Chapter 12, ‘Westward Ho!’, p. 481.) And as the exception that proves the rule, Canadian French established itself, and throve, through a deliberate policy of assisted emigration for French-speaking women. (See Chapter 11, ‘La francophonie’, p. 414.) The later massive immigration to North America was an exception in a different sense: it did not diminish the now settled English-speaking tendency of the continent because immigrants did not, in general, move or settle in with others of the same language; as a result these later immigrants tended mostly to acquire English, rather than passing their own languages on to their new neighbours. Despite many community links, this trend prevailed.

移民是语言传播的基本种子，但很多时候，新移民的定居倾向，从而取代了使用不同语言的老年人口，由于新移民的更大生育率而变得更加复杂和加强。他们发现自己比土著人具有某种优势，结果证明他们拥有更大的家庭，因此在几代人之后，他们的人数就超过了土著人口。这很可能一直伴随着大规模移民——没有某种优势，无论是在健康、财富还是接受较低的工资方面，很难看出任何移民人口如何能够超越居民——但它已经在美国、澳大利亚和新西兰的早期历史中表现得尤为明显，那里的增长迅速并被人口普查记录在案。在所有这些情况下，移民正在引进温带作物和牲畜。然而，人们可以推测，类似的因素在过去一定经常出现——例如，有利于西亚许多地区的第一批闪米特语使用者，当时他们首次将可耕种作物引入以前只知道的新地区猎人、采集者和牧民。更大的家庭意味着对土地的更高需求，但也意味着需要更大的军队来占领和保卫它，所有这些都有利于农业移民所讲的语言。事实上，这正是我们在第 13 章发现的对如此多的大型语言社区负责的“自然增长”。支持西亚许多地区的第一批闪米特人，当时他们首次将可耕种作物引入以前只知道猎人、采集者和牧民的新地区。更大的家庭意味着对土地的更高需求，但也意味着需要更大的军队来占领和保卫它，所有这些都有利于农业移民所讲的语言。事实上，这正是我们在第 13 章发现的对如此多的大型语言社区负责的“自然增长”。支持西亚许多地区的第一批闪米特人，当时他们首次将可耕种作物引入以前只知道猎人、采集者和牧民的新地区。更大的家庭意味着对土地的更高需求，但也意味着需要更大的军队来占领和保卫它，所有这些都有利于农业移民所讲的语言。事实上，这正是我们在第 13 章发现的对如此多的大型语言社区负责的“自然增长”。

Immigration is the basic seed of language spread, but very often the propensity of newcomers to settle, and so displace older populations with different languages, is compounded and reinforced by the greater fertility of the newcomers. Finding themselves at some sort of advantage over the natives, they turn out to have larger families, and hence in a few generations are more numerous than the indigenous population. This has very likely always been a concomitant of large-scale immigration—without some sort of advantage, whether in health, wealth or even acceptance of lower wages, it is difficult to see how any immigrant population can become established over residents—but it has been particularly clear in the early history of the USA, Australia and New Zealand, where the growth was meteoric and documented by census. In all these cases, the immigrants were introducing temperate-zone crops and livestock. One can conjecture, however, that similar factors must have played out very often in the past—for example, in favour of the first Semitic speakers in many parts of western Asia, when they first introduced arable crops into new territories that had previously known only hunters, gatherers and pastoralists. Larger families mean heightened demand for land, but also larger armies to take and defend it, and all this benefits the languages the farming immigrants speak. This is in fact nothing other than the ‘natural growth’ that we found responsible for so many large language communities in Chapter 13.

我们发现，一个经常被认为是语言传播的因素几乎没有长期影响。这是贸易。正式的贸易关系当然由来已久，至少与书面语言一样古老。（我们看到美索不达米亚书面语言的起源似乎是由于对交易代币的重新解释（第 3 章，“苏美尔语——第一种古典语言：死后的生活”，第 51 页）。）贸易专业化已将其语言永久地作为白话，甚至作为通用语传递给其客户。此类活动至多倾向于对语言的渗透，甚至扩散，因为商家作为移民永久进入客户社区的情况相当罕见。迦太基，使用商人的语言腓尼基语或布匿语，进入北非的大部分地区就是这样一个罕见的例子。一般来说，这些商人的语言——其他例子是丝绸之路沿线的粟特语、阿拉伯语和后来印度洋的葡萄牙语——不会从受限的商业用途中跳出来。当市场消失或其他人加入时，语言也会被丢弃。因此，对于当今英语正受益于其作为全球商业语言的地位的建议，需要以一些怀疑的态度接受：英语很可能是当今的务实偏好，但贸易模式会随着时间的推移而变化，单靠贸易联系并不能保证语言社区. 印度洋上的阿拉伯语和后来的葡萄牙语——不要从受限的商业用途中跳出来。当市场消失或其他人加入时，语言也会被丢弃。因此，对于当今英语正受益于其作为全球商业语言的地位的建议，需要以一些怀疑的态度接受：英语很可能是当今的务实偏好，但贸易模式会随着时间的推移而变化，单靠贸易联系并不能保证语言社区. 印度洋上的阿拉伯语和后来的葡萄牙语——不要从受限的商业用途中跳出来。当市场消失或其他人加入时，语言也会被丢弃。因此，对于当今英语正受益于其作为全球商业语言的地位的建议，需要以一些怀疑的态度接受：英语很可能是当今的务实偏好，但贸易模式会随着时间的推移而变化，单靠贸易联系并不能保证语言社区.

One factor that is often credited for language spread we have found of very little long-term effect. This is trade. Formal trade relations are of course of great antiquity, at least as old as written language. (We saw that the origin of written language in Mesopotamia seems to have been due to a reinterpretation of trading tokens (Chapter 3, ‘Sumerian—the first classical language: Life after death’, p. 51).) But no community famous for specialisation in trade has passed its language on permanently as a vernacular, or even as a lingua franca, to its customers. At most such activity tends to infiltration of the language, or even diffusion, since the instances where merchants have set up permanently as immigrants into the customer community are rather rare. Carthage, which carried the merchants’ language Phoenician, or Punic, into a substantial part of North Africa would be one such rare example. In general, these merchants’ languages—other examples are Sogdian along the Silk Road, Arabic and later Portuguese in the Indian Ocean—do not make the jump from a restricted business use. When the market disappears, or others muscle in, the language too is dropped. So suggestions that English nowadays is benefiting from its position as the language of global business need to be received with some scepticism: English may well be today’s pragmatic preference, but trade patterns change over time, and a trade connection alone will not guarantee a language community.

然而，商人并不总是在他们访问异国情调的地方时携带商品。有时他们会带来一种新的信仰，要么自己担任传教士，要么带来职业传教士。如果信仰有这样的关联，这些使命可以成为新语言的重要载体。在公元第一个千年到达东南亚的梵文和巴利文伴随着印度教和佛教商人或海盗而来；一千年后，来自印度的其他商人带来了伊斯兰教，而第一批欧洲商人，主要是葡萄牙人，则向他们提供了天主教。在这四种宗教中，每一种都有一种伴随的语言，只有基督教——语言意识最差的——似乎将其语言投射为白话；而梵语、巴利语和阿拉伯语仍然是仅限于崇拜的语言，葡萄牙语实际上成为许多皈依者的第一语言，并且以流行的克里奥尔语形式从印度到马来亚一直存在至今。英国东印度公司来到印度只是为了谋取利益，它留了足够长的时间让传教士增强实力，最终也开始教当地人英语。

However, merchants do not always just bring goods on their visits to exotic locations. Sometimes they bring with them a new faith, and either act as missionaries for it themselves, or bring vocational missionaries with them. These missions can be important vehicles of a new language, if the faith has such an association. The Sanskrit and Pali that reached South-East Asia in the first millennium AD came with Hindu and Buddhist traders or buccaneers; a thousand years later, other traders from India were bringing in Islam, while the first European merchants, mostly Portuguese, were offering them Catholic Christianity. Of these four religions, each with an attendant language, only Christianity—the least language-conscious—seems to have projected its language as a vernacular; while Sanskrit, Pali and Arabic have remained languages confined to worship, Portuguese actually became the first language of many converts, and survives to this day in popular creolised forms from India to Malaya. And the English East India Company, which had come to India merely in search of profit, stayed long enough for missionaries to build up their strength and end up teaching the population English too.

但传教士并不总是别有用心的商人。宣教本身可能是前往遥远地区的主要动机：这些朝圣宣教士传播了多种语言，尤其是在亚洲。公元一世纪，佛教僧侣绕过喜马拉雅山，穿越阿富汗和帕米尔高原，将四圣谛和神圣的梵文带给汉语。八世纪，景教从叙利亚经波斯一路来到同一条丝绸之路的入口，并通过这条丝绸之路将基督教——至少是短暂的亚拉姆语——带入了中国的心脏地带。他们已经把它带到了印度的南端。（见第 3 章，“第二个插曲：信仰的盾牌”，第 88 页。）穆斯林也沿着同样的跨亚洲路线传播他们的信仰，这种信仰得以幸存，尤其是在中国沿海地区，到今天; 没有阿拉伯语，伊斯兰教是不可想象的。就在最近，在 19 世纪，基督教新教宣教将第一个英语单词带入了中非和大部分太平洋岛屿。（见第 12 章，“被风暴席卷的世界”，第 507 页。）

But missionaries are not always traders with an ulterior motive. Missions may themselves offer a major motive for travel to distant parts: and such pilgrim missionaries have spread many languages, especially in Asia. In the first century AD Buddhist monks rounded the Himalayas, through Afghanistan and the Pamirs, to take the Four Noble Truths to the Chinese, and with them sacred Sanskrit. In the eighth century Nestorians, coming all the way from Syria via Persia, reached the entrance of the same Silk Road, and through it brought Christianity—and at least briefly Aramaic—into the heart of China. They had already taken it to the southern tip of India. (See Chapter 3, ‘Second interlude: The shield of faith’, p. 88.) Muslims too had come along the same trans-Asiatic route to spread their faith, which survives, especially on the coasts of China, to this day; and Islam is unthinkable without Arabic. Just recently, in the nineteenth century, Protestant Christian missions brought the first words in English into central Africa, and to most of the Pacific Islands. (See Chapter 12, ‘The world taken by storm’, pp. 507ff.)

可悲的是，传教士的动机并不总是那么平和。换句话说，统治民族有时会感到一种冲动，通常被认为是一种责任，将他们的信仰强加给他们击败的外国人，以“启迪”他们。在极端情况下——在公元第二个千年并不罕见——责任被强化为正义的侵略：信徒必须试图击败他们的邻居，只是为了将他们的信仰强加给他们。

Sadly, missionary motives are not always so peaceable. Put another way, dominant peoples sometimes feel an urge, usually conceived as a duty, to impose their faith on foreigners they have defeated, to ‘enlighten’ them. In extreme cases—not rare in the second millennium AD—the duty is sharpened into a righteous aggression: the believers must attempt to defeat their neighbours simply to impose their faith on them.

这种“十字军”的动机似乎是源自希伯来启示录、犹太教、基督教和伊斯兰教的信仰的特别特征。对于犹太人来说，他们几乎总是比他们的敌人或邻居小得多，因此只能怀旧地支持该学说，回想起他们早期征服的圣经故事。对于穆斯林来说，一直有这样一种教义，即ahl al-kitāb，圣经中的人民——犹太人、基督徒和琐罗亚斯德教徒以及穆斯林本身——被赋予了特殊的宽容，因此他们击败的大多数人都表现出一定的温和态度。基督徒有责任尝试以宗教的名义发动侵略性和帝国主义战争的严酷性。

This ‘crusading’ motive seems particularly characteristic of the faiths derived from Hebrew revelation, Judaism, Christianity and Islam. It has been mitigated for the Jews by the fact that they have almost always been in much smaller force than their enemies or neighbours, and hence can only endorse the doctrine nostalgically, recalling biblical tales of their early conquests. For Muslims, there was always the doctrine that ahl al-kitāb, Peoples of the Book—Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians along with Muslims themselves—were owed a special tolerance, and so a certain moderation was shown to most of those they defeated. It fell to Christians to try out the full rigours of waging aggressive and imperialistic wars in the name of religion.

该教义是在 12 和 13 世纪对伊斯兰教的十字军东征中形成的，当时基督徒没有足够的优势来建立长期的统治地位。但是在 14 世纪和 15 世纪，摩尔人被驱逐出西班牙，甚至更多地是在美洲，力量却远不平衡。西班牙和葡萄牙国王获得正式授权，可以剥夺其他国王的领土，并建立自己的帝国，明确是为了扩大天主教信仰的领域。²但本次全球评论最大的讽刺之一是发现，在整个拉丁美洲，是宗教团体倾向于维持美国本土语言的使用：只有当欧洲的语言开始消灭其他语言时，才特别关注和支持本地人失效了。（参见第 10 章，“国家的解决方案：Hispanización”，第 373 页。）无论基督徒最初的意图是什么，传播语言的是定居者，而不是传教士或他们的十字军信仰。

The doctrine was forged in the crusades against Islam of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, when the Christians had insufficient advantage to create long-term dominance. But in the expulsion of the Moors from Spain in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and even more in the Americas, forces were far less even. The kings of Spain and Portugal received formal authorisation to dispossess other kings, and establish their own empires, explicitly in order to extend the domains of the Catholic faith.² But it was one of the greater ironies of this global review to discover that all over Latin America it was the religious communities which tended to sustain use of America’s indigenous languages: Europe’s languages began to wipe the others out only when the special concern with and for natives lapsed. (See Chapter 10, ‘The state’s solution: Hispanización’, p. 373.) Whatever the Christians’ original intent, it was settlers, rather than missionaries or their crusading Faith, who spread languages.

什么是新的

What is new

人性可能不会发生太大变化，但在过去的半个世纪里——我们称之为“海上语言”的时期——一些新的因素开始发挥作用，从根本上影响了语言的传播能力。

Human nature may not change much, but in the last half-millennium—the period we have represented as Languages by Sea—some new factors have come into play which affected radically the capacity of languages to spread.

其中第一个是全球导航。开发此产品的动机是商业目的，即 15 世纪欧洲以更便宜的价格收购亚洲商品，尤其是香料的雄心。雄心很快就实现了，但直接的副作用是反其道而行之——逐渐建立远在亚洲和美洲的欧洲人的语言社区，这些社区很快就在当地获得了新成员。语言社区不再需要是连续的，或者通过在熟悉的海域进行短暂的航行连接起来。

The first of these is global navigation. The motive for developing this was mercantile, a fifteenth-century European ambition to acquire Asian commodities, especially spices, more cheaply. The ambition was very soon fulfilled, but an immediate side effect was to operate in the reverse direction—the gradual establishment of speech communities of Europeans far away in Asia and the Americas, communities that very soon gained new members locally. It was no longer necessary for speech communities to be contiguous, or linked by brief cruises across familiar seas.

可以引用这一突破的先行者——中国与东南亚的贸易在 15 世纪初曾短暂扩张到整个印度洋（见第 4 章，“从黄河到长江的语言”，第 15 页）。 147); 在公元一千年初期占领印度洋的阿拉伯、波斯和印度商人；太平洋上更早的波利尼西亚水手乘坐他们的支腿独木舟，他们逐岛到达那里的每一个可居住的陆地；事实上，数千年前的原始航海者穿越东印度群岛，穿越托雷斯海峡到达澳大利亚。但是，这些先驱者中没有一个能够一劳永逸地绘制出整个世界的地图，提供完整的清单，列出将要发现的土地以及它们所在的位置。在 16 世纪，世界从一个开放的系统缩小到一个封闭而明确的领域，仍然很危险，但现在第一次可以控制。现在可以想象，同伴们可以在大洋的另一边安家，实际上是在许多大洋之外：他们可能很难到达，但他们的地址会被人知道。虽然他们分散在世界各地，但可以保持联系。

It is possible to quote forerunners for this breakthrough—the Chinese commerce with South-East Asia that briefly expanded to take in the whole Indian Ocean in the early fifteenth century (see Chapter 4, ‘Language from Huang-he to Yangtze’, p. 147); the Arab, Persian and Indian traders who had taken the Indian Ocean for their domain in the early first millennium AD; the much earlier Polynesian mariners of the Pacific in their outrigger canoes, who island by island reached every habitable landmass there; indeed, the primeval navigators who many thousands of years ago made their way through the East Indies and across the Torres Straits to Australia. But none of these forerunners succeeded in mapping the whole world once and for all, providing the complete inventory of what lands there were to be discovered, and where they lay. In the sixteenth century, the world shrank from an open system to a closed and definite sphere, still dangerous but now for the first time manageable. Now it became conceivable that fellow-speakers could set up home on the other side of an ocean, indeed many oceans away: they might be hard to reach, but their address would be known. Though they were scattered across the world, contact could be maintained.

一旦这个不连续的社区网络建立起来，可以通过定期的海上交通来维持，社区间关系的范围也发生了变化。在美洲，流行病的爆发很快重新调整了居民和移民社区的相对规模，而在拉丁美洲，广泛的杂交很快模糊了他们之间的语言和文化界限。结果，定居者社区通过合并或简单的迁移在很大程度上取代了以前的居民人口。^*除了正在发生的大陆规模之外，没有什么新鲜事。类似的事情一定发生过，例如，当罗马人入侵高卢或撒克逊人占领英格兰时。但是在印度和东印度群岛，土著社区并不容易受到移民带来的疾病的影响：相反，那里流行的疾病使移民人口很少。其结果是，一个由外来者组成的少数族裔社区，即欧洲人，一直生活在常住人口的边缘，但在其中的影响力越来越大。这是一个新情况，对它的反应，通过再教育传播一种语言，也是新的。

Once this network of discontinuous communities had been established, maintainable through regular sea traffic, the scope of inter-communal relations changed too. In the Americas, the onset of epidemic disease very quickly readjusted the relative size of resident and incomer communities, and in Latin America extensive interbreeding soon blurred the borders, linguistic and cultural, between them. As a result, the settler communities largely replaced, by incorporation or by simple displacement, the previous resident populations.^* Nothing new there, except for the continental scale of what was happening; something analogous must have happened, for example, when the Romans invaded Gaul, or the Saxons took over England. But in India and the East Indies, the indigenous community was not vulnerable to disease brought by the immigrants: on the contrary, the diseases endemic there kept the immigrant population small. The result was a persistently small minority community of outsiders, the Europeans, living on the edge of the resident population, but increasingly influential within it. This was a new situation and the response to it, the spread of a language by re-education, was new too.

实际上，外来的少数派将其声望的语言传递给了多数派的精英，不是作为通用语，而是作为一种文化招募的象征。这一发展的新颖之处在于它发生在英属印度，而不是在高度相似的荷属东印度群岛。荷兰的 Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie 和英国的东印度公司都将日耳曼语带入了南亚的长期商业市场；两者都成功地取代了欧洲竞争对手，葡萄牙人或法国人；两者都吸引了新教传教士营地追随者，他们热衷于向当地居民传播他们的精神世界观。但荷兰人总是满足于使用当地通用语言马来语作为他们的宗教和行政语言。这mijnheers自己的世界与他们当地的供应商、员工和（最终）对象的世界是分开的，所以它会继续存在。（参见第 11 章，“荷兰闯入者”，第 395 页。）只有英国人提供了转换到他们自己的语言英语的方法。当他们这样做时，他们肯定屈服于来自自己的传教士的压力，但也来自他们的家乡人口和许多印度精英。对殖民地新兴的新态度要求不低，不仅将其视为获利的地方，而且将其视为英属印度，将其作为大不列颠的一部分进行发展。

Effectively, the outsider minority passed its prestige language on to the elite of the majority, not as a lingua franca, but as a symbol of a kind of cultural recruitment. The novelty of this development is underlined by the fact that it happened in British India, but not in the highly similar Dutch East Indies. Both the Dutch Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie and the English East India Company had brought a Germanic language to a long-standing commercial market in South Asia; both had succeeded in displacing European competitors, the Portuguese or the French; both had attracted Protestant missionary camp-followers who were keen to spread their spiritual world-view to the local population. But the Dutch were content always to use the local lingua franca, Malay, as the language for their religion, and their administration. The mijnheers’ own world was separate from that of their local suppliers, employees and (ultimately) subjects, and so it would remain. (See Chapter 11, ‘Dutch interlopers’, p. 395.) Only the British provided the means to switch to their own language, English. When they did this, they were yielding certainly to pressure from their own missionaries, but also from their home population and many elite Indians. The emerging new attitude to the colony demanded nothing less, seeing it not just as a place in which to make a profit, but as British India, to be developed as a part of Greater Britain.

事实证明，这一步骤为英语作为世界语言开辟了道路，任何想要参与工业革命的人都可以使用，无论他们住在哪里。当时的动机可能让人想起大主教洛伦扎纳（Lorenzana）的动机，他在 18 世纪呼吁在整个西班牙帝国使用西班牙语，尤其是作为对印第安人教育的责任。（参见第 10 章，“国家的解决方案：Hispanización”，第 373 页。）但他实际上是在呼吁强制使用西班牙语，而不是让步。最终也是如此，主要是因为忽视了其他语言的教育。印度的英语案例确实涉及政府对梵语和阿拉伯语的一些象征性撤回。随之而来的英语的普遍使用也导致了外语方面的英语思维的封闭。（“毕竟，他们都说英语，不是吗？”）但是这种语言的传播，最终通过我们所谓的再教育在全球范围内传播，从来都不是强加的。英语仍然是少数人的语言，即使在印度民族主义者中，英语的获得也更像是一种机会的发展。这是语言传播史上一个新的和重要的发展，后来被至少另一个大国法国在其帝国的构想中作为一项深思熟虑的政策采取了文明使命。（参见第 11 章，“第二帝国”，第 416 页。）

This step turned out to open the way to English as a world language, available to any who wanted to take part in the Industrial Revolution, wherever they might live. The motives at the time may recall those of Archbishop Lorenzana, calling in the eighteenth century for the use of Spanish throughout Spain’s empire, not least as a duty to the education of the Indians. (See Chapter 10, ‘The state’s solution: Hispanización’, p. 373.) But he was really calling for the use of Spanish to be imposed, not conceded; and so it ultimately was, largely through neglect of education in other languages. The case of English in India did involve some symbolic withdrawal of government support for Sanskrit and Arabic; and the generalised use of English which followed has contributed to the closing of English-speaking minds, where foreign languages are concerned. (’After all, they all speak English, don’t they?’) But this spread of the language, ultimately worldwide, through what we have called re-education, was never an imposition; English remained the language of a small minority, and even among Indian nationalists its acquisition felt more like the development of an opportunity. It was a new and significant development in the history of language spread, and was later taken up as a deliberate policy by at least one other power, the French, in their empire’s conceived mission civilisatrice. (See Chapter 11, ‘The second empire’, p. 416.)

在过去 500 年，尤其是最近 200 年传播的语言的另一项重要创新是技术的作用越来越大。文明本质上是技术驱动的；事实上，根据一个定义，文明只是技术创新的独特积累。语言的传播以前是由技术推动的：回想一下阿卡德语在粘土上的楔形文字的可用性如何使其成为古代西亚的外交通用语（见第 3 章，“阿卡德语——世界领先的技术：识字模型”， p. 58)，以及腓尼基人发明的字母系统不仅为亚述和巴比伦的文士提供了新的精英角色，而且最终为从冰岛到东方的世界各地的行政和教育提供了基础印度人。

Another important innovation in language spread over the past five hundred years, and especially the last two hundred, was the growing role of technology. Civilisations are, by their nature, technology-driven; indeed, by one definition a civilisation is just a distinctive accumulation of technical innovations. And the spread of language had been advanced by technology before: recall how Akkadian’s availability in cuneiform writing on clay made it the diplomatic lingua franca of ancient West Asia (see Chapter 3, ‘Akkadian—world-beating technology: A model of literacy’, p. 58), and how the alphabetic system invented by Phoenicians had provided the basis not just for a new elite role for Aramaic speakers as scribes in Assyria and Babylon, but in the end for administration and education throughout the world from Iceland to the East Indies.

但是在现代，语言传播首先受到语言文本的大规模生产以及后来在任何距离上即时传播它们的手段的影响。首先是印刷术，早在 15 世纪就在欧洲兴起。它在西欧与许多未知语言的相遇以及传播自己的语言方面发挥了重要作用。^*然后，四百年后，出现了电子链接，首先是点对点，然后是广播。对语言传播的影响是深远的。尽管物理分离，语言社区已经变得可持续。†这可能对语言本身的发展产生影响——目前尚不为人知：电子技术，如果它变得完全普及，甚至可能不仅带来广泛宣布的“距离的消亡” '但甚至是'方言的消亡'。但它已经产生了间接影响。欧洲帝国列强在二战后的 25 年中撤出，尤其是从非洲撤出，首先是对一种新的全球感知政治的政策回应，即英国首相哈罗德·麦克米伦 (Harold Macmillan) 发现的著名的“变革之风” 1960 年：“变革之风正吹遍整个大陆。³

But in the modern era language spread has been effected above all by mass production of language texts, and later the means to disseminate them instantly over any distance. First came printing, already starting up in Europe in the fifteenth century. It played a cardinal role in western Europe’s encounter with many unknown languages, as well as in spreading its own.^* Then, four hundred years later, came electronic links, first point-to-point and then broadcast. The effects on language spread have been profound. Language communities have become sustainable despite physical separation.† This may have an effect—as yet unknown—on the development of the languages themselves: electronic technology, if it becomes totally pervasive, might even bring about not only the widely announced ‘death of distance’ but even ‘the death of dialect’. But it has had indirect effects already. The withdrawal of the European imperial powers in the quarter-century after the Second World War, especially from Africa, was above all a policy response to a new globally sensed politics, the ‘Wind of Change’ famously detected by the British prime minister Harold Macmillan in 1960: ‘The wind of change is blowing through the continent. Whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact.’³

外国精英们正在离开，以尊重世界上许多人的声音，其中包括他们所统治的人民。这些声音通过这些精英自己的大众媒体变得可以听到，现在确实是在用他们自己的语言说话。

The foreign elites were departing, in deference to the voices of the world’s many, among them the people they governed. Those voices had become audible through those same elites’ own mass media, indeed now speaking in their own languages.

要走的路

Way to go

我们必须做一些正确的事情才能持续两百年。

We must be doing something right to last two hundred years.

亨利·吉布森（Henry Gibson），歌曲《200 年》⁴

Henry Gibson, song entitled ‘200 Years’⁴

我们还没有考虑未来可能会等待英语。

We have yet to consider what future may await English.

过去的四百年对说英语的人民来说几乎是荒谬的，政治、军事和文化的胜利接连不断。语言社区已经从英格兰向海外扩张，首先是在微小的缝隙中隐身，然后是帝国对更广阔领域的主张，最后，在专横的殖民主义消亡后，在单一的世界市场上获得明显的赞誉。它首先是人类社会能力中的一种生物，可以在共享单一领土的不同群体之间创造一种语言，然后是该岛屿社区发现的利用其海军力量传播其公民及其政治影响力的能力。世界各地的弱点，最近成为欧洲最容易使用的语言，北美乃至全世界都发现了如何从化石燃料、科学和大众市场中获利。这种巨大的运气创造了巨大的声望储备，反映在全球对英语流行文化的热情中。正如五百年前的法语所表明的那样，与财富和权力的联系极具吸引力。

The past four hundred years have been almost absurdly affirming for the English-speaking peoples, as political, military and cultural victories have succeeded one another. The language community has expanded overseas from England, first by stealth in tiny crevices, then by imperial assertion over ever vaster domains, and finally, after the demise of arrant colonialism, to apparent acclaim in a single world marketplace. It is a creature first of the human social faculty for creating a language among disparate groups who share a single territory, then the ability discovered by that one island community to use its naval strength to spread its citizens and its political influence wherever it found points of weakness all over the world, and most recently of being the language most readily to hand when Europe, North America and then the world discovered how to profit from fossil fuels, science and mass markets. This tremendous run of luck has created an enormous reserve of prestige, reflected in the global enthusiasm for English-language popular culture. As the French language showed five hundred years ago, association with wealth and power is highly attractive.

但英语很难指望它的语言风尚会永远持续下去。一种用于全球交流的单一语言的存在正在稳定下来，使它看起来几乎是世界秩序的一个中立部分，它不受大国的控制，也不受任何一个社会的控制。同样，在罗马帝国在西方灭亡后持续了近千年的拉丁语，至少在其长期独立发展的过程中，使西欧有充分的理由相信它已成为思想和现实的永久和纯粹的语言。但是印刷术、长途航行和全球帝国的崛起改变了这一切。世界仍然是一个充满活力的地方。对于语言，对于任何人类机构，当你处于领先地位时，迟早只有一条路可以走。

But English can hardly expect that its linguistic vogue will continue for ever. The presence of a single language for communication worldwide is stabilising, giving it the appearance almost of being a neutral part of the world order, as much beyond the control of great powers as it is of any one society. Likewise the Latin language, lasting almost a millennium after the demise of the Roman empire in the west, gave western Europe at least, in its long separate development, good reason to believe that it had become the permanent and pure language of thought and reality. But the printing press, longdistance navigation and the rise of global empires changed all that. The world remains a highly dynamic place. For languages, as for any human institution, when you are on top, sooner or later there is only one way to go.

英语的现状有三大支柱支撑它：人口、地位和声望。

The current status of English has three main pillars that support it: population, position and prestige.

首先，英语的使用者数量与其他任何语言一样多。将其 3.75 亿母语使用者加上同等数量的第二语言使用者和在学校或其他课堂上学习该语言的 10 亿人中的四分之三，可以说有四分之一的人类熟悉英语。唯一可比的语言是中文，所有受过普通话教育的人加在一起；但是说英语的人的平均收入、地位和全球位置给了英语很大的优势。学习英语是中华人民共和国的主要学校科目；相比之下，中文在所有英语国家的学校的教学大纲中都没有。

First of all, English has as many speakers as any other language. When its 375 million native speakers are added to the equal number of second-language speakers and the three-quarters of a billion people who have learnt it at school or in other classes, it is reasonable to claim that a quarter of mankind is familiar with English. The only comparable language is Chinese, when all those educated in Mandarin are added together; but the average income, status and global location of the English speakers give English very much the edge. Learning English is a majority school subject in the People’s Republic of China; Chinese, by contrast, remains off the syllabus in all English-speaking countries’ schools.

其次，现在没有一种语言可以与英语相匹配以覆盖全球。英语在各大洲的国家都有特殊的地位，只有法语才有这种地位。但是每个法语都有四个第一或第二语言的英语使用者。说英语的人自满不言自明：虽然说英语的人在商业和科学成就的所有衡量标准中仍然占主导地位，但在每个英语国家，完成义务教育的人只说英语仍然是常态。绝大多数掌握现代文明技术基础的人仍然难以掌握任何外语的有效能力。这就是他们一生的方式。但不仅仅是大多数说英语的人自满。更重要的是，世界还没有为此付出任何代价。如果有的话，它奖励了说英语的人没有偏离他们自己的传统和智慧的来源。

Second, there is now no language to match English for global coverage. English has a special status in countries on every continent, a status it shares only with French. But there are four first- or second-language speakers of English for every one of French. The complacency of English speakers speaks for itself: while English speakers still predominate in all measures of commercial and scientific achievement, it remains the norm in every English-speaking country for those completing compulsory education to be monolingual in English. Effective competence in any foreign language continues to elude the vast majority of those who are made competent in the technical basis of modern civilisation. And this is how they stay throughout their lives. But it is not just that the majority of English speakers are complacent. It is more that the world has as yet exacted no price for this; if anything, it has rewarded English speakers for not swerving from their own traditions and sources of wisdom.

最后，英语与世界各地的技术进步和流行文化有意识地联系在一起。这种与语言相关的高声望似乎特别有根据，因为它不是基于精神启示——启示总是地方性的，即使它们声称普遍有效——也不是基于对保证自由或社会正义的特定政权的渴望. 它基于对财富的感知，因为它可能源于科学进步及其合理应用。由于这是当今世界上所有最富裕国家的近期经验，因此在某种意义上它也有客观事实。

Finally, English is consciously associated with technical progress and popular culture in every part of the world. This kind of high prestige associated with the language seems particularly well founded because it is based not on a spiritual revelation—revelations are always local, even if they claim universal validity—nor on yearning for a particular regime, which would guarantee freedom or social justice. It is based on the perception of wealth, as it may be made to flow from scientific advance, and its rational application. Since this has been the recent experience of all the richest countries in the world today, in some sense it has objective truth on its side.

务实的人是出了名的短视，所以“聪明的钱”（它本身就是一个非常英式的概念）自然地支持了这样一种信念，即最近的英语课程，以及它的现状，将无限期地继续下去。就像 1990 年代的书信人可以短暂地相信“历史的终结”，这是自由主义和市场的最终胜利，⁵今天如此多的人认为，英语的进步可能已经超过了发展中的某个关键全球点世界交流，永远超越任何可能的竞争对手，并为所有语言学习者提供单向赌注。David Crystal 是一位知识渊博、敏锐的现代语言评论员；在他的书《英语作为全球语言》的结尾他回顾了可能危及其地位的因素，特别是外国的负面反应、不断变化的人口平衡以及方言裂变的前景。但即使他最终也只能推测“英语可能会以某种形式或形式永远为国际社会服务”。⁶

Practical human beings are notoriously short sighted, so the ‘smart money’ (itself a very English concept) is naturally backing the belief that the recent course of English, and hence its present status, will continue indefinitely. Just as the bien pensants of the 1990s could be brought to believe briefly in ‘The End of History’, the ultimate victory of liberalism and markets,⁵ so many today argue that the progress of English may have passed some key global point in the development of world communications, permanently outdistancing any possible competitor, and providing all language-learners with a one-way bet. David Crystal is a highly knowledgeable and perceptive commentator on languages in the modern world; and at the end of his book English as a Global Language he has reviewed the factors that might endanger its position, notably foreign negative reactions, the changing balance of populations, and the prospects of dialect fission. But even he can only speculate in the end that ‘it may be that English, in some shape or form, will find itself in the service of the world community for ever’.⁶

我们对五千年世界语言的背景研究使得这种前景的永恒似乎不太可能。现代全球语言形势前所未有，但现代语言社区的组成部分仍然是人。而且，最重要的是，人们使用语言进行社交。人类社会总是有一种使语言倍增的方法。

Our background study of five millennia of world language makes the eternity of this prospect seem unlikely. The modern global language situation is unprecedented, but the constituents of modern language communities are still people. And, above all, people use language to socialise. Human societies have always had a way of multiplying languages.

首先，世界上大多数人仍然是双语的；这表明全球语言很少将自己确立为第二语言，作为一种通用语言，远程交流很重要，但作为每个人日常生活的工具并不是特别重要。主要的例外是拉丁语在高卢语和西欧伊比利亚语上的草根传播，以及汉语在东亚的草根传播，在东亚，有文化的语言社区已经遍布邻近地区，但不一定会被母语为母语的定居者填满. 英语，从一个岛屿开始，没有欧洲桥头堡，从来没有享受过这种连续传播；及其今天的主要传播方式，通过教育、电子媒体和文学接触，^†

First of all, most people in the world are still bilingual; this points to the fact that global languages have seldom established themselves as anything more than second languages, useful as a lingua franca where long-distance communication is important, but not particularly commanding as vehicles for everyone’s daily life. The major exceptions to this have been the grass-roots spread of Latin over Gaulish and the Iberian languages in western Europe, and Chinese over East Asia, where literate language communities have spread over contiguous areas, without necessarily filling them up with native-speaker settlers. English, starting on an island and without a European bridgehead, never enjoyed this kind of contiguous spread; and its main mode of spread today, via education, the electronic media and literate contact, does not lead to it replacing home community languages.^†

其次，英语并不被视为获取财富和全球文化的中立媒介。一些政策制定者，通常是在前英国或前美国殖民地，“见多识广”并抵制它，经常将历史关联与国内强权政治结合起来。1948 年，锡兰（现在的斯里兰卡）将英语排除在官方语言之外，部分原因是人们认为继续使用英语将有利于（主要是中产阶级）泰米尔少数民族；续集，包括在 1956 年将僧伽罗语确立为唯一的官方语言，并不令人高兴，并且继续大量使用英语。1967年，英语在坦桑尼亚和马来西亚被剥夺了官方语言的地位，1974年在肯尼亚；1987 年，菲律宾将他加禄语提升为与其平等的地位，“除非法律另有规定”。⁷但美国的全球干预，有时与其他英语国家结盟，在 21 世纪并没有减弱的迹象。他们将在某些方面保持对英语的简单描述，将其作为全球欺凌者的首选语言。

Second, English is not seen everywhere as a neutral medium of access to wealth and global culture. Some policy-makers, typically in ex-British or ex-American colonies, have ‘seen too much of it’, and resist it, often combining historic associations with domestic power politics. In 1948, Ceylon (now Śri Lanka) excluded English as an official language, partly because it was believed that its continued use would benefit the (predominantly middle-class) Tamil minority; the sequel, including the establishment of Sinhala as the only official language in 1956, has not been happy, and much use of English continues. In 1967, English was stripped of its status as an official language in Tanzania and Malaysia, and in 1974 in Kenya; in 1987, the Philippines promoted Tagalog to equal status with it, ‘until otherwise provided by the law’. This resistance may fade in later generations, along with memories of colonial history;⁷ but global interventions by the USA, sometimes in alliance with other English-speaking powers, show no sign of diminishing in the twenty-first century. They will do much to preserve an easy depiction of English in some quarters as the global bully’s language of choice.

最后，即使英语在世界范围内持续存在，也不能保证它会作为一种语言保持统一。尽管公元 3 世纪初期的世界与早期的西欧截然不同，但英语很可能会效仿拉丁语，在不同的方言领域以不同的方式重塑自己，最终——比如说在几个世纪之内——成为一个语言家庭。在牙买加或新加坡等语言已经确立为白话语言的地方，或者在大多数人口成为双语的地方，这种情况尤其可能发生，因此语码转换是一种有吸引力的对话方式，例如今天在受过教育的印度人中. 显然，如果说英语的社区通过电话和通信保持常规的双向接触，这种情况不太可能发生，或者至少会减慢，并接收对方的媒体。英语在世界各大语言中可能仍然占据着通过相互联系保持其统一性的最佳位置。一个迹象表明，国际电话通信量以英语对话为主。^*但并非所有说英语的社区都可以在全球对话中充分发挥作用；长期的裂痕和竞争可能会占据主导地位——正如西班牙和法国在文艺复兴时期的意大利争夺影响力时，距离它们都曾是一个帝国的省份仅仅一千年。

Lastly, even if English persists worldwide, there is no guarantee that it will stay united as a language. Although the world in the early third millennium AD is a very different place from western Europe in the early first, English could well follow the example of Latin, and reshape itself in different ways in different dialect areas, ultimately—say within a few centuries—becoming a language family. This is particularly likely wherever the language has established itself as a vernacular, as in Jamaica or Singapore, or where most of a population becomes bilingual, so that code-switching is an attractive mode of conversation, as for example it is today among educated Indians. Evidently this is less likely to happen, or will at least be slowed, if the communities that speak English stay in regular two-way touch, by phone and correspondence, and receiving each other’s media. English probably still holds the best position among large languages worldwide for preserving its unity by mutual contact. As one indication, international telephone traffic is overwhelmingly dominated by conversations in English.^* But not all English-speaking communities may play a full part in the global conversation; and long-term rifts and rivalries may come to dominate—as Spain and France contested for influence in Renaissance Italy, a mere millennium after they had all been provinces of a single empire.

从过去许多主要语言的晚年中汲取灵感，可以勾勒出英语命运转折的各种情景。无论是作为大量人口的第一语言，还是作为世界通用语，英语可能会发现其衰落的种子已经种下。

It is possible to outline a variety of scenarios for a turn in the fortunes of English, drawing inspiration from the later years of many dominant languages of the past. Both as a first language of large populations, and as a world lingua franca, English may find that the seeds of its decline have already been planted.

作为第一语言，英语在人口统计上已经达到顶峰。^*在这方面，它与来自欧洲的大多数其他帝国语言没有什么不同。它的母语使用者人数仍在增长，但速度远低于其他一些主要语言。因此，根据一项明智的估计，⁸到 2050 年，英语、印地语-乌尔都语、西班牙语和阿拉伯语应该差不多，而汉语仍然比它们中的每一个高出 2.5 倍。这是一个世界人口预计将趋于平稳的时期，但过去不同增长率的遗产将是各种语言使用者的平均年龄之间的巨大差异。届时，英语和汉语将主要是老年人的语言，年轻人的主要语言是阿拉伯语，西班牙语和印地语-乌尔都语介于两者之间。这并不是要预测不同社区的平均财富，这可能是它们之间不断演变的权力关系的重要决定因素，而且——正如我们在法语和英语的职业生涯中所看到的——它们的语言对外界的吸引力. 英语可能仍然是一种语言在全球范围内传播最广的地方，而它的演讲者甚至是平均收入最高的；但它将不再具有目前的位置优势，至少在母语使用者数量方面。如果说英语的经济体变得不那么活跃，那么语言领导力也完全有可能转移。

As a first language, English has already peaked demographically.^* In this it is no different from most of the other imperial languages from Europe. Its native speakers are still growing in numbers, but at a far slower rate than those of some other major languages. As a result, according to one intelligent estimate,⁸ English, Hindi-Urdu, Spanish and Arabic should just about be on a par in the year 2050, with Chinese still exceeding each of them by a factor of 2.5. This is a time when world population is predicted to level off, but the heritage of the different past growth rates will be a massive difference among the average ages of the speakers of the various languages. English and Chinese will then be predominantly languages of older people, Arabic of the young, with Spanish and Hindi-Urdu somewhere in between. This is not to predict the average wealth of the different communities, which may be an important determinant of the evolving power relations among them, and also—as we have seen in the careers of French and English—of the attractiveness of their languages to outsiders. English may still have the greatest global spread of a language, and its speakers even the highest average income; but it will no longer have its current positional advantage, at least as to numbers of native speakers. If the English-speaking economies come to seem less dynamic, it is entirely possible that linguistic leadership too will shift away.

即使在以母语为母语的大国，该语言也可能越来越需要适应其他大型语言社区的存在——在美国西班牙语，在英国，也许是一些主要的南亚语言，在加拿大，一如既往，法语，但也许也是因纽特人。不同种类的英语将承受非常不同的当地压力；使用不同语言的双语可能会变得很重要，并且方言可能会逐渐分开。就像公元前第一个千年印度的雅利安语言一样，多样化为普拉克里特语，然后是不同的语言，即使梵语作为一种中间语被保存下来，或者就像拉丁语在公元第一个千年在欧洲的命运一样，英语可能会发现自己分裂成一个以母语为母语的各种本地版本，

And even in the big native-speaker countries, the language may increasingly have to accommodate the presence of other large language communities—in the USA Spanish, in the UK perhaps some of the major southern Asian languages, and in Canada, as ever, French, but perhaps also Inuktitut. The different varieties of English will be under very different local pressures; bilingualism with different languages may become significant, and the dialects may progressively move apart. Like the Aryan language of India in the first millennium BC, diversifying into Prakrits and then separate languages, even while Sanskrit was preserved as an interlingua, or like the fate of Latin in Europe in the first millennium AD, English could find itself splitting into a variety of local versions among native speakers, while the world goes on using a common version as a lingua franca.

但作为通用语，英语仍然可能面临困难。见证粟特人的命运，从公元八世纪到十五世纪，从中国到撒马尔罕的丝绸之路的商人和传教语；或腓尼基人的命运，这是整个公元前一千年整个地中海的商业行话，也是识字的杰出传播者。两者今天都不存在。当贸易基础或财富来源继续发展时，与商业相关的语言很快就会被抛弃。商人是出了名的冷漠。期望世界财富分配的极端不平衡将无限期地在英语国家的青睐下继续下去，这几乎是不合理的。有一天，贸易条件会大不相同，在那一天之后不久，

But as a lingua franca too, English could still face difficulties. Witness the fate of Sogdian, from the eighth to the fifteenth centuries AD the merchant and missionary language of the Silk Road from China to Samarkand; or the fate of Phoenician, the mercantile jargon of the whole Mediterranean throughout the first millennium BC, and eminent spreader of literacy. Both are today nonexistent. A language associated with business is soon abandoned when the basis of trade, or the sources of wealth, move on; businessmen are notoriously unsentimental. And it is hardly rational to expect that the extreme imbalance in the world’s distribution of wealth is going to continue in the anglophone favour indefinitely into the future. One day, the terms of trade will be very different, and soon after that day comes, the position of English will seem a highly archaic anomaly.

同样，英语与世界科学的联系也可能无法挽救它。冷静的调查从来都不是吸引大多数人的活动，但广泛的教育是可用的。严肃的研究仍然是少数人的活动，因为它是无私的，所以总是需要那些已经积累了权力或财富的人的赞助。但是那些政治、军事、商业或宗教精英是不可信任的，特别是如果调查结果似乎与他们自己的权力背道而驰，或未能支持它：他们往往会做出有利于传统或大众无知的裁决。人们很容易忘记，科学的持续普及在多大程度上依赖于它不断提供新的金蛋或新的金炸弹。当好东西的流量减少时，就像有一天，

Likewise the association of English with world science may fail to save it. Dispassionate enquiry has never been an activity that appeals to a majority, however widely education is made available. Serious research remains a minority activity, which because it is disinterested will always need patronage from others who have accumulated power or wealth. But those political, military, business or religious elites cannot be trusted, especially if it seems that the results of enquiry are telling against their own power, or failing to buttress it: they will then often adjudicate in favour of tradition, or popular ignorance. It is easy to forget how much the ongoing popularity of science depends on its continuing to offer new golden eggs, or new golden bombs. When the flow of goodies slackens, as one day it may, the pursuit of science will be widely seen as an expensive indulgence by its paymasters, in industry and government.

同样地，当许多人自己享有市场力量时，就像他们在宗教改革的印刷革命中所做的那样，就像他们现在在英语世界中经常做的那样，他们会用他们的钱来要求他们能理解的东西，并认为他们需要。这就是市场的方式。但他们的判断会受到传统的严重影响。我们已经可以看到神创论，以及对一些基督教古代文本的神谕方法，在英语世界中最富有、技术最发达的国家的中心蓬勃发展。如果美国（现在是世界上最大的信息和学习资源的提供者）国内的权力开始压制其更自由的思想家，人们可以想象世界其他地区开始用自己的外衣保护自己的学习语言。

In the same way, when the many themselves enjoy market power, as they did to some extent in the print revolution of the Reformation, and as they often do now in the anglophone world, they will use their money to demand what they can understand, and think they need. That is the way of markets. But their judgement will be heavily coloured by tradition. We can already see creationism, and an oracular approach to some of Christianity’s ancient texts, flourishing at the heart of the richest, and most technically developed, country in the English-speaking world. If powers within the USA, now the provider of the world’s greatest sources of information and learning, were to start to bear down on its freer thinkers, one could imagine other parts of the world beginning to guard their own learning behind the cloak of their own languages.

事实上，学术传统在保持对真正开放思想的兴趣方面也有相当差的记录，即使是他们自己。总是有诉诸权威的诱惑，以及“正常科学”的公认准则：回想一下sképsis和theōría3 世纪和 4 世纪的希腊演变为后来的语言保守主义和经院哲学，梵文语法和佛教逻辑背后的激烈争论如何在中世纪的印度凝结并停止发展，以及阿拔斯研究阿拉伯语的黄金时代如何随着 Averroes十二世纪。全球科学界有足够的空间进入至少暂时的日食；如果全球科学交流停滞不前，英语也将失败。拉丁语的第二次死亡生动地展示了这样的事情是如何在国际范围内发生并且确实发生的。

In fact, academic traditions too have a fairly poor record, even on their own account, for sustaining interest in genuine open-mindedness; there is always the temptation to appeal to authority, and the accepted canon of ‘normal science’: recall how the sképsis and theōría of third- and fourth-century Greece hardened into later linguistic conservatism and scholasticism, how the lively disputations underlying Sanskrit grammar and Buddhist logic congealed and ceased to develop in medieval India, and how the Abbasid golden age of research in Arabic petered out with Averroes in the twelfth century. There is plenty of scope for the worldwide scientific community to go into at least a temporary eclipse; and if global scientific exchange falters, English too will lose out. The second death of Latin shows vividly how such a thing can, and did, happen on an international scale.

已经有新的潜在世界文明中心在成长，具有不同的语言背景。在东亚和东南亚，华语社区越来越明显地成为投资大师，并且看起来很可能最终与快速发展的中华人民共和国的华人同胞合作。（参见第 4 章，“对外关系”，第 161 页。）在中东，讲阿拉伯语的民族数量不断增长，并带有某种团结意识，这是全球民族的一部分因接受伊斯兰教而联系在一起。激进伊斯兰主义者的激进行动，以及石油收入在其经济中占主导地位所造成的收入和权力不平等，可能会减缓他们真正的融合。但最终很难怀疑，即使没有来自主要国家之一的政治领导，这个非常庞大且具有自我意识的群体，共享信仰和语言，并且越来越能够通过现代媒体在各个层面进行交流，将达成共同事业。该地区的国家。

There are already new potential centres of world civilisation growing, with different language backgrounds. In East and South-East Asia, Chinese-language communities are increasingly apparent as masters of investment, and look likely at last to work in concert with their fellow Chinese in the rapidly developing People’s Republic. (See Chapter 4, ‘Foreign relations’, p. 161.) In the Middle East, Arabic-speaking peoples are growing in numbers with some sense of solidarity, part of the global ummah bound together by acceptance of Islam. The militant actions of radical Islamists, and the inequities of income and power caused by the dominance of oil revenues in their economies, may slow their real integration. But ultimately it is hard to doubt that this very large and self-conscious group, sharing a faith and a language, and increasingly able to communicate at all levels through modern media, will make common cause, even without political leadership from one of the main states of the region.

同样不那么显眼的是，我们可以注意到，世界上 1.47 亿土耳其语民族中的三分之二，尤其是土耳其人、乌兹别克人、土库曼人、哈萨克人和吉尔吉斯人，现在是自俄罗斯进军中亚以来首次独立于外国人组织起来. ^*作为一个整体社区，他们的人数比讲德语、法语或日语的人数还要多。随着更好的沟通，他们将开始认为自己是一个单位，因为他们的大多数语言都是可以相互理解的。

Less prominently, too, we can note that two-thirds of the world’s 147 million Turkish-speaking peoples, notably Turks, Uzbeks, Turkmens, Kazakhs and Kyrgyz, are now organised independently of foreigners for the first time since the Russian advance into central Asia.^* As a total community, there are more of them than there are speakers of any of German, French or Japanese. With better communications, they will begin to consider themselves a unit, for most of their languages are mutually intelligible.

这种重组不会立即威胁，甚至一开始不会显着削弱英语在全球的使用。但它们可能会提供早期迹象，表明全球交流中使用的语言平衡正开始向不同的方向转变。

Such reorganisations will not immediately threaten, or even at first significantly diminish, the global use of English. But they may offer early signs that the equilibrium of languages used in global communication is beginning to shift in a different direction.

无需想象就能预见汉语或阿拉伯语成为主要的国际语言：它源于对当前人口趋势的推断，并结合众所周知的经济和政治事实。但实际上，世界未来的语言历史很可能会涉及改变人口平衡的令人惊讶的新发展。谁能预见到 1790 年代在巴西发现的金矿会突然促使该地挤满了讲葡萄牙语的人，而当时葡萄牙已经占据了这片土地三个世纪而没有任何重大的语言影响？有时，一个事件就足以触发一个长期以来一直存在但仍未实现的潜力。

To foresee Chinese or Arabic as major international languages requires no imagination: it follows from extrapolation of current population trends, in combination with well-known economic and political facts. But in reality, the future language history of the world will quite likely involve surprising new developments that alter population balances. Who could have foreseen that discovery of gold in Brazil in the 1790s would suddenly spur that place to fill up with Portuguese speakers, when Portugal had already held the land for three centuries without any great linguistic effect? Sometimes a single event is enough to trigger a potential that has long been possible, but remained unrealised.

即使在 11 世纪，谁能预见到造纸术（12 世纪）、火药（14 世纪）和印刷（15 世纪）传入欧洲会首先在宗教改革中彻底改变其宗教生活，然后派它的冒险者去定居，并统治整个非基督教世界的其他人？这三者都是从一千年初期就在中国已知的技术的进口，在他们的祖国没有任何明显的影响。因此，即使在一个封闭的系统中，新的交互也会产生革命性的后果。

And who, even in the eleventh century, could have foreseen that the import into Europe of paper-making (twelfth century), gunpowder (fourteenth century) and printing (fifteenth century) would have first revolutionised its religious life in the Reformation, and then sent its adventurers out to settle, and to dominate others all over the non-Christian world? These three were all imports of techniques that had been known in China since the early first millennium, without any noted effect in their homeland. So even in a closed system, new interactions can have revolutionary consequences.

现在无法预见的重大事件和互动也将扰乱和改变未来；对此似乎毫无疑问。最容易预测的——但不是，我希望，肯定——是某种军事大屠杀，这在当今技术上太容易了。这可能会深刻改变世界人口的平衡，因为盎格鲁-撒克逊人在北美的推进迅速导致其所有土著语言的灭绝或濒临灭绝。流行病也可能产生巨大的平衡倾斜效应——就像欧洲人到来时在美洲的所有地方一样，但在英国的凯尔特人英国和诺曼法国人的暮年时期，英国可能也有两次——尤其是在已经存在双语的情况下. 一场真正可怕的流行病，即使是本地化的，也很可能永久改变马来西亚的语言状况，

Major events and interactions, now unforeseen, will disrupt and reroute the future too; there seems little doubt of this. Most easily predictable—but not, I hope, certain—is some kind of military holocaust, something that is nowadays technically all too easy. This could profoundly alter the balance of populations in the world, as the Anglo-Saxon advance through North America led rapidly to the extinction or endangerment of all its indigenous languages. An epidemic too could have a massive balance-tipping effect—as everywhere in the Americas when Europeans came, but as perhaps also twice in Britain, during the twilight years of Celtic British and Norman French—especially in situations where there is pre-existing bilingualism. A truly horrific epidemic, even if localised, could well permanently alter the linguistic situation in Malaysia, or in Canada.

当然，并非每一个不可预见的事件都需要改变现状以损害英语。记住波斯皇帝大流士，他下令在他的领土上使用亚拉姆语，尽管当时它是一门外语，没有什么值得推荐的，但作为管理工具的背景非常强大。根据这个类比，很可能某个务实的政府可能会加速英语传播到世界上迄今为止没有它的地方——也许是波罗的海，或者中亚。事实上，当李光耀在 1960 年代为以华语为主的新加坡殖民地颁布英语时，就发生了类似的事情。

Not every unforeseen event need change the status quo to the detriment of English, of course. Remember the Persian emperor Darius, who decreed the use of Aramaic throughout his realm, although it was then a foreign language with nothing to recommend it but a very strong background as a vehicle of administration. It is quite possible, on that analogy, that some pragmatic government might hasten the spread of English to a part of the world hitherto without it—in the Baltic, perhaps, or central Asia. Indeed, something like this happened when Lee Kwan Yew decreed English for the largely Chinese-speaking colony of Singapore in the 1960s.

无论发生什么，任何确实发生的变化都可能对留下来的说英语的人产生令人惊讶的令人不安的影响。三个世纪以来，语言的范围不断扩大。典型的演讲者可能会以自己的实用主义为荣，并欢迎打破语言障碍，以实现更广泛的理解和轻松的交流。但是，当要减少使用的语言是他们自己的语言时，预计会感到不适。1984 年，大约 8% 的美国人口说英语以外的第一语言。这足以让一项立法计划在 1990 年代初开始实施，以“承认法律上的英语为政府公务的语言”。⁹现在，在许多州的议会中，关于该主题的提案和呼吁持续喧嚣，但仍无定论。我们还没有看到其他英语国家会如何反应，因为他们也不能再轻易地假设英语交流的选择总是开放的。

Whatever happens, any changes that do occur may have a surprisingly disturbing effect on the English speakers who remain. For three centuries now, the bounds of the language have continually expanded. Typical speakers may pride themselves on their pragmatism, and welcome the breaking down of language barriers, in the interests of wider understanding and easy communication. But when the language whose use is to be reduced is their own, expect discomfort to be registered. In 1984, some 8 per cent of the US population professed a first language other than English. This was enough for a programme of legislation to get under way in the early 1990s, to ‘recognize English in law as the language of the official business of the Government’.⁹ There is now a continuing hubbub of proposal and appeal on the topic in many states’ assemblies, which remains inconclusive. We have yet to see how other English-speaking countries will react when they too can no longer easily assume that the option of communication in English is always open.

但是，任何地方都没有任何法律和法令能够阻止语言潮流的退潮。

But no law and no decree anywhere has ever yet stemmed the ebbing of a language tide.

三个线程：自由、声望和可学习性

Three threads: Freedom, prestige and learnability

Wovon man nicht sprechen kann, darüber muss man schweigen。

Wovon man nicht sprechen kann, darüber muss man schweigen.

不能说的，就必须默默地过去。

What one cannot speak of, one must pass over in silence.

路德维希·维特根斯坦，《逻辑哲学论》

Ludwig Wittgenstein, Tractatus Logico-philosophicus

自由

Freedom

在这个叙述的各个方面，都存在一种谈论自由的诱惑，几乎是一种责任。许多语言传统都特别声称要与它交谈，或为它说话。言论自由是最重要的理想之一，在现代伟大的人权宣言中得到了支持，在实践中也不断引起争议。对于许多文明来说，自由是赋予说话主要目的的美德。然而最后，我们几乎没有说什么。为什么？

At various points in this narrative, there has been a temptation, almost a duty, to speak of freedom. Many language traditions make a particular claim to speak with it, or for it. Freedom of speech is one of the cardinal ideals, upheld in the great modern statements of human rights, and endlessly controversial in practice. For many civilisations, freedom is the virtue that gives speaking its main purpose. Yet in the end, we have said next to nothing about it. Why?

自由是某些国家特别关注的问题，尤其是共和国。一些特别表现出作为理想的自由的民族是希腊语、罗马人、威尼斯人、1789 年革命后的法国人，以及 1688 年“光荣革命”后的英国人（尽管谨慎地），后者宣称议会至高无上君主, 和美利坚合众国。但是，尽管人们普遍认为eleuthería、libertās、libertá、liberté和Freedom是翻译等价物，但对于是什么使一个人、一个民族或一个国家自由——即使在这些连续不断的政体中，也从未广泛达成一致，并且非常自觉，是欧洲政治哲学的传统。^*是独立于外国霸权、公民自治、不承认世袭权利，还是个人选择宗教、地点和支持方式的权利？所有这些理想都提出了不同的方式来使选择说什么的权利不受限制。

Freedom is a particular concern of some kinds of states, particularly republics. Some peoples that have particularly exhibited freedom as an ideal are the Greeks, the Romans, the Venetians, the French after their Revolution in 1789, the British (though discreetly) after their ‘Glorious Revolution’ in 1688 which asserted the supremacy of Parliament over monarch, and the United States of America. But although it is generally agreed that eleuthería, libertās, libertá, liberté and freedom are translation equivalents, there has never been widespread agreement on what makes a person, a people or a state free—even in these polities, which are in a continuous, and very self-conscious, tradition of European political philosophy.^* Is it independence from foreign overlordship, civic self-governance, non-recognition of hereditary rights, or the right of personal choice over religion, location and means of support? All these ideals suggest different ways in which the right of choosing what to say should be exempt from restriction.

从我们的角度来看，对所有这些理想的追求，尽管对许多人来说都很珍贵，但对任何语言社区的生存和传播几乎没有什么具体的影响。希腊语言文化，由亚历山大及其继任者在黎凡特、埃及和波斯大肆宣传，并被罗马精英所接受，几乎没有或根本没有民主，而且大多效忠于绝对的统治者——basileĩis——他们宣称自己是马其顿和波斯国王以及埃及法老的合法继承人。当共和国的自由、公民、机构被一个有军队支持的单一家庭奴役时，罗马继续在其帝国周围传播拉丁语。在波旁王朝的专制君主制的支持下，法语已成为欧洲文化的首选国际语言。法国大革命提出了“自由！平等！兄弟会！并使法国在军事上更具侵略性，但这对其语言的吸引力几乎没有影响；直到 20 世纪初，在复辟和法国君主制的第二次垮台之后很久，它的受欢迎程度才开始动摇。英国人和美国人如此珍视的政治自由，导致前者斩首一位君主并废黜了他的儿子，然后后者宣布完全脱离英国政府独立，结果证明与对美国优先的无情漠视完全一致条约特别授予的国家权利，以及使用军事力量从其他民族的领土上建立一个全球帝国。即使是“自由贸易”也没有成为大英帝国内部帝国偏好的障碍，或者在我们这个时代继续对国内生产者提供大量补贴。

From our perspective, the avocation of all these ideals, dear as they are to so many, has made little concrete difference to the survival and spread of any language community. Greek-language culture, as ostentatiously propagated round the Levant, Egypt and Persia by Alexander and his successors, and taken up by the Roman elite, involved little or no democracy, and mostly allegiance to absolute rulers—basileĩis—who declared themselves the legitimate successors of the kings of Macedon and Persia and the pharaohs of Egypt. Rome went on purveying Latin round its empire when the free, civic, institutions of the republic had been placed in thrall to a single family with army backing. French had become the preferred international language of European culture under the auspices of the Bourbons’ absolutist monarchy; the French Revolution projected the slogan ’Liberté! Égalité! Fraternité!’ and made France much more aggressive militarily, but it had little or no effect on the attractions of its language; its popularity began to falter only in the early twentieth century, long after the Restoration and the second fall of the French monarchy. The political freedoms so prized by Englishmen and Americans, which had brought the former to behead one monarch and depose his son, and then the latter to declare independence from the British state altogether, turned out to be quite compatible with a ruthless disregard for American First Nations’ rights as specifically granted by treaty, and the use of military force to build a global empire out of other peoples’ territories. Even ‘free trade’ turned out to be no bar to imperial preference within the British empire, or in our day to continuing massive subsidies to domestic producers. None of this in any way diminished the spread of the English language, whether by sweep-aside or re-education, all round the world.

在所有这些语言的当前领域，言论自由现在可能成为现实，而不仅仅是一个未实现的理想。但在其发展的数百年和数千年中，自由，无论在任何定义下，都从来都只是一种空洞的吹嘘，或者充其量是一种愿望。我们对他们历史的回顾选择了详述这些语言中的生活的真正含义。

Freedom of speech may now be a reality, not just an unfulfilled ideal, in all these languages’ current territories. But over the centuries and millennia of their development, freedom, under any definition, has never for very long been more than a hollow boast, or at best an aspiration. Our review of their histories has chosen to dwell rather on what life in these languages really meant.

声望

Prestige

声望与积极的联系有关：就语言而言，声望的根源是与财富的联系（在欧洲，尤其如此），但也包括实践智慧、享受和精神启蒙。

Prestige is about positive associations: in the case of languages, the roots of prestige are associations with wealth (in Europe, this above all), but also practical wisdom, enjoyment, and spiritual enlightenment.

法语在近代早期欧洲的吸引力源于法国经济的丰富性，今天的英语也是如此。不知何故，说话者觉得他们可以通过接受语言来分享财富。但是，在文艺复兴时期及之后的岁月里，拉丁语的声望，以及在罗马帝国鼎盛时期的希腊语，与其说是来自丰富的财富，不如说来自于智慧——也许它本身就是积极联想的结果，因为它是只有当财富供应充足时，才能负担得起这种奢侈品，即教育。这奠定了汉语和阿卡德语的吸引力：这些语言的书面能力完全难以获得，通过十年或更长时间的学习付出了代价，极大地增加了他们的声望，因此奇怪的是他们的吸引力。

The attractions of French in early modern Europe stemmed from the abundance delivered by the French economy, and much the same is true of English today. Somehow, speakers feel that they can share in the wealth by accepting the language. But the prestige of Latin, in the years of the Renaissance and after, and of Greek, in the heyday of the Roman empire, came not so much from abundance of wealth as from wisdom—perhaps itself a result of positive associations, since it is only when wealth is in good supply that that luxury product, education, can also be afforded. This underlay the attraction of Chinese and Akkadian: the sheer inaccessibility of written competence in these languages, paid for through a decade or more of study, added greatly to their prestige, and hence curiously their attractiveness.

某些种类的知识也提供了更容易获得财富的途径：公元前五世纪的希腊诡辩家证明了这一点，使说服性演讲的力量付费获得；当现代政府将英语能力视为经济发展的道路时，他们也接受了同样的动机。

And certain sorts of knowledge also offer greater access to wealth: the Greek sophists of the fifth century BC showed this, making the power of persuasive speech available at a fee; modern governments are buying into the same motive when they see competence in English as the road to economic development.

kaì toũto pleĩn ē muríōn est' áxion statērōn

hairoúmenon toùs hēttonas lógous épeita nikān

kaì toũto pleĩn ē muríōn est’ áxion statērōn

hairoúmenon toùs hēttonas lógous épeita nikān

这值得一万多名陈述者接受较弱的论点，然后获胜

And this is worth more than 10,000 staters to take the weaker argument and then win

阿里斯托芬，云，11. 1041-2（雅典，公元前 423 年）

Aristophanes, Clouds, 11. 1041-2 (Athens, 423 BC)

所有有声望的语言都给人一种特殊的享受，因为它们都有丰富的文学作品，而文学的首要目的是让能够欣赏它的人享受。通常，知道没有多少人可以分享感激是快乐的一部分。从公元前 13 世纪赫梯碑屋中朗诵的阿卡德史诗，到 17 世纪印度引用的波斯诗歌，以及 19 世纪俄罗斯阅读的法国小说，这一直是古典语言的魅力。但在当今时代，声望很高的语言英语的魅力有些逆转——也许是第一个全球化文化市场的副作用。英语，尤其是在美国娱乐业推广它的时候，旨在传达它的文化是普遍可及的，它释放了其他语言的传统和限制。据称与自由的特殊联系是其中的一部分，但正如我们刚才所说，这很难作为严肃的政治来维持。尽管如此，如果你有钱，那么自由和不负责任会容易得多。

All prestige languages give access to a special enjoyment, because they all have extensive literatures, and the first purpose of literature is to give enjoyment to the people who can appreciate it. Usually, knowing that not many others can share the appreciation has been part of the pleasure. This has been a charm of classical languages down the ages, from the Akkadian epics recited in the Hittite tablet-house of the thirteenth century BC to the Persian poetry quoted in seventeenth-century India and the French novels read in nineteenth-century Russia. But in the present age the charm of the prestige language, English, is somewhat reversed—perhaps as a side effect of the first globalised market in culture. English, especially as the American entertainment industry promotes it, is meant to convey that its culture is universally accessible, that it gives a release from other languages’ traditions and restraints. The purported special link with freedom is part of this, but as we have just argued, this is hard to sustain as serious politics. All the same, if you are rich, it’s much easier to be free and irresponsible.

尽管当前流行英语作为年轻人和自由的语言——以及博学的和富人的语言——但语言与深刻的宗教真理的联系最终获得了最忠实的追随者，创造了可能持续数千年的声誉年。这是一种语言声称其价值高于与某些历史性成功的简单关联的唯一基础。希伯来语、梵语和阿拉伯语都声称有一种神秘的力量，它超越了单纯的意义表达或说话者之间的信息交流。^*因此，它们可能会从日常话语中消失，但绝不会被贬低为老式或无关紧要，只要有信徒敬畏和珍惜它们。

Despite the current vogue for English as the language of the young and free—-as well as the learned and the rich—ultimately the association of a language with profound religious truth gains the most loyal adherents, creating a reputation that may last for thousands of years. This is the only basis for a language to claim a value above simple association with some historic success. Hebrew, Sanskrit and Arabic all claim a mystic force which goes beyond the mere expression of meaning, or exchange of information among speakers.^* As such, they may vanish from everyday discourse, but can never be demeaned as old fashioned or irrelevant, as long as there are believers to revere and treasure them.

当然，语言有时在没有任何这些形式的声望的情况下传播。野蛮的军事力量也可以是强大的，很难看到土耳其语传播到安纳托利亚、西班牙传播到秘鲁、俄罗斯传播到西伯利亚、日本传播到韩国，甚至英语传播到马萨诸塞州会产生任何魅力。这并不是说征服者不会发现自己的行为令人印象深刻；尤其是在没有文字的社会中，他们可能会用文字和歌曲来庆祝他们的征服。这样的英雄诗歌对本土文学来说是好的，但不太可能吸引外人，更不用说被征服者了。

Languages sometimes spread without any of these forms of prestige, of course. Brute military force can be powerful too, and it is difficult to see any charisma arising from the spread of Turkish to Anatolia, Spanish to Peru, Russian to Siberia, Japanese to Korea, or indeed English to Massachusetts. This is not to say that the conquerors will not have found their own behaviour impressive; especially in pre-literate societies, they may celebrate their conquests in word and song. Such heroic poetry is good for an indigenous literature, but it is unlikely to appeal to outsiders, let alone the conquered.

一般来说，声望语言是为了文化优势而学习的任何外语。苏美尔语、阿卡德语、汉语、梵语、希腊语、拉丁语、阿拉伯语、土耳其语、波斯语、意大利语、法语、德语和英语在他们那个时代都是这样的语言。但时间不会永远持续下去。要成为一种声望很高的语言，它的母语使用者——或者他们留下的书面记录——必须以某种方式给人留下深刻的印象，从而吸引模仿者。这种影响将取决于收件人的文化发展，以及原件的优点。随着潜在接受者在财富、知识和自信心方面的增长，并开始脱颖而出，外国模式的吸引力将会减弱。不足为奇，因此，19 世纪，拉丁语和希腊语的魅力逐渐减弱，而说英语的人凭借自己的技术创新和全球帝国风靡全球，让经典的成就黯然失色。同样，法语甚至最近发展起来的德语的魅力在自信的说英语的人面前消失了。

A prestige language, in general, is any foreign language that is learned for cultural advantage. Sumerian, Akkadian, Chinese, Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, Arabic, Turkish, Persian, Italian, French, German and English have all been such languages in their time. But the time will not last for ever. To be a prestige language, its native speakers—or the written records they have left—must somehow impress, and so attract imitators. This impact will depend on the cultural development of the recipients, as well as the merits of the originals. As potential recipients grow in wealth, knowledge and self-confidence, and begin to distinguish themselves, the attraction of a foreign model will shrink. It is unsurprising, therefore, that the charms of what was available in Latin and Greek diminished in the nineteenth century while the speakers of English were taking the world by storm with their own technical innovations and a global empire that left the achievements of the classics in the shade. Likewise, the charms of French and even the recently developing German faded before the self-confident speakers of English.

是什么让一门语言可以学习

What makes a language learnable

学习语言有三种不同的方式。

There are three different ways in which languages are learnt.

小孩子几乎毫不费力地从他们的家人和年长的兄弟姐妹那里学习每一种母语。要做到这一点，必须有一个相当稳定的环境，孩子周围的大多数社区都会说给定的语言。

Every native language is learnt by small children almost without effort, from their families and older siblings. For this to happen, there has to be a reasonably stable environment, where most of the community around the child speaks the given language.

如果没有这一点，以至于周围的人没有共同的语言，那么一种语言可能仍然被学习，但这将是一种新的形式，不同于成年人所知道的所有语言，是根据第一原理重建的混合体. 当一群孩子学习这种语言时，克里奥尔语就应运而生了。如果学习者年龄较大，成年人正在寻找一些常见的事实上的交流方式，结果就是洋泾浜。

If this is absent, so that the surrounding people do not share a common language, a language may still be learnt, but it will be a new formation, distinct from all the languages that the adults knew, a mixture of them reconstructed on first principles. When a group of children learn such a language, a creole comes into being. If the learners are older, adults looking for some common means of de facto communication, the result is a pidgin.

第三种可能性是语言是有意识地学习和学习的，或者通过每天接触它，或者通过正式的教学，也许在学校。这个过程不依赖于幼儿大脑中活跃的语言形成能力。事实上，无论学习者的年龄如何，它都可以实施。在这种情况下，学习者必须已经会说另一种语言，并在学习新语言时显式和隐式地使用它。

The third possibility is that the language is consciously studied and learnt, either through daily exposure to it, or through formal instruction, perhaps at a school. This process does not depend on the native capacity for language-forming that is active in the minds of small children; in fact, it can be put into effect whatever the age of the learner. In this case, the learner must already speak another language, and use it—explicitly and implicitly—in acquiring the new one.

前两种方式完全不依赖于所学语言的结构。语言学家普遍接受的是，任何自然语言，无论结构如何，任何正常孩子都可以学习——无论孩子的祖先或父母自己的语言背景如何。有些声音和一些语言结构可能需要比其他声音更长的时间才能植入，但一切都会及时出现。这个事实几乎就是自然语言的定义。至于克里奥尔语的起源，这个问题是有争议的，但似乎它们都倾向于具有共同的结构，随着语言的形成自然而然地出现。学习者从中构建克里奥尔语的贡献语言的结构对新语言组合在一起时的结构没有影响。

The first two ways are not in any way dependent on the structure of the languages being learnt. It is generally accepted by linguists that any natural language, of whatever structure, can be learnt by any normal child—regardless of the child’s ancestry or its parents’ own linguistic background. Some sounds, and some linguistic structures, may take longer to get implanted than others, but everything will come in time. This fact is almost the definition of what it is to be a natural language. As for the genesis of creoles, the matter is controversial, but it appears that they all tend to have a common structure, which emerges naturally as the language is formed. The structures of the contributing languages, from whose parts the learners are constructing the creole, have no effect on the structure of the new language as it comes together.

第三种情况，当一种语言在一个新的领域传播时很常见，然而，它可能对可能的语言继承产生一些有趣的后果。在这种情况下，一种语言的学习者会在他们的脑海中保留一些由他们以前知道的一种或多种语言形成的背景，这就是所谓的底物。这种基础可能会对随后可以成功学习的语言类型施加限制。

The third case, which is common when a language is spreading in a territory new to it, may, however, have some interesting consequences for the possible succession of languages. In this case, learners of a language will retain in their minds some background formed by the language or languages they knew before, what is called the substrate. This substrate may impose a constraint on the kind of language that can then be successfully learnt.

这种约束可能有两种。它可能会导致学习者在他们的旧演讲的影响下想出一个新版本的语言。印度说的英语已经失去了其特有的双元音：门和船，英国的 [geyt] 和 [bewt]，在印度发音为 [gēt] 和 [bōt]。同样，英语的重音节奏也被更均匀的音节节奏所取代。但更根本的是，限制可能成为学习者有效掌握新语言的主要障碍。二战后几十年，日本英语教学 (ELT) 普遍失败就是一个例子，尽管各方都在努力让下一代掌握这项新技能。

Such a constraint may be of two kinds. It may cause the learners to come up with a new version of the language, influenced by their old speech. English spoken in India has lost its characteristic diphthongs: the words gate and boat, [geyt] and [bewt] in England, are pronounced [gēt] and [bōt] in India. Likewise, the stress-timed tempo of English has been replaced by a more even, syllable-timed, pace. But more radically, the constraint may act as a major block on the learners ever gaining effective command of the new language. An example of this might be seen in the widespread failure of English Language Teaching (ELT) in Japan for several decades after the Second World War, despite Herculean efforts on all sides to give the next generation competence in this new skill.

一种语言的采用可能存在这种结构性限制的想法是非常有争议的。在特定情况下很难证明，因为总会有许多非语言原因可能会阻碍语言的使用。但是这本书的观点，对语言动态进行了几个世纪的调查，提供了一些新的论据，表明它可能是限制某些语言传播到某些地区，或者更确切地说是在某些人群中的一个真正因素。

The idea that there might be this kind of structural constraint on the adoption of a language is highly controversial; it will be difficult to demonstrate in a particular case because there will always be a multitude of non-linguistic reasons which might be inhibiting take-up of the language. But the perspective of this book, where language dynamics have been surveyed over centuries, gives some new arguments to show that it may be a real factor limiting the spread of certain languages into certain territories, or rather among certain populations.

那么，考虑一下阿拉伯语领域奇怪的收缩，在穆罕默德去世后它第一次传播大约三个世纪后，它似乎从它在东西方最远的界限开始倒退。（见第 3 章，“阿拉伯语——雄辩与平等：‘顺服’的胜利”，第 93 页。）它只在以前使用亚非语言的地区永久定居，即结构上接近阿拉伯语本身的地区. 首先，阿拉伯语接管了整个亚拉姆语世界，即现代叙利亚和伊拉克。在这里，阿拉伯语几乎可以一字不差地取代亚拉姆语。然后它迅速蔓延并随后遍及北非国家，这些国家的方言是埃及语（现在称为科普特语）和柏柏尔语，尽管在这些情况下传播速度要慢得多，而且——至少在柏柏尔的情况下——绝不是完整的。但是在 al-Fārs（波斯）和 el-Andalūs（西班牙南部），尽管它们早期以阿拉伯学术中心而闻名，但除了伊斯兰教的礼仪之外，该语言被驱逐出境。这些正是以印欧语为基础语言的国家，分别是波斯语和西班牙语；对于说印欧语系的人来说，要学会一种亚非语系的语言，也许并不那么容易。^*当然，下一个主要的语言传播者土耳其人并没有学习阿拉伯语，尽管他们确实接受了伊斯兰教，甚至传播到了欧洲。土耳其人的语言在结构上与阿拉伯语的相似性甚至不如印欧语系。伊斯兰教在第二个千年继续传播到远东。但它再也没有在清真寺外携带阿拉伯语。

Consider, then, the curious retrenchment in the domain of Arabic, which seemed to roll back from its farthest limits in the east and the west, about three centuries after its first spread following the death of Muhammad. (See Chapter 3, ‘Arabic—eloquence and equality: The triumph of ‘submission”, p. 93.) It settled permanently only in the territories that had previously spoken an Afro-Asiatic language, i.e. one that was structurally close to Arabic itself. First of all, Arabic took over the whole of the Aramaic-speaking world, modern Syria and Iraq. Here Arabic could have replaced Aramaic almost word for word. It then overran quickly, and subsequently pervaded, the countries in North Africa, whose vernacular was Egyptian (now known as Coptic) and Berber, although in these cases the spread was far slower, and—at least in the case of Berber—is by no means complete. But in al-Fārs (Persia) and in el-Andalūs (southern Spain), despite their early reputation as centres of Arabic scholarship, the language was expelled, except in the liturgy of Islam. These are precisely the countries where the substrate language was Indo-European, respectively Persian and Spanish; perhaps it is not so easy for a population speaking an Indo-European language to pick up an Afro-Asiatic one.^* Certainly, the next major language spreaders to come through, the Turks, did not pick up Arabic, although they did accept, and even spread into Europe, the religion of Islam. The Turks’ language is even less similar structurally to Arabic than Indo-European is. Islam continued to spread in the second millennium, into the Far East; but never again did it carry Arabic with it outside the mosques.

想想在公元前 332-323 年亚历山大的划时代征服之后，希腊语在西亚和埃及取得的不同成功。原则上，政府到处都从阿拉姆语转换为希腊语，到处都有希腊语的定居点，至少在大城市里是这样。但希腊语只是在小亚细亚，即安纳托利亚的大半岛上普及。（参见第 6 章，“亚洲之王：希腊语通过战争传播”，第 247 页。）换句话说，希腊语在该中心的弗里吉亚语的古老领域中最为成功（从铭文中得知与它），以及吕底亚语和其他安纳托利亚语系中的印欧语系，其结构也与希腊语非常相似。希腊语是不成功的，除了在叙利亚、巴勒斯坦和美索不达米亚（人们说亚拉姆语）的母语人士的种植社区，在埃及（人们说阿拉姆语和埃及语）和波斯（人们说阿拉姆语和波斯语）。最令人惊讶的是，希腊语并没有在波斯扎根，因为波斯语是一种非常相似的印欧语系（并且著名的是由一位年迈的希腊语 Themistocles 在一年内学会的——参见第 5 页的普鲁塔克语录）；但也许有非语言的原因，为什么外星语言应该在两个多世纪以来一直是一个独立而强大的帝国的中心地带受到特别的憎恶和抵制。因为波斯语是一种相当相似的印欧语系（并且著名的是由年迈的希腊语 Themistocles 在一年内学会的——参见第 5 页的普鲁塔克语录）；但也许有非语言的原因，为什么外星语言应该在两个多世纪以来一直是一个独立而强大的帝国的中心地带受到特别的憎恶和抵制。因为波斯语是一种相当相似的印欧语系（并且著名的是由年迈的希腊语 Themistocles 在一年内学会的——参见第 5 页的普鲁塔克语录）；但也许有非语言的原因，为什么外星语言应该在两个多世纪以来一直是一个独立而强大的帝国的中心地带受到特别的憎恶和抵制。

Consider the varying success of Greek in western Asia and Egypt, after Alexander’s epochal conquests in 332-323 BC. In principle the administration was everywhere converted from Aramaic to Greek, and there were Greek settlements all over, at least within bigger cities; but Greek only became pervasive in Asia Minor, the great peninsula of Anatolia. (See Chapter 6, ‘Kings of Asia: Greek spread through war’, pp. 247ff.) In other words, Greek was most successful in the old domain of the Phrygian language in the centre (known from inscriptions to have been closely related to it), and of the Lydian and other Anatolian languages, Indo-European tongues whose structure was also fairly similar to Greek. Greek was unsuccessful, except in planted communities of native speakers, in Syria, Palestine and Mesopotamia (where people spoke Aramaic), in Egypt (where people spoke Aramaic and Egyptian), and in Persia (where people spoke Aramaic and Persian). It is most surprising structurally that Greek did not take root in Persia, since Persian is a fairly similar Indo-European language (and was famously learnt in a year by an ageing Greek Themistocles—see the Plutarch quote on p. 5); but perhaps there are non-linguistic reasons why an alien language should be particularly resented and so resisted in the heartland of what had been an independent and mighty empire for over two centuries.

语言结构似乎对一门语言的生活前景至关重要的第三个例子是，自 14 世纪帖木儿统治下的蒙古人在伊朗的影响深远的征服以来，中亚、西亚和欧洲几乎完全没有蒙古语。，而此前在成吉思汗及其后继者十三世之下。1240 年洗劫基辅的金帐汗国是蒙古军队；甚至从 16 世纪起统治印度的巴布尔王朝也为“莫卧儿”这个名字而欢欣鼓舞，即莫卧儿或蒙古语，尽管正如我们所见，他的语言是突厥语。（见第 3 章，“第三个插曲：突厥人和波斯人，伊斯兰教的先驱者”，第 106 页。）蒙古人的入侵都没有很快撤消或倒退：所有这些成功的蒙古人都发生了什么事？

A third example where language structure seems to have been crucial in the life prospects of a language is almost total absence of Mongolian from central and western Asia and from Europe, since the far-reaching conquests of the Mongols under Tamerlane across Iran in the fourteenth century, and previously under Genghis Khan and his successors in the thirteenth. The Golden Horde which sacked Kiev in 1240 was a Mongol army; and even Babur’s dynasty, which dominated India from the sixteenth century, rejoiced in the name ‘Mughal’, that is to say Mogul or Mongol, although his language, as we have seen, was Turkic. (See Chapter 3, “Third interlude: Turkic and Persian, outriders of Islam’, p. 106.) None of the Mongol invasions was soon undone or rolled back: what had happened to all these successful Mongolians?

蒙古领导的入侵的一个关键特征是，他们在很大程度上概括了早期对土耳其人（如匈奴人和可萨人）的征服。此外，他们主要由讲突厥语的战士分遣队进行。现在突厥语和蒙古语，即使他们没有血缘关系，在结构上也变得高度相似。（参见第 4 章，“北方影响”，第 145 页。）因此，一个说蒙古语的人很容易学会突厥语，可以这么说——毫无疑问，通常是字面意思——在小跑中。在蒙古以外，蒙古人往往是少数民族，因此他们的语言被其突厥盟友的语言所淹没。

A crucial feature of the Mongol-led invasions was the fact that they largely recapitulated earlier conquests of Turks (such as Huns and Khazars). Furthermore, they were conducted predominantly with contingents of Turkic-speaking warriors. Now Turkic and Mongolian, even if they are not genetically related, have become highly similar to each other structurally. (See Chapter 4, ‘Northern influences’, p. 145.) It was very easy, therefore, for a Mongol speaker to pick up Turkic, so to speak—and no doubt often quite literally—on the trot. Outside Mongolia, Mongols tended to be in a minority, and so their language was submerged in the language of their Turkic allies.

第四个例子是罗马人接管高卢的学生提出的。我们已经看到，这导致拉丁语代替高卢语迅速而彻底地传播。Brigitte Bauer 提出证据表明拉丁语和高卢语在许多方面是高度相似的语言。¹⁰这种相似性将允许我们刚刚在阿拉伯语超过阿拉姆语的传播中假设的那种逐字替换语言。相比之下，英国语的结构——可能仍然受到前凯尔特语的影响——则大不相同，首先是动词开头的语言：动词在句子中排在第一位。与高卢人相比，英国人更难学会用拉丁语表达自己，而这个顽固的事实可能是今天法国说罗曼语而英国没有的根源。

A fourth example has been suggested by a student of the Roman takeover of Gaul. We have seen that this led to a rapid, and surprisingly thorough, spread of Latin in place of Gaulish. Brigitte Bauer presents evidence that Latin and Gaulish were in many respects highly similar languages.¹⁰ This similarity would have allowed the kind of word-for-word language replacement that we have just posited in the spread of Arabic over Aramaic. By contrast, the structure of British—still perhaps bearing the influence of a pre-Celtic substrate—was rather different, above all being a verb-initial language: verbs come first in the sentence. It would have been harder for Britons to learn to express themselves in Latin than it was for Gauls, and this stubborn fact may be at the root of why France today speaks a Romance language, but Great Britain does not.

总体而言，尽管语言学家在两个多世纪以来已广为接受，但似乎在某些情况下，语言的本质，其结构，可以在其生存能力中发挥作用。我们建议，当新人群在结构上与该人群的旧语言相似时，语言更容易被新人群学习，因此更容易传播。在这个过程中没有特定的结构是优选的，只是新旧相似。否则学习一门新语言是一场艰苦的斗争，对于许多已经长大的人来说可能太难了。

Overall, it seems that—despite the received wisdom of linguists over two centuries and more—there may be circumstances in which the very essence of a language, its structure, can play a role in its viability. Languages, we suggest, are more easily learnt by a new population, and hence spread more easily, when they are structurally similar to the old language of that population. No particular structure is preferred in this process, just similarity of new with old. Otherwise learning a new language is an uphill struggle, perhaps too difficult for many who are already grown.

比帝国还大

Vaster than empires

如果这本书表明了一件事，那就是世界语言不仅仅是世界大国的产物。语言不是通过权力的主张而发展的，而是通过创建一个更大的人类社区来发展的。

If this book has shown one thing, it is that world languages are not exclusively the creatures of world powers. A language does not grow through the assertion of power, but through the creation of a larger human community.

显然，军事或经济实力可以成为社区发展的强大诱因。罗马不可抗拒的军队，西班牙的adelantados和英国的皇家海军在他们那个时代的拉丁语、西班牙语和英语的更广泛的投射中都发挥了重要作用。但是，赤裸裸的征服或商业发展未能导致语言传播的失败屡见不鲜：突厥人、蒙古人和满人在掌握中国北方的政治成功并没有扩展他们的语言，日耳曼人对罗马帝国的入侵也没有驱逐甚至减少拉丁语。荷兰在东南亚两个世纪以来的商业成功对荷兰人没有任何帮助。那些普遍的商人，地中海的腓尼基人和丝绸之路上下游的粟特人，可能已经在他们的商品中传播了识字技能；但他们并没有让他们的客户更广泛地使用他们的语言。

Clearly, military or economic might can act as strong inducements to community growth. Rome’s irresistible armies, Spain’s adelantados and Britain’s Royal Navy have all played essential roles in the wider projection of Latin, Spanish and English in their eras. But failures of naked conquest or commercial development to cause linguistic spread have been too frequent to ignore: the political success of Turkic, Mongol and Manchu in mastering northern China did not extend their languages, nor did the Germanic invasions of the Roman empire dislodge or even reduce Latin. The Netherlands’ commercial success for two centuries in South-East Asia did nothing for Dutch. Those universal traders, the Phoenicians in the Mediterranean and the Sogdians up and down the Silk Road, may have spread literacy skills along with their merchandise; but they did not convert their customers to wider use of their languages.

看来，军事征服或经济统治通常只会在征服者大量涌入的情况下传播一种语言，无论是通过长期移民还是当地人口的崩溃。一个不那么残酷的选择是征服者将被征服者招募到一个技术更发达、可能更丰富的文明中，就像罗马人在高卢和英国人在印度所做的那样。

It appears that military conquest or economic domination will usually spread a language only if the conquerors come in overwhelming numbers, either through long-term immigration or a collapse of the native population. A less brutal alternative is for the conquerors to enlist the conquered into what is clearly a more technically developed, and potentially enriching, civilisation, as the Romans did in Gaul, and the British in India.

但这只是语言传播基本观点的另一个方面，即它取决于社区的发展。这就是梵语如何在没有征服的情况下在东南亚传播一千年，盖丘亚人如何接管印加人的领土，以及法语如何在欧洲东端被外国列强精英占领只是想模仿他们所知道的最高文化。亚拉姆语最初也是通过一个广泛分散的双语抄写员社区传播的，这些抄写员能够创造和解释其中所写的信息，即使说它的社区正在被连根拔起并重新安置在整个亚述帝国。除了暴力之外，扩大社区的方法更多，而且确实更有效。一种共同的语言使更多的成员能够参与其中。特别团结。毕竟，皇家语言仍然是白话，因此在许多地方都是特殊的白话。¹¹

But this is just another aspect of the fundamental point about language spread, namely that it depends on community growth. This is how Sanskrit was able to spread in South-East Asia for a millennium without a conquest, how Quechua took over the domains held by the Inca, and how French was taken up at the eastern end of Europe by the elite of foreign powers who simply wanted to imitate the highest culture they knew. Aramaic too was first spread through a widely scattered community of bilingual scribes capable of originating and interpreting messages written in it, even as communities that spoke it were being uprooted and resettled over the entire Assyrian empire. There are more ways, and indeed more effective ways, than violence by which to enlarge a community. A common language is what enables ever more members to participate in it. As Anderson puts it: ‘Much the most important thing about language is its capacity for generating imagined communities, building in effect particular solidarities. After all, imperial languages are still vernaculars, and thus particular vernaculars among many.’¹¹

每个社区都有自己独特的方法。每一个都由其过去的传统赋予其特征，其中许多或大部分是通过以自己的语言共享的叙述和仪式来传达的。与大多数 20 世纪西方哲学的假设相反，语言绝不是简单的“语言”。每种语言都有自己的颜色和风味。在这本书中，我们瞥见了各种传统的一些独特特征：阿拉伯语的庄严庄严和平等主义；汉语和埃及人不可动摇的自尊；梵文丰富的分类和等级；希腊语自信的创新导致自恋和迂腐；拉丁文的公民意识；西班牙式的固执、贪婪和忠诚；法国人崇尚理性；和英国人对商业头脑的钦佩。这些多方面的品质有时可以在语言的文献中看到。但是当这些语言的历史被讲述时，他们就会跳出来。

Each community is differentiated with its own particular approach. Each is given its character by the traditions of its past, and many or most of them are conveyed by narratives and rituals shared in its own language. Contrary to the assumption of most twentieth-century Western philosophy, a language is never simply ‘language’. Each language has its own colour and flavour. In this book, we have glimpsed some of the distinctive traits of the various traditions: Arabic’s austere grandeur and egalitarianism; Chinese and Egyptian’s unshakeable self-regard; Sanskrit’s luxuriating classifications and hierarchies; Greek’s self-confident innovation leading to self-obsession and pedantry; Latin’s civic sense; Spanish rigidity, cupidity and fidelity; French admiration for rationality; and English admiration for business acumen. These manifold qualities can sometimes be seen in the languages’ literatures. But they leap out when the languages’ histories are told.

矛盾的是，这本书讲述的语言的影响范围如此巨大，而且往往以牺牲其他语言为代价，但它首先是一个多样性的故事。毕竟，这里叙述的各种发展是导致现代语言濒危危机的原因，这种情况如此严重，以至于有理由相信，对于世界上一半的语言来说，它们的最后一位使用者今天可能已经活着。¹²但是世界上仍然有六千多种语言，即使本书中讲述的十几种语言现在占世界说话者的五分之二。

It is a paradox that this book, which has told the stories of languages that have so vastly extended their reach, often at the expense of others, is above all a tale of diversity. After all, the kinds of developments recounted here are what have led to the modern crisis of language endangerment, a situation so serious that it is reasonable to believe that, for half the world’s languages, their last speakers may already be alive today.¹² But there are still over six thousand languages in the world, even if the dozen or so whose tales have been told in this book now account for about two-fifths of the world’s speakers.

值得一问的是，每种语言所代表的意识和身份的多样性是否能够或应该在现代世界中存在。过去的工业和科学革命认为，有效知识和工业组织存在单一、统一的路径，并以展示看似神奇的成就来证明这一点。然而，至少在 19 世纪中叶之前，是六种不同语言的研究相互影响，才跟上了智力进步的步伐。即使在今天，一个对英语在现代世界中所扮演角色的敏锐观察者也可以评论说：“在 500 年后……如果[英语]是那时唯一剩下的语言……那将是地球上最大的智力灾难曾经知道'。¹³

It is worth asking whether the diversity of consciousness and identity that each language represents can or should survive in the modern world. Past industrial and scientific revolutions argue that there is a single, unified path to valid knowledge and industrial organisation, and boast a display of seemingly magical achievements to prove it. Nevertheless, at least until the mid-nineteenth century it was the interplay of research in half a dozen different languages which kept up the pace of intellectual advance. And even today, a penetrating observer of the role of English in the modern world can remark: ‘in 500 years’ time…if [English] is by then the only language left…it will have been the greatest intellectual disaster that the planet has ever known’.¹³

但我们不应该被即将统一的预测所淹没。在过去的 2500 年里，有六次属灵启示自称是普遍真理，而其中大部分仍处于争论之中。同样，本书所回顾的语言的历史也在不断扩大的范围内传播了两倍的时间。尽管竞争如此激烈，但几乎所有这些——或它们的继任者——在 21 世纪初仍然存在。

But we should not be too overwhelmed by forecasts of impending unity. Half a dozen spiritual revelations have offered themselves as universal truths in the past 2500 years, and most of them are still in contention. Likewise the languages whose histories this book has reviewed have been spreading in increasing circles for twice that period of time. Despite all this rampant competition, almost all of them—or their successors—are still in existence at the beginning of the twenty-first century.

通用语是一种便利：对于演讲者来说，当然可以在世界范围内传达信息，但对于听众来说，当一个语言社区似乎拥有超过其公平份额的有用知识时也是如此。但是，尽管有巴别塔的神话，并将其粗俗解释为一个警示故事，但语言多样性并不是人类的责任。世界上大多数人都会说多种语言，每个人都可以；除非缺乏时间或精力，否则没有人会被严格排除在他人的语言社区之外。不同的语言保护和滋养不同文化的发展，在这些文化中可以发现不同的人类知识途径。对于那些知道不止一个的人来说，它们肯定会让生活更丰富。

A lingua franca is a convenience: for speakers to convey a message across the world, certainly, but also for listeners when one language community appears to have more than its fair share of useful knowledge. But despite the myth of the Tower of Babel, and its vulgar interpretation as a cautionary tale, language diversity is not a liability for the human race. Most people in the world are multilingual, and everyone could be; no one is rigorously excluded from another’s language community except through lack of time or effort. Different languages protect and nourish the growth of different cultures, where different pathways of human knowledge can be discovered. They certainly make life richer for those who know more than one of them.

在写这本书的过程中，我有意识地在语言学的一般领域内开始了一种新的方法。我没有看世界主要语言的现状，而是采取了历史观。但是，我没有像历史语言学家那样系统地比较不同语言中的单词，以重建它们的过去，也没有像语言类型学家那样比较不同语言的整体结构，而是考虑了每种语言在整个历史时期的演变状态。几个世纪的职业生涯。在尝试进行任何比较的地方，都是对这些职业的比较。这种工作可以称为语言动力学研究。^*这是一种以前很少探索的方法来理解人类社会：语言如何在不断发展的变化中不仅组织人类思想，而且组织大量人类思想，这些群体将自身构成社会，进行交流和互动，以及作为思考和行动。

In writing this book, I have consciously been embarking on a new approach within the general field of linguistics. Instead of looking at the current status of the world’s major languages, I have taken a historical view. But instead of comparing words in different languages systematically, with a view to reconstructing their past, as a historical linguist usually does, or comparing the overall structures of different languages, like a language typologist, I have considered the evolving status of each language over the centuries of its career. Where any comparison has been attempted, it is the comparison of those careers. This kind of work might be called the study of language dynamics.^* It is an approach, previously little explored, to understanding human societies: how language, in all its evolving variety, organises not just the human mind but also the large groups of human minds that constitute themselves into societies, which communicate and interact, as well as think and act.

从这个角度来看，我们对大型语言的关注首先是为了方便。所有语言都有自己的历史，但很少有足够好的文档来揭示它们。大型且著名的语言通常拥有最充足的文档。这是我们需要开始的地方，为这个新领域制定轮廓。我们已经做到了这一点。但最终，语言动态必须涵盖人类语言的所有多样性历史。

From this point of view, our focus on large languages has been above all a convenience. All languages have their own histories, but few are well enough documented to reveal very much about them. It is the large and famous languages that typically have the most adequate documentation. This is where we needed to start, to lay down the outlines of this new field. And this we have done. But ultimately language dynamics must encompass the history of human language in all its diversity.

kva sūryabhavo va śa kva cālpavi ;ayā mati titīr urdustara mohād u upenāsmi sāgaram

kva sūryabhavo vaśa kva cālpavi;ayā mati titīrur dustara mohād uupenāsmi sāgaram

这里是太阳所生的血统，这里是我的弱智：我会愚蠢地驾驶独木舟穿越无法逾越的海洋吗？

here the lineage born of the Sun, and here my weakly endowed mind: would I in folly cross the impassable ocean in my canoe?

Kālidāsa，Raghu 线，i.2

Kālidāsa, The Line of Raghu, i.2

^*由于第三方（主要是非洲黑人）作为奴隶的使用同时激增，到处都使情况变得复杂；在一定程度上，他们或他们与土著居民的混合体

成为了一个新的少数群体的代表，现在移民占多数。但是这个与奴隶相关的少数群体从来没有被语言与多数群体分开，因为他们自己只是通过采用某种版本的奴隶主语言而成为一个群体。

^* Everywhere the situation was complicated by the simultaneous surge in the use of third parties, mostly black Africans, as slaves; to an extent they, or a mix of them and the indigenous population,

became the representatives of a new minority community, with the immigrants now the majority. But this slave-associated minority was never divided by language from the majority community, since they had become a community themselves only by adopting some version of the slave-owners’ language.

^*一个鲜为人知的衍生产品是第一次使用印刷书籍作为语言导师，最初是拉丁语。这反过来又导致了传教语言学的发展，最初是为了在异国他乡传教（Ostler：2004）。

^* A little-noted spin-off of this was the first use of printed books as language tutors, initially of Latin. This in turn led to the development of missionary linguistics, originally as an aid to preaching in exotic places (Ostler: 2004).

^†预计这将很快使小型语言社区以及本书主题的伟大语言受益。

^† This can be expected soon to benefit small language communities, as well as the great languages that have been the subject of this book.

^*然而，家庭社区的性质正在发生变化，部分原因是受到英语的影响。女性教育水平的提高，越来越多地包括英语，以及广播和电视等国内媒体的普及，意味着在家学习第一语言的“母语”环境将越来越多地包括英语。

^* However, the nature of the home community is changing, partly under the influence of English. Rising levels of female education, more and more including English, and the prevalence of domestic media such as radio and television, mean that the ‘mother-tongue’ situation for learning a first language in the home will increasingly include English.

^*在 1994 年使用最频繁的 48 个洲际电话流量中，46.9%（530 亿分钟）是在说英语的人之间进行的。另外 50.4%（570 亿）是在说英语的国家和其他语言的国家之间（数据来自 TeleGeography Inc.，引自 Graddol 1997:37）。

^* Of the forty-eight most heavily used intercontinental flows of telephone calls in 1994, 46.9 per cent (53 billion minutes) were between English speakers. Another 50.4 percent (57 billion) were between English speakers and countries of other languages (figures from TeleGeography Inc., as cited in Graddol 1997: 37).

^*见第 13 章，第 13 页。532.

^* See Chapter 13, p. 532.

^* 17%（主要是阿塞拜疆人）在伊朗；7% 在中国（主要是维吾尔人）；7%（由鞑靼人、楚瓦什人和巴什基尔人以及各种小群体组成）在俄罗斯。

^* Seventeen per cent (mostly Azeris) are in Iran; 7 per cent are in China (mostly Uyghurs); and 7 per cent (made up of Tatars, Chuvash and Bashkirs, and a variety of tiny groups) are in Russia.

^* 泰语也意味着“自由”：因此也可以在欧洲传统之外找到理想。

^* Thai, too, means ‘free’: so the ideal can also be found outside the European tradition.

^*具有讽刺意味的是，许多小型土著社区也为他们自己的语言提出了这种说法，而这种语言根本没有传播开来。

^* There is some irony in that this claim is also made by many small indigenous communities for their own languages, which never spread at all.

^*在硬币的另一面，当这种语言被成功地拾起，但随后被另一种印欧语系抹去时，证据可能仍然存在于三千年后幸存的外星特征中。这就是解释英国凯尔特人怪癖的原因（参见第 7 章，“奔跑：凯尔特人的冲动优势”，第 292 页）。

^* And on the other side of the coin, when such a language is successfully picked up, but then effaced by another Indo-European language, the evidence may still be seen in deeply alien features surviving three millennia later. This is what was suggested to account for quirks of British Celtic ( see Chapter 7, ‘Rún: The impulsive pre-eminence of the Celts’, p. 292).

^*或者，更明确和技术上，历时社会语言学。另一个最近的例子，主要集中在非洲，是 Mufwene (2001)。

^* Or, more explicitly and technically, diachronic sociolinguistics. Another recent example, largely focused on Africa, is Mufwene (2001 ).

笔记

NOTES

序言：语言的冲突

Prologue: A Clash of Languages

1.因此，它被记录在许多近现代的编年史中。对于 Motecuhzoma 在 Nahuatl 中的话，我在此引用阿兹特克文明的当代百科全书，新西班牙事务通史(xii.16)，由 Fray Bernardino de Sahagún 编辑，并为科尔特斯在西班牙文中引用他服务的目击者的叙述士兵，Bernal Díaz del Castilla，《征服新西班牙的真实历史》（第 lxxxix 章）。

1. As such, it was recorded in many near-contemporary chronicles. For Motecuhzoma’s words in Nahuatl, I here quote from the contemporary encyclopedia of Aztec civilisation, General History of the Affairs of New Spain (xii.16), compiled by Fray Bernardino de Sahagún, and for Cortés’s in Spanish from the eyewitness account of his serving soldier, Bernal Díaz del Castilla, True History of the Conquest of New Spain (ch. lxxxix).

1 Themistocles' Carpet

1 Themistocles’ Carpet

1. Sykes (2001, chs 7, 10); 韦尔等人。（2002 年）。见第 7 章，“逆势而上：英语的出现”，第 3 页。310。

1. Sykes (2001, chs 7, 10); Weale et al. (2002). See Chapter 7, ‘Against the odds: The advent of English’, p. 310.

2. Anderson (1991) 很好地指导了国家概念的短暂而令人担忧的历史，并将其移植到世界各地。

2. Anderson (1991) is a good guide to the short but fraught history of the concept of the nation, and its transplantation for use all over the world.

3. Sahagün，六。13.

3. Sahagün, vi. 13.

4.卡特图宁 (1990: 291-4)。

4. Karttunen (1990: 291-4).

5.引自 King (1994: 136-7) 的三位纳瓦特尔语使用者的引述。

5. Quotations from three Nahuatl speakers, cited in King (1994: 136-7).

6. Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae , xvii.17: Quintus Ennius tria corda habere sese dicebat, quod loqui Graece et Osce et Latine sciret。

6. Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae, xvii.17: Quintus Ennius tria corda habere sese dicebat, quod loqui Graece et Osce et Latine sciret.

2 成为世界语言需要什么；或者，你永远无法分辨

2 What It Takes to Be a World Language; or, You Never Can Tell

1.例如在 Lipiński (1997:46)。

1. e.g. in Lipiński (1997:46).

2.弗斯 (1964: 70-1)。这是最初于 1937 年和 1930 年出版的作品的再版。

2. Firth (1964: 70-1). This is a reissue of works originally published in 1937 and 1930.

3.惠特菲尔德 (1999: 36)。

3. Whitfield (1999: 36).

3 沙漠之花：中东的语言创新

3 The Desert Blooms: Language Innovation in the Middle East

1.片剂 II、II。36-48; 兰伯特的文字（1960：40）；反式普里查德的 WG Lambert (1969: 596-600)，稍作修改。

1. Tablet II, II. 36-48; text from Lambert (1960: 40); trans. W. G. Lambert in Pritchard (1969: 596-600), slightly modified.

2.二。70-8; 兰伯特的文字（1960：148）；反式普里查德的 WG 兰伯特 (1969:601)。

2. II. 70-8; text from Lambert (1960: 148); trans. W. G. Lambert in Pritchard (1969:601).

3.利平斯基 (1997: 42-4)。

3. Lipiński (1997: 42-4).

4. Ahiqar的话，上校。十四，208-23；来自 Lindenberger (1983: 209) 的文本，元音由 Peter T. Daniels 提供；反式来自普里查德（1969：430）。

4. The Words of Ahiqar, col. xiv, 208-23; text from Lindenberger (1983: 209), with vowels supplied by Peter T. Daniels; trans. from Pritchard (1969: 430).

5. Elamite代词系统中的证据，以及名词和动词形态的一些特征；迪亚科诺夫（1985：3）；麦卡尔平 (1981)。但归属仍有争议。

5. The evidence is in the Elamite pronoun system, and some features of noun and verb morphology; Diakonoff (1985: 3); McAlpin (1981). But the attribution is still controversial.

6.兰塞尔 (1997: 437)。

6. Lancel (1997: 437).

7.这样的殖民地包括底格里斯河上的塞琉西亚、尤拉乌斯河上的塞琉西亚——正是苏萨，以前是埃兰和波斯的首都——以及位于双峰远东地区的现代艾哈努姆，即现代阿富汗（Wiesehöfer 2001：111-12）。

7. Such colonies included Seleuceia on the Tigris, Seleuceia on the Eulaeus—none other than Susa, formerly the Elamite and Persian capital—and modern Aï Khanum in the Bactrian far east, i.e. modern Afghanistan (Wiesehöfer 2001: 111-12).

8. Pritchard (1969: 56): Inanna's Descent to the Nether World (trans. SN Kramer)。

8. Pritchard (1969: 56): Inanna’s Descent to the Nether World (trans. S. N. Kramer).

9.策列铁里 (1959 [1912])。

9. Tsereteli (1959 [1912]).

10. Schmandt-Besserat (1997) 中阐述。

10. Expounded in Schmandt-Besserat (1997).

11.你好（1974：185-6）；Inanna 的赞美诗被翻译成 Pritchard (1969: 579-82)。

11. Hallo (1974: 185-6); the Hymn to Inanna is translated in Pritchard (1969: 579-82).

12. Pritchard (1969: 496): Love Song to a King (trans. SN Kramer)，稍作改编。

12. Pritchard (1969: 496): Love Song to a King (trans. S. N. Kramer), slightly adapted.

13. Pritchard (1969: 652)：Ua-aua，一首苏美尔摇篮曲（译作 SN Kramer），稍作改编；<www.etcsl.orient.ox.ac.uk:/section2/c24214.htm>。

13. Pritchard (1969: 652): Ua-aua, a Sumerian lullaby (trans. S. N. Kramer), slightly adapted; <www.etcsl.orient.ox.ac.uk:/section2/c24214.htm>.

14. Thomsen (1984: 293-4), 引自Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society , 107(4), pp. 1-12; (trans. SN Kramer)，稍作改编。

14. Thomsen (1984: 293-4), quoting from Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 107(4), pp. 1-12; (trans. S. N. Kramer), slightly adapted.

15. Pritchard (1969: 651): The Curse of Agade, vv. 279-81（反 SN 克莱默）；<www.etcsl.orient.ox.ac.uk:/section2/tr215.htm>。

15. Pritchard (1969: 651): The Curse of Agade, vv. 279-81 (trans S. N. Kramer); <www.etcsl.orient.ox.ac.uk:/section2/tr215.htm>.

16.麦卡尔平 (1981:60)。

16. McAlpin (1981:60).

17.马尔布兰-拉巴特 (1996: 56)。

17. Malbran-Labat (1996: 56).

18. Wiesehöfer (2001: 10)。

18. Wiesehöfer (2001: 10).

19.迪亚科诺夫 (1985:24)。

19. Diakonoff (1985:24).

20.你好（1974：184）。

20. Hallo (1974: 184).

21.克莱默 (1979: 39)。

21. Kramer (1979: 39).

22.这是 Malbran-Labat (1996) 的分析。

22. This is the analysis of Malbran-Labat (1996).

23.鲁 (1992: 276)。

23. Roux (1992: 276).

24.索耶 (1999: 14)。

24. Sawyer (1999: 14).

25.奥德 (1979); Oded，引自 Garelli (1982: 438)；和鲁（1992：308）。

25. Oded (1979); Oded, quoted in Garelli (1982: 438); and Roux (1992: 308).

26. Pritchard (1969: 284)：来自萨尔贡二世的表演首都霍尔萨巴德 (Dŭr Sharrukîn) 的展示铭文。

26. Pritchard (1969: 284): from a display inscription in Sargon II’s show capital of Khorsabad (Dŭr Sharrukîn).

27.泰德莫尔 (1982: 451)。

27. Tadmor (1982: 451).

28. Parpola (1999) 声称这是经过深思熟虑的：“亚述亚拉姆化是一项精心策划的政策，旨在创造一种永远无法实现的民族团结和身份认同，如果帝国仍然是一个由众多不同国家组成的松散集团国家和语言。

28. Parpola (1999) claims it was quite deliberate: ‘The Aramaization of Assyria was a calculated policy aimed at creating national unity and identity of a kind that could never have been achieved, had the Empire remained a loose conglomeration of a plethora of different nations and languages.’

29.加雷利 (1982:442)。

29. Garelli (1982:442).

30.考夫曼（1997：114-15）。

30. Kaufman (1997: 114-15).

31.迪特里希 (1967: 87-90)。

31. Dietrich (1967: 87-90).

32.同上：90，引用 Dietrich (1979: item 10)。

32. ibid.: 90, citing Dietrich (1979: item 10).

33.考夫曼（1974：165-70）。Parpola (1999) 在亚述巴尼帕尔图书馆的吉尔伽美什 (7 世纪中叶) 的副本中发现了一个手写笔的滑落，这只能由一个亚拉姆语使用者制作：“主”字形（亚拉姆语中的mara）代替了那个代表“儿子”（阿卡德语中的mara）。

33. Kaufman (1974: 165-70). And Parpola (1999) notes a slip of the stylus in Ashurbanipal’s library copy of Gilgamesh (mid-seventh century), which could only have been made by an Aramaic speaker: the glyph for ‘lord’ (mara in Aramaic) in place of that for ‘son’ (mara in Akkadian).

34. Pritchard (1969: 317)：历史文献，5. Antiochus Soter (trans. FH Weissbach)。

34. Pritchard (1969: 317): Historical documents, 5. Antiochus Soter (trans. F. H. Weissbach).

35.同上：136：关于 Baal 和 Anath 的诗，fC（译 HL Ginsberg）。

35. ibid.: 136: Poems about Baal and Anath, f.C (trans. H. L. Ginsberg).

36.创世纪 xxvii.28 和 39。另见 Gordon (1971: 122)。

36. Genesis xxvii.28 and 39. See also Gordon (1971: 122).

37.以西结书 xxvii.3-11、25-6、32。

37. Ezekiel xxvii.3-11, 25-6, 32.

38.兰赛尔（1997：357）；克里布等人。(1999: 225, 227)。

38. Lancel (1997: 357); Cribb et al. (1999: 225, 227).

39. Augustine, Letters , xvii.2（给 Maximus Madaurus 的信）。

39. Augustine, Letters, xvii.2 (Letter to Maximus Madaurus).

40.普林尼，《自然史》，xviii.22。

40. Pliny, Naturalis Historia, xviii.22.

41. Hanno，Periplus（Codex Palatinus Graecus 398，fols 55r-56r）。

41. Hanno, Periplus (Codex Palatinus Graecus 398, fols 55r-56r).

42.奥古斯丁，讲道， clxvii.4。

42. Augustine, Sermones, clxvii.4.

43.普劳图斯，Poenulus，930-1028。

43. Plautus, Poenulus, 930-1028.

44.同上，1002-12：Punic 的翻译遵循 Sznycer (1967: 141-3)。

44. ibid., 1002-12: the translations of the Punic follow Sznycer (1967: 141-3).

45.李维，xxviii.46.16。

45. Livy, xxviii.46.16.

46.考夫曼（1997：115）。

46. Kaufman (1997: 115).

47.格林菲尔德（1985：708）；波洛茨基 (1971)。

47. Greenfield (1985: 708); Polotsky (1971).

48.修昔底德，iv.50。

48. Thucydides, iv.50.

49.丹尼尔 i.4。

49. Daniel i.4.

50. Lemaire 和 Lozachmeur (1996: passim)。

50. Lemaire and Lozachmeur (1996: passim).

51.格林菲尔德 (1985: 701, n. 2)。

51. Greenfield (1985: 701, n. 2).

52. Pritchard (1969: 428): The Words of Ahiqar (trans. HL Ginsberg)。

52. Pritchard (1969: 428): The Words of Ahiqar (trans. H. L. Ginsberg).

53.同上：491：《大象的犹太人来信》（译 HL Ginsberg）。

53. ibid.: 491: Letters of the Jews in Elephantine (trans. H. L. Ginsberg).

54.斯伦贝谢等人。（1958 年）。

54. Schlumberger et al. (1958).

55.亨宁 (1949)。

55. Henning(1949).

56.最近在马其顿首都佩拉发现了一块公元前四世纪的诅咒碑，这表明它是一种变体的希腊方言，属于西北部类型（Voutyras 1994）。

56. There is one curse-tablet of the fourth century BC, recently discovered at the Macedonian capital, Pella, which suggests that it was a variant Greek dialect, of the north-western type (Voutyras 1994).

57.布洛克 (1989: 19)。

57. Brock (1989: 19).

58.佐伯 (1937)。

58. Saeki (1937).

59. Johnson-Weiner (1999) 描述了他们自相矛盾地使用英语来保护德语的使用。

59. Their paradoxical use of English to protect the use of German is described in Johnson-Weiner (1999).

60. Pam Petro 从威尔士学习者的角度描述 (Petro 1997: 259-319)。

60. Described from a Welsh learner’s viewpoint by Pam Petro (Petro 1997: 259-319).

61.真实性有争议的圣训。大不里士 (1985: 6006)。

61. Hadith of disputed authenticity. Al-Tabrizi (1985: 6006).

62.在 Miquel (1968) 和 Planhol (1968) 中尝试过。

62. Attempted in Miquel (1968) and Planhol (1968).

63.古兰经，xcvi.1-2。诱人的是，这里的最后一个词也经常被翻译为“血块”。“阿拉琴”的语义根源似乎是执着。

63. Qur’ān, xcvi.1-2. Tantalisingly, the last word here is also often translated as ‘blood clot’. The semantic root of ’alaqin seems to be the idea of clinging.

64. Braudel (1993: 72), 引用阿拉伯历史学家 Baladhori。

64. Braudel (1993: 72), quoting the Arab historian Baladhori.

65.刘易斯 (1995: 184-6)。

65. Lewis (1995: 184-6).

66.弗莱 (1993:99)。

66. Frye (1993:99).

67.同上：123。

67. ibid.: 123.

68.同上：169。

68. ibid.: 169.

69.同上：113。

69. ibid.: 113.

70.同上：169。

70. ibid.: 169.

71. Guichard (2000: 143), 引用 Jean-Pierre Molénat。

71. Guichard (2000: 143), quoting Jean-Pierre Molénat.

72.科连特 (1992:34)。

72. Corriente (1992:34).

73.哈达杜 (1993: 87)。

73. Haddadou (1993: 87).

74. Ibn Khaldūn，引自 Ellingham 等人。（2001：552）；这位 13 世纪的作家还写了一部柏柏尔人的历史。

74. Ibn Khaldūn, quoted in Ellingham et al. (2001: 552); this thirteenth-century author also wrote a history of the Berbers.

75. Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddimat，引自 Armstrong (2000: 90)。

75. Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddimat, quoted in Armstrong (2000: 90).

76.肖（1976：5）。

76. Shaw (1976: 5).

77.肖夫 (1912)。

77. Schoff (1912).

78.霍拉尼 (1995: 92-7)。

78. Hourani (1995: 92-7).

79.多尔比 (1998: 591-5)。

79. Dalby (1998: 591-5).

80.克劳森 (2002: 50, 183)。

80. Clauson (2002: 50, 183).

81.阿卜杜勒加尼 (1929)。

81. ‘Abd al-Ghanī (1929).

82.芒果 (1999: 496)。

82. Mango (1999: 496).

83. Khaulavi (1979, vol. ii: 37)。

83. Khaulavi (1979, vol. ii: 37).

84.布罗代尔（1993：45）。

84. Braudel (1993:45).

85.同上：112。

85. ibid.: 112.

86.同上：41-2。

86. ibid.: 41-2.

4 次生育的胜利：埃及和中国

4 Triumphs of Fertility: Egyptian and Chinese

1.反式。利希海姆（1973：52）。

1. trans. Lichtheim (1973: 52).

2.反式。Soothhill (1910: 73-4)。

2. trans. Soothill (1910: 73-4).

3.普里查德 (1969: 415)。

3. Pritchard (1969: 415).

4.埃尔曼（1894：544）。

4. Erman (1894: 544).

5.同上：106。

5. ibid.: 106.

6.同上：244。

6. ibid.: 244.

7. Loprieno (1995: 71) 指出。

7. Noted by Loprieno (1995: 71).

8.莫兰（1992：xx-xxi）。

8. Moran (1992: xx-xxi).

9. Bacchylides (1961: 14-16)，frag。20B；还有 Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 1361。

9. Bacchylides (1961: 14-16), frag. 20B; also Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 1361.

10.格林菲尔德 (1985: 701, n. 2)。

10. Greenfield (1985: 701, n. 2).

11. 见 Loprieno (1995)。

11. See Loprieno (1995).

12.约翰逊（1999：177）；多德森 (2001: 90, 92)。

12. Johnson (1999: 177); Dodson (2001: 90, 92).

13.根据 Cairene Arab Maqrizi (1365-1442)，Lipinski (1997: 29) 报道。

13. According to the Cairene Arab Maqrizi (1365-1442), reported in Lipinski (1997: 29).

14.帝国晚期译者局：拉姆齐（1987：32）。

14. By the Translators’ Bureau in late imperial times: Ramsey (1987: 32).

15.巴赞 (1948)。

15. Bazin (1948).

16.拉姆齐 (1987: 102-3, 139-40, 236-7)。严格来说粤语有九个声调，增加了一个分音。

16. Ramsey (1987: 102-3, 139-40, 236-7). Strictly speaking Cantonese has nine tones, having added one more split.

17. Hashimoto (1986) 有点过于拼命地争辩说汉语在北方实际上已经被“阿尔泰语化”了，但他的证据仅限于北京语言的短暂混杂状态，以及青海的一种离经叛道的当代方言，那里的说话者可能是双语的藏语。

17. Hashimoto (1986) argues a little too desperately that Chinese was effectively ‘Altaicised’ in the north, but his evidence is confined to transitory pidginised states of the language in Beijing, and a deviant contemporary dialect in Qinghai, where speakers are probably bilingual in Tibetan.

18.诺曼 (1988: 20)。

18. Norman (1988: 20).

19.王（1992：11）。

19. Wang (1992: 11).

20.霍尔（1981：212）。

20. Hall (1981: 212).

21. Coedès (1968: 37)。见第 5 章，“东南亚的梵语”，第 3 页。204.

21. Coedès (1968: 37). See Chapter 5, ‘Sanskrit in South-East Asia’, p. 204.

22.王（1992：16）。

22. Wang (1992: 16).

23.格鲁塞 (1970: 66)。

23. Grousset (1970: 66).

24.莫特 (1999: 25, 980)。

24. Mote (1999: 25, 980).

25.埃及的数据来自 Dollinger (2002)，中国的数据来自 Barraclough (1978: 80, 127)。McEvedy 和 Jones (1978) 建议埃及在罗马时代的数字相当低，为 500 万。他们只是将公元前 300 年在狄奥多罗斯 (i.31) 中对埃及 700 万的估计视为“太高了”。对于中国，他们指出公元 2 年的人口普查数字实际上是针对 1180 万户家庭的。他们估计当时汉语口接近 5000 万，直到公元 2000 年初，随着长江流域水稻种植的增加，汉语口开始上升，在 1200 年达到 1.15 亿，但随后在蒙古时代回落。直到 1500 年才恢复。以上都没有影响关于埃及和中国在前现代世界中异常高的人口密度的一般观点。

25. The figures for Egypt are derived from Dollinger (2002), and for China from Barraclough (1978: 80, 127). McEvedy and Jones (1978) suggest a rather lower figure for Egypt in Roman times, 5 million. They simply dismiss the estimate in Diodorus (i.31) of 7 million for Egypt in 300 BC as ‘too high’. For China, they point out that the AD 2 census figures are actually for 11.8 million households. They estimate that China’s population then stayed close to 50 million until the beginning of the second millennium AD, when it began to rise with the greater cultivation of rice in the Yangtze valley, reaching 115 million in 1200, but then falling back in the Mongol era and not recovering until 1500. None of the above affects the general point about the exceptionally high population density of Egypt and China in the pre-modern world.

26.数据来自 Russell (1958)。

26. Figures derived from Russell (1958).

27.普里查德 (1969: 415)。

27. Pritchard (1969: 415).

28.阿内特（1982：45-7）。

28. Arnett (1982: 45-7).

29. Sallier 2,9,1 = Anastasi Papyri 7,4,6，引自 Erman (1894: 328)。

29. Sallier 2,9,1 = Anastasi Papyri 7,4,6, quoted in Erman (1894: 328).

30. Anastasi Papyri 5, 10, 8ff.，引自 Erman (1894: 328)。

30. Anastasi Papyri 5, 10, 8ff., quoted in Erman (1894: 328).

31.拉姆齐 (1987: 121-3)。见第 5 章，第 5 页。209.

31. Ramsey (1987: 121-3). See Chapter 5, p. 209.

32.诺曼 (1988: 257-63)。

32. Norman (1988: 257-63).

33.威尔金森 (2000: 735)。

33. Wilkinson (2000: 735).

34. 《经济学人》，1996 年 3 月 9 日，p。4，引自 Graddol (1997: 37)。

34. The Economist, 9 March 1996, p. 4, cited in Graddol (1997: 37).

35.卡尔格伦 (1954)。Norman (1988: 34-42) 简明扼要地阐述了它的原则。

35. Karlgren (1954). Its principles are set out succinctly in Norman (1988: 34-42).

36.普里查德（1969：440）。

36. Pritchard (1969: 440).

37.威尔金森 (2000: 723)。

37. Wilkinson (2000: 723).

38.墨特译（1999：156），选自林天伟（1977）：北宋吉若的三重心分喜。宋世彦久记 9, 147-98.

38. Translated by Mote (1999: 156), from Lin Tianwei (1977): Bei Song jiruo de sanzhong xin fenxi. Song shi yanjiu ji 9, 147-98.

39.高（1991：145）。

39. Gao (1991: 145).

40.拉姆齐 (1987: 224)。

40. Ramsey (1987: 224).

5 像爬行者一样迷人：梵文的文化职业

5 Charming Like a Creeper: The Cultured Career of Sanskrit

1.梨俱吠陀，七。103.

1. Rig Veda, vii. 103.

2.同上，x.34。

2. ibid., x.34.

3. Mahābhā⋅ya , i.1.

3. Mahābhā⋅ya, i.1.

4. Ojha, Bharatiya Prācīna Lipi Mālā , 14, no. 6，归因于Cānakya-nīti。

4. Ojha, Bharatiya Prācīna Lipi Mālā, 14, no. 6, attributed to Cānakya-nīti.

5.凯撒，德贝洛加利科，六。14.

5. Caesar, De Bello Gallico, vi. 14.

6. Martin Prechtel，个人通讯。

6. Martin Prechtel, personal communication.

7.柏拉图，Phaedrus 275A。

7. Plato, Phaedrus 275A.

8. 摩诃婆罗多，由 Kesavan (1992:3) 引用。

8. Mahābhārata, quoted by Kesavan (1992:3).

9.布罗 (1968:31)。

9. Brough (1968:31).

10. Deshpande (1993: 24), 引用Mahābhā⋅ya , i, p. 2.

10. Deshpande (1993: 24), quoting Mahābhā⋅ya, i, p. 2.

11.帕坦伽利，帕尼尼的摩诃巴耶， vi.3.109，反式。德什潘德 (1993: 62)。

11. Patanjali, Mahābhā⋅ya on Panini, vi.3.109, trans. Deshpande (1993: 62).

12.马努，二。18-22。

12. Manu, ii. 18-22.

13.德什潘德 (1993: 86)。

13. Deshpande (1993: 86).

14.同上：16；Rājaśekhara, Kāvyamimāmsa , iv.

14. ibid.: 16; Rājaśekhara, Kāvyamimāmsa, iv.

15.斯特拉博，xv.1.21。

15. Strabo, xv.1.21.

16.同上，十五。1.64。

16. ibid., xv. 1.64.

17. Milindapañha，i.9。

17. Milindapañha, i.9.

18. Fo-Kwo-Ki, xxxvi (in Beal 1884: lxxi)。

18. Fo-Kwo-Ki, xxxvi (in Beal 1884: lxxi).

19.同上，xl（Beal 1884：第 1 部分，第 lxxix 页）。

19. ibid., xl (in Beal 1884: part 1, p. lxxix).

20.同上，xl（Beal 1884：第 1 部分，第 lxxxiii 页）。

20. ibid., xl (in Beal 1884: part 1, p. lxxxiii).

21.科德斯 (1968: 81-2)。

21. Coedès (1968: 81-2).

22. Si-Yu-Ki，ii.9（Beal 1884：第 1 部分，第 77-8 页）。

22. Si-Yu-Ki, ii.9 (in Beal 1884: part 1, pp. 77-8).

23.吉德瓦尼 (1994)。

23. Gidwani(1994).

24.梨俱吠陀，ii.20.7。

24. Rig Veda, ii.20.7.

25. Chatterji (1966: 78)。

25. Chatterji (1966: 78).

26. Si-Yu-Ki，x.9-11（Beal 1884：第 2 部分，第 204-8 页）。

26. Si-Yu-Ki, x.9-11 (in Beal 1884: part 2, pp. 204-8).

27. Pañcatantra，第 31 节。

27. Pañcatantra, v. 31.

28. Keith Taylor，在 Tarling (1999: 195)。

28. Keith Taylor, in Tarling (1999: 195).

29. Kamara、Pōdoukē和Sōpatma，“排成一排”，引用于公元一世纪的厄立特里亚海危险地区（第 60 章）。其中，前两个可能位于 Kaveri 河三角洲和本地治里（更广为人知的本地治里）。

29. Kamara, Pōdoukē and Sōpatma, ‘lying in a row’, are quoted in the first century AD Periplous of the Erythraean Sea (ch. 60). Of these, the first two are presumably on the delta of the Kaveri river and at Puducherry (better known as Pondicherry).

30. Yule and Burnell (1986: 456)：“Goozerat 有句谚语，“谁去了 Java 就永远不会回来。如果他偶然回来，那么两代人的生活，足够他带回 Ršs Mšlš 的钱， ii.82 (1878 edn: 418)。

30. Yule and Burnell (1986: 456): ‘It is a saying in Goozerat,—"Who goes to Java Never returns. If by chance he return, Then for two generations to live upon, Money enough he brings back Ršs Mšlš, ii.82 (1878 edn: 418).

31.马宗达 (1975:21)。

31. Majumdar (1975:21).

32. Coedès (1968: 26-7, 36, 275)。

32. Coedès (1968: 26-7, 36, 275).

33.同上：37、276。

33. ibid.: 37, 276.

34.马宗达 (1975: 13)。

34. Majumdar (1975: 13).

35.同上：19-20。

35. ibid.: 19-20.

36.同上：48。

36. ibid.: 48.

37. 摩诃婆罗多，阿兰耶卡帕瓦，173；马宗达（1975：25-7）。

37. Mahābhārata, Āranyakaparva, 173; Majumdar (1975: 25-7).

38. Coedès (1968: 369)。

38. Coedès (1968: 369).

39. Fo-Kwo-Ki, xl (in Beal 1884: part 1, p. lxxxi)。

39. Fo-Kwo-Ki, xl (in Beal 1884: part 1, p. lxxxi).

40.科德斯（1968：17）；Bechert 和 Gombrich (1984: 147)。

40. Coedès (1968: 17); Bechert and Gombrich (1984: 147).

41.拉姆齐 (1987: 121-4)。

41. Ramsay (1987: 121-4).

42.关于藏文及其起源的细节，我一直依赖拜尔（1992：40-50）。

42. For the details of the Tibetan script and its origin, I have been dependent on Beyer (1992:40-50).

43.有一些证据表明藏人可以比这更早写作。现存有 650 至 747 年的当代史书，我们发现 655 年：国王住在默克，宰相Ston-tsan将他的命令文本写给了Ngor-ti。

43. There is some evidence that Tibetans could write earlier than this. There are extant contemporary annals of the period 650 to 747, and for the year 655 we find: The King stayed at Mer-khe, and the prime minister Ston-tsan wrote the text of his commands to Ngor-ti.

事实上，文字的引入传统上（即在 14 世纪的历史中）归功于西藏学者和政府部长吞米阿努伊布，据说他在 7 世纪中期被派往印度执行任务世纪。但吞米可能是一个虚构的人物，因为在中亚发现的真正古老的西藏记录中没有提到他，而最早的藏文语法著作也归功于他。

In fact the introduction of the script is traditionally (i.e. in a history from the fourteenth century) credited to a Tibetan scholar and government minister, Thon-mi Anui-bu, said to have been sent on a mission to India in the mid-seventh century. But Thon-mi may have been an invented figure, since he is omitted from genuinely ancient records of Tibet found in central Asia, while the earliest grammatical works on Tibetan are also attributed to him.

44.拜尔（1992：36-7）。

44. Beyer (1992: 36-7).

45.正如 van Leur (1955: 113) 中的推测和 Hall (1981: 231-3) 中所讨论的。

45. As conjectured in van Leur (1955: 113) and discussed in Hall (1981: 231-3).

46.巴沙姆 (1967:491)。

46. Basham (1967:491).

47.兰加拉扬 (1992: 18-21)。

47. Rangarajan (1992: 18-21).

48. Si-Yu-Ki，ix（Beal 1884：第 2 部分，第 171-2 页）。

48. Si-Yu-Ki, ix (in Beal 1884: part 2, pp. 171-2).

6 三千年的唯我论：希腊历险记

6 Three Thousand Years of Solipsism: The Adventures of Greek

1.老寡头，雅典宪法，ii.8：kaì hoi mèn Héllēnes idíāi māllon kaì ph bar;nēi kaì diaítēi kai skh mati khrõbar;ntai, Athēnaĩoi dè kekraménēi ex hapántōn tõbar;n Hellébar;nōn kaì bar.

1. Old Oligarch, Athenian Constitution, ii.8: kaì hoi mèn Héllēnes idíāi māllon kaì phbar;nēi kaì diaítēi kai skhmati khrõbar;ntai, Athēnaĩoi dè kekraménēi ex hapántōn tõbar;n Hellébar;nōn kaì barbárōn.

2.希罗多德，viii.144（在本章的题词中引用）。

2. Herodotus, viii.144 (quoted in the epigraph to this chapter).

3.同上，四。183.4。根据 Strabo，xvii.1.2 的说法，他们住在红海沿岸。

3. ibid., iv. 183.4. They lived along the Red Sea coast, according to Strabo, xvii.1.2.

4.埃斯库罗斯，阿伽门农，1050-1。

4. Aeschylus, Agamemnon, 1050-1.

5.修昔底德，ii.35-46。

5. Thucydides, ii.35-46.

6. tèbar;n pólin pábar;san tŋbar;s Helládos paídeusin eĩnai：修昔底德，ii.41。

6. tèbar;n pólin pábar;san tŋbar;s Helládos paídeusin eĩnai: Thucydides, ii.41.

7. Menander，片段 72，编辑。考克。

7. Menander, fragment 72, ed. Kock.

8.赫拉克利特，片段 119。

8. Heraclitus, fragment 119.

9.阿里斯托芬，骑士，1169。

9. Aristophanes, Knights, 1169.

10. Hesiod，女性目录（Loeb edn，fr. 4）。

10. Hesiod, Catalogues of Women (Loeb edn, fr. 4).

11.修昔底德，iii.38.4。

11. Thucydides, iii.38.4.

12.巴克 (1955: 10-14)。

12. Buck (1955: 10-14).

13.斯特拉博，vi.1.2。

13. Strabo, vi.1.2.

14. Segs 30.1664 和 20.326（希腊-亚拉姆语佛教文本），Schlumberger 等人。（1958 年）。见第 5 章，“梵文的特征”，第 3 页。187 和第 3 章，“亚拉姆语——沙漠之歌：西亚国际语”，第 3 页。84.

14. Segs 30.1664 and 20.326 (Greek-Aramaic Buddhist text), Schlumberger et al. (1958). See Chapter 5, ‘The character of Sanskrit’, p. 187, and Chapter 3, ‘Aramaic—the desert song: Interlingua of western Asia’, p. 84.

15.所罗门 (1998: 265-7)。Hēliodōros以Heliodora的形式出现- 但Antialkidas以Amtalikita的形式出现。- 非常符合阿育王的传统，它包含对佛教美德的无偿敦促。见第 5 章，“局外人的观点”，第 3 页。192.

15. Salomon (1998: 265-7). Hēliodōros comes out as Heliodora-, but Antialkidas as Amtalikita.- Very much in the Aśoka tradition, it contains gratuitous urgings to Buddhist virtue. See Chapter 5, ‘Outsiders’ views’, p. 192.

16.吉尔什曼 (1954: 229-30)。

16. Ghirshman (1954: 229-30).

17.芒果（1980：第 1 章）。

17. Mango (1980: ch. 1).

18.普鲁塔克，马克安东尼，二十七。

18. Plutarch, Mark Antony, xxvii.

19. 剑桥古代史，卷。vii.1 ²，第 180。

19. Cambridge Ancient History, vol. vii.1², p. 180.

20. Drew-Bear 等人。(1999)。

20. Drew-Bear et al. (1999).

21.斯特拉博，iv.1.5。

21. Strabo, iv.1.5.

22.普劳图斯，埃皮迪库斯，iii.3.29。

22. Plautus, Epidicus, iii.3.29.

23.波利比乌斯，历史，iii.59。

23. Polybius, Histories, iii.59.

24.维吉尔，埃涅阿斯纪，vi.847-53。

24. Vergil, Aeneid, vi.847-53.

25. pergraecari est epulis et potationibus inservire：在公元二世纪后期的 Sextus Pomponius Festus 词典中。这个词在普劳图斯中很常见，普劳图斯是公元前二世纪为罗马观众改编的希腊戏剧的伟大改编者。

25. pergraecari est epulis et potationibus inservire: in the dictionary of Sextus Pomponius Festus of the late second century AD. The word is common in Plautus, the great adapter of Greek plays for Roman audiences in the second century BC.

26.索耶 (1999: 37)。

26. Sawyer (1999: 37).

27.同上：35。

27. ibid.: 35.

28.资料来源是雅典的诡辩家菲洛斯特拉图斯，他的《提亚纳的阿波罗尼乌斯传》是公元二世纪末罗马皇帝塞普蒂米乌斯·西弗勒斯的妻子委托创作的。这是一部灵修文学作品，因此其准确性受到质疑；但伍德科克 (1966: 130) 认为，考古学表明作者实际上对这片远离当代罗马和地中海的土地的细节了如指掌。

28. The source is an Athenian sophist, Philostratus, whose Life of Apollonius of Tyana was commissioned at the end of the second century AD by the wife of the Roman emperor Septimius Severus. This is a work of devotional literature, and so its accuracy has been questioned; but Woodcock (1966: 130) argues that archaeology shows the author was in fact well informed about details of this land so remote from contemporary Rome and the Mediterranean.

29. Wiesehöfer (2001: 122)。

29. Wiesehöfer (2001: 122).

30.同上：155。

30. ibid.: 155.

31. Itinerarium Aetheriae (ed. H. Pétré, Paris, 1948), xlvii.3-4 (引自 Mango 1980: 19)。

31. Itinerarium Aetheriae (ed. H. Pétré, Paris, 1948), xlvii.3-4 (quoted in Mango 1980: 19).

32.芒果（1980：25）。

32. Mango (1980: 25).

33. De Thematibus , Introduction, Pertusi edn, 1952, 引自 Horrocks (1997:150)。

33. De Thematibus, Introduction, Pertusi edn, 1952, quoted in Horrocks (1997:150).

34. Procopius，秘史，xviii.20-21。

34. Procopius, Secret History, xviii.20-21.

35. 以弗所约翰主教的教会历史第三部分，反式。R.佩恩史密斯。牛津，1860 年，第 423-4 页（引自 Mango 1980：24）。

35. Third Part of the Ecclesiastical History of John Bishop of Ephesus, trans. R. Payne Smith. Oxford, 1860, pp. 423-4 (quoted in Mango 1980: 24).

36. P. Lemerle, La Chronique impproprement dite de Monemvasie , in Revue des etudes byzantines , xxi (1963), pp. 9-10 (引自 Mango 1980: 24)。卡菲尔人可能是穆斯林皈依者。色雷斯人不是色雷斯人，而是来自安纳托利亚西部的色雷斯人主题。

36. P. Lemerle, La Chronique improprement dite de Monemvasie, in Revue des etudes byzantines, xxi (1963), pp. 9-10 (quoted in Mango 1980: 24). The Kafirs were perhaps Muslim converts; the Thracēsians were not Thracians, but from the Thracēsian theme, in the west of Anatolia.

37. Leo VI, Tactica，在Patrologia Graeca编辑。JP Migne，cvii，969A（引自 Mango 1980：28）。

37. Leo VI, Tactica, in Patrologia Graeca, ed. J. P. Migne, cvii, 969A (quoted in Mango 1980: 28).

7 竞争欧洲：凯尔特人、罗马人、德国人和斯拉夫人

7 Contesting Europe: Celt, Roman, German and Slav

1.希罗多德，ii.33，iv.49。Cynetes，又名 Cynesians，可能被正确地放置在大力神柱之外，因为 Strabo，iii.1.4，称这个区域为现代的阿尔加维，Cuneus——尽管他认为它是以拉丁文命名的，因为它的楔形形状.

1. Herodotus, ii.33, iv.49. The Cynetes, aka Cynesians, may have been correctly placed just beyond the Pillars of Hercules, since Strabo, iii.1.4, calls this area, the modern Algarve, Cuneus—though he thought that it was named in Latin after its wedge-like shape.

2.雅各比 (1923: no. 70, fr. 30)。

2. Jacoby (1923: no. 70, fr. 30).

3.斯特拉博，vii.3.8；阿里安，i.4.6-8。

3. Strabo, vii.3.8; Arrian, i.4.6-8.

4. Táin Bo Cúailnge (Book of Leinster, 2nd Recension), 11. 4733-6, trans. Cecile O' Rahilly: mono tháeth in fhirmimintni cona frossaib rétland for dunignúis in talman no mani thí in fharrgi eithrech ochargorm for tulmóing in bethad no mani máe in talam...

4. Táin Bo Cúailnge (Book of Leinster, 2nd Recension), 11. 4733-6, trans. Cecile O’ Rahilly: mono tháeth in fhirmimintni cona frossaib rétland for dunignúis in talman nó mani thí in fharrgi eithrech ochargorm for tulmóing in bethad nó mani máe in talam…

5.凯撒，德贝洛加利科，伊利诺伊州

5. Caesar, De Bello Gallico, i.l.

6. Diodorus Siculus，v.29-31。

6. Diodorus Siculus, v.29-31.

7.斯特拉博，七。1.2.

7. Strabo, vii. 1.2.

8.亚里士多德，FR。610; 政治，vii.10。

8. Aristotle, fr. 610; Politics, vii.10.

9. Pliny, iii.57, 引用了 Clitarchus 的话。阿里安，七。15.5-6，倾向于打折扣，“鉴于没有其他人 [比罗马人] 如此憎恨专制主义及其名称”。

9. Pliny, iii.57, quoting Clitarchus, who was there. Arrian, vii. 15.5-6, is inclined to discount it, ‘given that no other people [than the Romans] was so possessed by hatred of despotism and its very name’.

10.波利比乌斯，历史，il5。

10. Polybius, Histories, i.l.5.

11.同上，vi.52。

11. ibid., vi.52.

12.同上，vi.56。

12. ibid., vi.56.

13.斯特拉博，vi.1.2。

13. Strabo, vi.1.2.

14.普林尼，自然历史，29.1.7.-14。

14. Pliny, Natural History, 29.1.7.-14.

15. Juvenal，vi.455。

15. Juvenal, vi.455.

16. Aulus Gellius，Noctes Atticae，xvii。17.

16. Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae, xvii. 17.

17.斯特拉博，v.3.6。

17. Strabo, v.3.6.

18.塔西佗将威尼蒂人和芬尼人归类为既不是德国人也不是萨尔马提亚人（他们是伊朗游牧民族，与斯基泰人有关）是正确的。但他继续将 Peucini 与 Bastarnae 识别为日耳曼人 (Strabo, vii.3.17)。

18. Tacitus was right to classify the Veneti and Fenni as neither Germans nor Sarmatians (who were Iranian nomads, related to the Scythians). But he goes on to identify the Peucini with the Bastarnae, known to have been Germanic (Strabo, vii.3.17).

19.塔西佗，日耳曼尼亚，xlvi。

19. Tacitus, Germania, xlvi.

20. Ptolemy, Geography , iii.5: 'katékhei dè tèbar;n Sarmatían éthnē mégista hoí te Ouenédai par' hólon tòn Ouenedikòn kólpon'。

20. Ptolemy, Geography, iii.5: ’katékhei dè tèbar;n Sarmatían éthnē mégista hoí te Ouenédai par’ hólon tòn Ouenedikòn kólpon’.

21.斯特拉博，vii.3.2，vii.5.2。

21. Strabo, vii.3.2, vii.5.2.

22.兰伯特 (1997: 123)。这两个是在法国的 Nièvre 和 Autun 地区发现的。来自 La Graufenesque 的陶窑的序数在第 1 页。131.

22. Lambert (1997: 123). These two were found in the regions of Nièvre and Autun in France. The ordinal numbers from the potter’s kiln in La Graufenesque are on p. 131.

23.波利比乌斯，历史，ii.17；李维，v.34。参照。坎利夫 (1997:71)。

23. Polybius, Histories, ii.17; Livy, v.34. Cf. Cunliffe (1997:71).

24.武术，警句，iv.60.8。

24. Martial, Epigrams, iv.60.8.

25.莱曼 (1987:76ff.)。

25. Lehmann (1987:76ff.).

26. Isidore，词源，xiv.6.6：'Scotia idem et Hibernia proxima Britanniae insula，spatio terrarum angustior，sed situ fecundior。Haec ab Africa 在 Boream porrigitur。Cuius parles priores Hiberiam et Cantabricum Oceanum intentunt, unde et Hibernia dicta ...'

26. Isidore, Etymologiae, xiv.6.6: ’Scotia idem et Hibernia proxima Britanniae insula, spatio terrarum angustior, sed situ fecundior. Haec ab Africa in Boream porrigitur. Cuius parles priores Hiberiam et Cantabricum Oceanum intendunt, unde et Hibernia dicta …’

27. Avienus, Ora Maritima , 11. 108-16: 'Ast hinc duobus in sacram, sic insulam / Dixere prisci, solibus cursi rati est./ Haec inter undas multa[m] caespitem iacet,/Eamque late gens Hiernorum colit./ Propinqua russus insula Albionum patet./Tartesiisque in terminos Oestrumnidum/negotiandi moserat。Carthaginis/Etiam coloni[s] et vulgus inter Herculis/Agitans columnas haec ad[h]ibant aequora。

27. Avienus, Ora Maritima, 11. 108-16: ’Ast hinc duobus in sacram, sic insulam / Dixere prisci, solibus cursi rati est. / Haec inter undas multa[m] caespitem iacet,/Eamque late gens Hiernorum colit./Propinqua rursus insula Albionum patet./Tartesiisque in terminos Oestrumnidum/negotiandi mos erat. Carthaginis/Etiam coloni[s] et vulgus inter Herculis/Agitans columnas haec ad[h]ibant aequora.’

28.同上，二。98-9：“ ……metallo divites/stanni atque plumbi……”

28. ibid., II. 98-9: ’ …metallo divites/stanni atque plumbi …’

29. Cunliffe (1997, ch. 8); Cunliffe（2001 年，特别是第 7 章）。

29. Cunliffe (1997, ch. 8); Cunliffe (2001, esp. ch. 7).

30. Gensler (1993) 对它们进行了细致的详细介绍，并在全球范围内进行了比较。

30. They are detailed meticulously, and compared globally, in Gensler (1993).

31.波利比乌斯，历史，ii.17。

31. Polybius, Histories, ii.17.

32.报道于 Cary (1954: 180)。

32. Reported in Cary (1954: 180).

33. Gildas, De Excidio Britonum , 6: ' …ita ut in prorbium et derisum longe lateque efferretur quod Britanni nec in bello fortes nec in pace fideles'。

33. Gildas, De Excidio Britonum, 6: ‘…ita ut in proverbium et derisum longe lateque efferretur quod Britanni nec in bello fortes nec in pace fideles’.

34.塔西佗，《清唱剧对话》，x。1-2。

34. Tacitus, Dialogus de Oratoribus, x. 1-2.

35. Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses , i, 序言。

35. Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses, i, preface.

36. Domitius Ulpianus，文摘，xxxi.1.11。

36. Domitius Ulpianus, Digest, xxxi.1.11.

37. Sidonius Apollinaris，书信， iii.3。

37. Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistulae, iii.3.

38.普鲁塔克，马吕斯，鳍。

38. Plutarch, Marius, fin.

39.塔西佗，阿格里科拉，二十一。

39. Tacitus, Agricola, xxi.

40. Juvenal，讽刺， xv.110-12。

40. Juvenal, Satires, xv.110-12.

41.杰克逊（1994 [1953]：107-10）；史密斯（1983）。

41. Jackson (1994 [1953]: 107-10); Smith (1983).

42.汤姆林 (1987)。

42. Tomlin (1987).

43. Menéndez Pidal (1968: 19)。

43. Menéndez Pidal (1968: 19).

44.哈里斯 (1989: 315-16)。

44. Harris (1989: 315-16).

45.奥古斯丁，《基督教教义》，序言 4。

45. Augustine, De Doctrina Christiana, prologue 4.

46. Caesarius Arelatensis，讲道，vi.l-2；viii.l.

46. Caesarius Arelatensis, Sermones, vi.l-2; viii.l.

47. Eutropius 在四世纪写道：“图拉真在征服了达契亚后，将来自罗马世界各地的无数人转移到那里去照料田野和城市。” Breviarium ab urbe condita，viii.6。

47. Eutropius had written in the fourth century: ‘Trajan, having conquered Dacia, had transferred there boundless numbers of people from all over the Roman world to tend the fields and the cities.’ Breviarium ab urbe condita, viii.6.

48. Bourciez (1967: 30, 135-7)。

48. Bourciez (1967: 30, 135-7).

49.证据编组在 Keys (1999, chs 13-16)。

49. The evidence is marshalled in Keys (1999, chs 13-16).

50. Weale 等人。（2002 年）。

50. Weale et al. (2002).

51. Terrence Kaufman 的计算，使用标准 Swadesh 列表中的两百个基本词义。托马森和考夫曼 (1988: 365)。

51. Terrence Kaufman’s calculation, using the standard Swadesh list of two hundred basic word meanings. Thomason and Kaufman (1988: 365).

8 拉丁语的第一次死亡

8 The First Death of Latin

1. Germaniae Historica 纪念碑，Scriptorum，i，1.31.14。

1. Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptorum, i, 1.31.14.

2. Wright (1982:109) 引用了这一点，Vienna Nationalbibliothek 795 也引用了这一点。我跟随 Migne（也被 Wright 引用）将sene校正为sine。

2. This is quoted in Wright (1982:109), as at Vienna Nationalbibliothek 795. I have followed Migne (also quoted by Wright) in correcting sene to sine.

3.我在这里将罗杰·赖特 (Roger Wright) 自 1982 年以来通过大量文献努力建立的论文作为简单的事实陈述。另一种选择是假设拉丁语的发音在过去四个世纪中一直保持不变，没有任何特别的恳求或教导。自元音大转变（15 至 16 世纪）以来，英国的经验表明，即使使用一种与他们自己的语言截然不同的书面语言的学者，在没有大量的敦促和争论的情况下，也不会努力将其声音系统与所使用的系统分开。在他们的日常演讲中。

3. I am stating here as simple fact the thesis established with great documentary effort by Roger Wright since 1982. The alternative would be to suppose that the pronunciation of Latin had been kept constant for the preceding four centuries, without any special pleading or teaching. The experience in England since the Great Vowel Shift (fifteenth to sixteenth centuries) shows that scholars even of a written language that is quite distinct from their own do not, without copious urging and dispute, exert themselves to keep its sound system separate from that used in their daily speech.

4. De dissensionibus filiorum Ludovici pii，iii，ch。5，由 Studer 和 Waters (1924: 24) 标注为 841-3。全文在那里引用。

4. De dissensionibus filiorum Ludovici pii, iii, ch. 5, dated by Studer and Waters (1924: 24) to 841-3. The text is there quoted in full.

5.赖特（1982：124）。

5. Wright (1982: 124).

6. ' ......Et ut easdem omelias quisque aperte transferre studeat in rusticam Romanam linguam aut Thiotiscam, quo facilius cuncti possint intellegere quae dicuntur。同上引述：120, 122, from Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Legum , iii, 2.1。

6. ‘…Et ut easdem omelias quisque aperte transferre studeat in rusticam Romanam linguam aut Thiotiscam, quo facilius cuncti possint intellegere quae dicuntur.’ As quoted in ibid.: 120, 122, from Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Legum, iii, 2.1.

7. Menéndez Pidal (1972: 24-5); 也被 Wright (1982: 173) 引用。

7. Menéndez Pidal (1972: 24-5); also quoted in Wright (1982: 173).

8.但丁，De vulgari eloquentia，i.9.8-11：'nec aliter mirum videatur quod dicimus, quam percipere iuvenem exoletum, quern exolescere non videmus: nam quae paulatim moventur, minime perpenduntur a nobis, et quanto longiora tempora variatio rei ad perpendi requirit, tanto rem illam stabiliorem putamus。non etenim admiramur, si extimationes hominum, qui parum distance a brutis, putant eandem civitatem sub invariabili semper civicasse sermone, cum sermonis variatio civitatis eiusdem non sine longissima temporum successione paulatim contingat, et hominum vita sit etiam, ipsa sua natura, brevissima。si ergo per eandem gentem sermo variatur, ut dictum est, quiet per tempora, nec stare ullo modo potest, necesse est, ut disiunctim abmotimque morantibus varie varietur, Ceu varie variantur mores et habitus, qui nec natura nec consortio confirmantur, sed humanis beneplacitis localique congruitate nascuntur。hinc moti sunt inventes grammaticae facultatis: quae quidem grammatica nihil aliud est quaam quaedam inalterabilis locutionis identitas diversihus temporibus atque locis。

8. Dante, De vulgari eloquentia, i.9.8-11: ’nec aliter mirum videatur quod dicimus, quam percipere iuvenem exoletum, quern exolescere non videmus: nam quae paulatim moventur, minime perpenduntur a nobis, et quanto longiora tempora variatio rei ad perpendi requirit, tanto rem illam stabiliorem putamus. non etenim admiramur, si extimationes hominum, qui parum distant a brutis, putant eandem civitatem sub invariabili semper civicasse sermone, cum sermonis variatio civitatis eiusdem non sine longissima temporum successione paulatim contingat, et hominum vita sit etiam, ipsa sua natura, brevissima. si ergo per eandem gentem sermo variatur, ut dictum est, successive per tempora, nec stare ullo modo potest, necesse est, ut disiunctim abmotimque morantibus varie varietur, ceu varie variantur mores et habitus, qui nec natura nec consortio confirmantur, sed humanis beneplacitis localique congruitate nascuntur. hinc moti sunt inventores grammaticae facultatis: quae quidem grammatica nihil aliud est quam quaedam inalterabilis locutionis identitas diversihus temporibus atque locis.’

9. Dante, Convivio , i.2.9: 'Movemi limore d'infamia, e movemi desiderio di dotrina 敢于 la quale altri veramente 敢于非 può。'

9. Dante, Convivio, i.2.9: ’Movemi limore d’infamia, e movemi desiderio di dottrina dare la quale altri veramente dare non può.’

III 海上语言

III Languages by Sea

9 拉丁语的第二次死亡

9 The Second Death of Latin

1. 英语和 Malaiane 语言的对话：或者，某些常见的语言形式，最初是由 Dantisker 大师 Gotardus Arthusius 的勤奋和痛苦的毅力用拉丁语、马来语和马达加斯加语写成的，现在忠实地翻译成英语奥古斯丁·斯伯丁（Augustine Spalding Merchant）的舌头，为了他们，他们以后将愉快地前往东印度群岛。在伦敦，由菲利克斯·金斯顿为威廉·韦尔比印制，将在他位于保罗教堂庭院的商店出售，位于天鹅的标志处，1614 年。

1. Dialogues in the English and Malaiane Languages: or, Certaine Common Formes of Speech, first written in Latin, Malaian, and Madasgascar tongues, by the diligence and painfull endeuour of Master Gotardus Arthusius, a Dantisker, and now faithfully translated into the English tongue by Augustine Spalding Merchant, for their sakes, who happily shall hereafter undertake a voyage to the East-Indies. At London, Imprinted by Felix Kyngston for William Welby, and are to bee sold at his shop in Pauls Church-yard, at the signe of the Swan, 1614.

2.雷诺兹和威尔逊 (1968: 120)。

2. Reynolds and Wilson (1968: 120).

3.费弗尔和马丁 (1976: 248-9)。

3. Febvre and Martin (1976: 248-9).

4.同上：289-95。

4. ibid.: 289-95.

5.安德森 (1991: 39-41)。

5. Anderson (1991: 39-41).

10位伟大的篡位者：新世界的西班牙语

10 Usurpers of Greatness: Spanish in the New World

1.希罗多德，iv.106；斯特拉波，iv.5.4。

1. Herodotus, iv.106; Strabo, iv.5.4.

2. 'E certifico a vuestra alteza que yo conté desde una mezquita cuatrocientos treinta y tantas tones en la dicha ciudad, y todas son de mezquitas。Cortés，Cartas de Relación de la Conquista de México，Carta Segunda（1982 年，马德里：Espasa Calpe，第 7 版，第 50 页）。

2. ’E certifico a vuestra alteza que yo conté desde una mezquita cuatrocientos treinta y tantas tones en la dicha ciudad, y todas son de mezquitas.’ Cortés, Cartas de Relación de la Conquista de México, Carta Segunda (1982, Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 7th edn, p. 50).

3. Joseph de Acosta，《印度自然与道德史》，i，p。160（引自 Crosby 1972：38）。

3. Joseph de Acosta, The Natural and Moral History of the Indies, i, p. 160 (quoted in Crosby 1972: 38).

4. '...pareció al Almirante que debía llevar a Castilla ... algunos indios paraque aprendiesen la lengua de Castilla y saber dellos los secretos de la tierra, y para instruillos en las cosas de la fe ...' De las Casas (1957 [c.1530) ], i.46: 163)。德拉斯卡萨斯在 50 年后描述了这些事件，他认为这种行为是不可原谅的，因为它等同于绑架。

4. ’…pareció al Almirante que debía llevar a Castilla … algunos indios paraque aprendiesen la lengua de Castilla y saber dellos los secretos de la tierra, y para instruillos en las cosas de la fe …’ De las Casas (1957 [c.1530], i.46: 163). De las Casas, describing the events fifty years later, found this act unpardonable, since it amounted to kidnapping.

5.例如在 Rosenblat (1964: 192-3)。

5. e.g. in Rosenblat (1964: 192-3).

6. Inca Garcilaso，根据 Gómez (1995: 82)。

6. Inca Garcilaso, according to Gómez (1995: 82).

7. Inca Garcilaso，根据 Abbott (1996: 685)。

7. Inca Garcilaso, according to Abbott (1996: 685).

8. Instrucción Real，1503 年 3 月 20 日至 29 日，致 Nicolas Ovando，在Collección de documentos inéditos del Archivo de Indias中，xxxi，第 163-4 页。

8. Instrucción Real, 20 and 29 March 1503, to Nicolas Ovando, in Collección de documentos inéditos del Archivo de Indias, xxxi, pp. 163-4.

9.例如，Alvar (2000) 对此进行了描述。

9. This is described in, for example, Alvar (2000).

10. Rosenblat (1964: 211) 中列出了著名的混血将军和作家，尤其是历史学家。

10. There is a list of noted mestizo generals and writers, especially historians, in Rosenblat (1964: 211).

11. Blas Valera 神父的话，由 Inca Garcilaso 引用，Commentarios Reales，第一部分，vii.3：'...... La cual opinión ninguno que la oye deja de entender que nació antes de flaqueza de ánimo que torpeza de entendimiento。

11. Father Blas Valera’s words, quoted by Inca Garcilaso, Commentarios Reales, part I, vii.3: ’… La cual opinión ninguno que la oye deja de entender que nació antes de flaqueza de ánimo que torpeza de entendimiento.’

12.雅培 (1996: 91)。

12. By Abbott (1996: 91).

13. Blas Valera 神父的话，由 Inca Garcilaso 引用，Commentarios Reales，第一部分，vii.3：' ...... porqué la semejanza y conidad de las palabras casi siempre suelen reconciliar y traer a verdadera union y amistad a los hombres。

13. Father Blas Valera’s words, quoted by Inca Garcilaso, Commentarios Reales, part I, vii.3: ‘… porqué la semejanza y conformidad de las palabras casi siempre suelen reconciliar y traer a verdadera union y amistad a los hombres.’

14. Ricard (1933 [1966]: 23) 说，1559 年墨西哥有 380 名方济各会会士、210 名多米尼加会士和 212 名奥古斯丁会士。他们分布得很薄：平均修道院有五名宗教工作人员。Rosenblat (1964: 210) 给出墨西哥当时的人口为 450 万，西班牙vecinos（户主）的数量为 6,464。

14. Ricard (1933 [1966]: 23) says that in Mexico in 1559 there were 380 Franciscans, 210 Dominicans and 212 Augustinians. They were thinly spread: the average convent had five religious staff. Rosenblat (1964: 210) gives the then population of Mexico as 4.5 million, with the number of Spanish vecinos (heads of households) as 6,464.

15. 1610 年拉巴斯（玻利维亚）紧随其后，1660 年危地马拉紧随其后。然而，美洲的其他主要首都直到 18 世纪才开始生产印刷书籍，例如 1737 年的波哥大、1780 年的布宜诺斯艾利斯（Quilis 1992: 46 -7)。因此，对于 Chibcha 语言，虽然它在新格拉纳达被正式定为lengua general，但现存的第一个语法必须在 1619 年在马德里印刷。对于这种外语技术出版物来说，这是一个严重的问题，因为作者，一个远离印刷厂，校样中的错误将无法纠正，学习者当然很可能会被它们误导。

15. La Paz (Bolivia) followed in 1610, Guatemala in 1660. Other major capitals in the Americas did not, however, begin to produce printed books until the eighteenth century, e.g. Bogotá in 1737, Buenos Aires in 1780 (Quilis 1992: 46-7). So for the Chibcha language, although it was officially constituted as the lengua general in New Granada, the first extant grammar had to be printed in Madrid in 1619. This was a serious problem for such technical publications in foreign languages, because the author, an ocean away from the printing house, would be unable to correct errors in the proofs, and the learners of course might well be misled by them.

16.维尼亚萨 (1892)。这些可以与夏季语言学研究所对美洲不同语言数量的估计进行比较：888 种，其中 408 种在南美洲（Harmon 1995：26-7）。

16. Viñaza (1892). These could be compared with the Summer Institute for Linguistics’ estimate of the number of distinct languages in the Americas: 888, with 408 of them in South America (Harmon 1995: 26-7).

17.罗森布拉特 (1964: 191)。

17. Rosenblat (1964: 191).

18.舍泽 (1993: 251)。

18. Sherzer (1993: 251).

19.劳拉 (1989: 99)。

19. Lara (1989: 99).

20. Lara (1971: 14) 提到了 Pedro Aparicio 于 1540 年的手稿抄本（Arte, vocabulario, sermones etc...en quichua），并指出在 1551 年出版的Relación del consilio Limense中，该语言被称为Quichua o 秘鲁将军。

20. Lara (1971: 14) mentions a manuscript codex by Pedro Aparicio of 1540 (Arte, vocabulario, sermones etc…en quichua), and notes that in the Relación del consilio Limense, published in 1551, the language is referred to as Quichua o general del Peru.

21.塞隆-帕洛米诺 (1987: 35)。他在编年史家 Pedro Cieza de León (El señorío de los Incas , 1550), xxiv.119 和 Bernabé Cobo (Historia del Nuevo Mundo , 1653), xiv 的话中找到了支持。1.235。

21. Cerrón-Palomino (1987: 35). He finds support for this in the words of the chroniclers Pedro Cieza de León (El señorío de los Incas, 1550), xxiv.119, and Bernabé Cobo (Historia del Nuevo Mundo, 1653), xiv. 1.235.

22.在这篇文章中，我关注的是 Hardman (1985)，这位作家在该地区的一生经验使她比大多数人更能指导这个前西班牙历史的阴暗而复杂的领域。令人欣慰的是，Cerron-Palomino 也支持了 Que-chua 的沿海起源（1987：348）。他们的主要灵感来自 Alfredo Torero（例如 1974）。

22. In this account, I follow Hardman (1985), an author whose lifetime of experience in the area makes her a better guide than most to this murky and complex area of pre-Hispanic history. It is reassuring that Cerrón-Palomino also comes down (1987: 348) in favour of a coastal origin for Que-chua. Their major inspiration is Alfredo Torero (e.g. 1974).

23. Blas Valera 神父的话，由 Inca Garcilaso 引用，Commentarios Reales，第一部分，vii.3。

23. Father Blas Valera’s words, quoted by Inca Garcilaso, Commentarios Reales, part I, vii.3.

24.同上，第一部分，vii.2。

24. ibid., part I, vii.2.

25. Triana y Antorveza (1987: 157)。

25. Triana y Antorveza (1987: 157).

26. Cieza de León, p。296，引自 Triana y Antorveza (1987: 157)。

26. Cieza de León, p. 296, cited in Triana y Antorveza (1987: 157).

27.来自 Cadogan (1959)，引自 Vanaya (1986:42)。

27. From Cadogan (1959), quoted in Vanaya (1986:42).

28.来自 Godoy (1982)，引自 Vanaya (1986:51)。

28. From Godoy (1982), quoted in Vanaya (1986:51).

29.瓦纳亚 (1986: 6-7)。

29. Vanaya (1986: 6-7).

30. Arte y Grammatica muy copiosa de la lengua Aymara，耶稣会士 Ludovico Bertonio 神父（罗马，1603 年）；Gramatica de la Lengua general del Nuevo Reino, llamada Mosca , Fray Bernardo de Lugo 神父, 多米尼加 (马德里, 1619); Arte, y Bocabulario de la lengua guarani，Antonio Ruiz 神父，耶稣会士（马德里，1640 年）。

30. Arte y Grammatica muy copiosa de la lengua Aymara, Father Ludovico Bertonio, Jesuit (Rome, 1603); Gramatica de la Lengua general del Nuevo Reino, llamada Mosca, Father Fray Bernardo de Lugo, Dominican (Madrid, 1619); Arte, y Bocabulario de la lengua guarani, Father Antonio Ruiz, Jesuit (Madrid, 1640).

31.奎瓦斯 (1914: 159)。

31. Cuevas (1914: 159).

32. Colleción Muñoz，第一卷。86, 下。54v.: 'Somos muy pocos para enseñar la lengua de Castilla a indios。Ellos no quieren hablalla。Mejor sería hacer general la mexicana, que es harto general y le tienen afición, y en ella hay escrito doctrina y sermones y arte y vocabulario。

32. Colleción Muñoz, vol. 86, fol. 54v.: ’Somos muy pocos para enseñar la lengua de Castilla a indios. Ellos no quieren hablalla. Mejor sería hacer general la mexicana, que es harto general y le tienen afición, y en ella hay escrito doctrina y sermones y arte y vocabulario.’

33. Blas Valera 神父的话，由 Inca Garcilaso 引用，Commentarios Reales，第一部分，vii.3：'Si los españoles que son de ingenio muy agudo y muy sabios en ciencias, no pueden como ellos dicen, aprender la lengua general del Cuzco , ¿cómo se podrá hacer, que los indios no cultivados ni enseñados en letras aprendan la lengua castellana？

33. Father Blas Valera’s words, quoted by Inca Garcilaso, Commentarios Reales, part I, vii.3: ‘Si los españoles que son de ingenio muy agudo y muy sabios en ciencias, no pueden como ellos dicen, aprender la lengua general del Cuzco, ¿cómo se podrá hacer, que los indios no cultivados ni enseñados en letras aprendan la lengua castellana?’

34.奎利斯 (1992: 64); 罗森布拉特（1964：194）。

34. Quilis (1992: 64); Rosenblat (1964: 194).

35.罗森布拉特（1964：193-5）；奎利斯（1992：55）。

35. Rosenblat (1964: 193-5); Quilis (1992: 55).

36.卡洛斯五世，巴利亚多利德的皇家塞杜拉，1550 年 6 月 7 日，抄送给新西班牙总督，并带有一些变体，复制到墨西哥的所有多米尼加、奥古斯丁和方济各会，以及秘鲁和利马的总督（罗森布拉特） 1964：206）。

36. Carlos V, Real Cédula of Valladolid, to the viceroy of New Spain, 7 June 1550, copied with some variants to all the Dominican, Augustinian and Franciscan provincials of Mexico, and to the viceroy of Peru and the Audiencia of Lima (Rosenblat 1964: 206).

37.引自 Triana y Antorveza (1987: 300)。“这个王国”，即格拉纳达新王国，本应将奇布查作为其通用语言，但显然大主教认为这不足以完成他的使命。可能它从未在 Chibcha 统治的原始区域之外使用过，只是整体的一小部分。

37. Quoted in Triana y Antorveza (1987: 300). ‘This Kingdom’, the New Kingdom of Granada, was supposed have Chibcha as its lengua general, but evidently the archbishop found it inadequate for his mission. Probably it was never used beyond the original area of Chibcha dominance, a rather small part of the whole.

38.来自 Rosenblat (1964: 210-12) 的数据。据他说，在 1810 年，混血儿将占墨西哥人口的 27%。

38. Figures derived from Rosenblat (1964: 210-12). In 1810, according to him, mestizos would have made up 27 per cent of the Mexican population.

39. Rosenblat (1964) 在这几行中引用了 Domingo de Almeida 的一封信，该信以 Charcas（秘鲁）主教团的名义写。它明确没有要求牧师停止学习当地人的语言。

39. Rosenblat (1964) quotes a letter on these lines from Domingo de Almeida, writing in the name of the bishopric of Charcas (in Peru). It explicitly did not ask for priests to stop learning the natives’ languages.

40. Arthur JO Anderson，Psalmodia Christiana（盐湖城：犹他大学出版社，1993 年），p。33.

40. Arthur J. O. Anderson, Psalmodia Christiana (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1993), p. 33.

41. Motolinía (1990 [1541]: i.15)。

41. Motolinía (1990 [1541]: i.15).

42.莱昂-波蒂利亚 (1992: 301)。

42. León-Portilla (1992: 301).

43.反式。Frances Karttunen 和 Gilka Wara Céspedes，特拉洛坎，第一卷。ix (1982)，第 119-27 页。

43. Trans. Frances Karttunen and Gilka Wara Céspedes, Tlalocan, vol. ix (1982), pp. 119-27.

44. Francis Mercier y Guzman 神父，1765 年 7 月的四旬期星期五布道。引自 Albó and Layme (1992: 40-1)。

44. Father Francisco Mercier y Guzman, Sermon for Friday of Lent, July 1765. Quoted in Albó and Layme (1992: 40-1).

45.迪特里希（1995：289）；托瓦尔（1964：249）。Tovar 为金钱词提供了不同的词源，如cua repotí，“一块渣滓”。

45. Dietrich (1995: 289); Tovar (1964: 249). Tovar offers a different etymology for the money word, as cua repotí, ‘piece of dross’.

46. 'Una muy buena cosa aconteció a un clérigo recién venido de Castilla, que no podía creer que los indios sabían la doctrina cristiana, ni Pater Noster, ni Credo bien dicho; y como otros españoles le dijesen que sí, él todavía incrédulo; ya esta sazón habían salido dos estudiantes del colegio, y el clérigo pensando que eran de los otros indios, preguntó a uno si sabía el Pater Noster y dijo que sí, e hízosele decir, y después hízole decir el Credo, y díjole bien; y el clérigo acusóle una palabra que el indio bien decía, y como el indio se afirmase en que decía bien, y el clérigo que no, tuvo el estudiante necesidad de probar cómo decía bien, y preguntóle hablando en latin: Reverende Pater, cujus casus美东时间？Entonces como el clérigo no spiera gramática, quedó confuso y atajado'（Motolinía 1990 [1541]：iii.12.389）。

46. ’Una muy buena cosa aconteció a un clérigo recién venido de Castilla, que no podía creer que los indios sabían la doctrina cristiana, ni Pater Noster, ni Credo bien dicho; y como otros españoles le dijesen que sí, él todavía incrédulo; y a esta sazón habían salido dos estudiantes del colegio, y el clérigo pensando que eran de los otros indios, preguntó a uno si sabía el Pater Noster y dijo que sí, e hízosele decir, y después hízole decir el Credo, y díjole bien; y el clérigo acusóle una palabra que el indio bien decía, y como el indio se afirmase en que decía bien, y el clérigo que no, tuvo el estudiante necesidad de probar cómo decía bien, y preguntóle hablando en latín: Reverende Pater, cujus casus est? Entonces como el clérigo no supiera gramática, quedó confuso y atajado’ (Motolinía 1990 [1541]: iii.12.389).

47.拉斯特拉和霍卡西塔斯 (1983:267)；奎利斯 (1992:44)。

47. Lastra and Horcasitas (1983:267); Quilis (1992:44).

48.塞隆-帕洛米诺 (1987: 343-4)。

48. Cerrón-Palomino (1987: 343-4).

49.同上：346、67-75。

49. ibid.: 346, 67-75.

50. 'Los ministros eclesiásticos que no procuran adelantar y extender el idioma castellano y cuidar que los indios sepan leer y escriber en él, dejÁndolos cerrados en su nativo idioma, son en mi concepto, enemigos declarados del bien de los naturales, de su policía y racionalidad...' Cartas Pastorales y eddictos，墨西哥，1770 年，第 47.

50. ’Los ministros eclesiásticos que no procuran adelantar y extender el idioma castellano y cuidar que los indios sepan leer y escriber en él, dejÁndolos cerrados en su nativo idioma, son en mi concepto, enemigos declarados del bien de los naturales, de su policía y racionalidad…’ Cartas pastorales y edictos, Mexico, 1770, p. 47.

51.罗森布拉特 (1964: 210)。

51. Rosenblat (1964: 210).

52. Lorenzana, Cartas Pastorales y eddictos，墨西哥，1770 年，引自 Triana y Antorveza (1987: 504)。

52. Lorenzana, Cartas pastorales y edictos, Mexico, 1770, quoted in Triana y Antorveza (1987: 504).

53. 1910 年副 Mateos，引自 King (1994: 58)。

53. Deputy Mateos in 1910, quoted in King (1994: 58).

54. José María Morelos, Sentiments of the Nation , 在 King (1994: 57) 的英译中引述。

54. José María Morelos, Sentiments of the Nation, quoted in English translation in King (1994: 57).

55.金（1994：59）。

55. King (1994: 59).

56.罗森布拉特 (1964: 212)。

56. Rosenblat (1964: 212).

57.格莱姆斯 (2000: 100)。

57. Grimes (2000: 100).

58.罗森布拉特 (1964: 214)。

58. Rosenblat (1964: 214).

59.鲁宾 (1985: 111-12)。

59. Rubin (1985: 111-12).

60.格莱姆斯 (1996: 115)。

60. Grimes (1996: 115).

61.奎利斯 (1992: 46)。

61. Quilis (1992: 46).

62.同上：79-80。

62. ibid.: 79-80.

63.同上：82。

63. ibid.: 82.

11 帝国列车：欧洲的海外语言

11 In the Train of Empire: Europe’s Languages Abroad

1.奥利维拉·马克斯 (1972: 343)。

1. Oliveira Marques (1972: 343).

2. Anquetil du Perron（伊朗 Zend Avesta 的第一译者），在Recherches historiques et géographiques sur l'Inde，第一卷。ii, pp. xii-xiii，引自 Lopes (1936: 60)。

2. Anquetil du Perron (first translator of the Iranian Zend Avesta), in Recherches historiques et géographiques sur l’Inde, vol. ii, pp. xii-xiii, quoted in Lopes (1936: 60).

3. Santarém (1958 [1841]), 和Dictionary of National Biography , sv Wyndham, Thomas (compact edn, p. 2343)。

3. Santarém (1958 [1841]), and Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. Wyndham, Thomas (compact edn, p. 2343).

4. Samuel Purchas，Purchas 他的朝圣者，ii，p。345 (Glasgow 1905 [1625])，引自 Lopes (1936: 32)。

4. Samuel Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimes, ii, p. 345 (Glasgow 1905 [1625]), quoted in Lopes (1936: 32).

5.曼德尔斯洛，Voyages célèbres et remarquables faits de Perse aux Indes Orientales，p。33 (Amsterdam, 1727), 引自 Lopes (1936: 38)。

5. Mandelslo, Voyages célèbres et remarquables faits de Perse aux Indes Orientales, p. 33 (Amsterdam, 1727), quoted in Lopes (1936: 38).

6. Peregrinaçáo , xci (里斯本, 1614), 引自 Tarracha Ferreira (1992:432-3)。

6. Peregrinaçáo, xci (Lisbon, 1614), quoted in Tarracha Ferreira (1992:432-3).

7.这是 1698 年 VOC（荷兰联合东印度公司）的宪章，由弗兰克·彭尼牧师引用，

7. This is from the Charter of the VOC (the Dutch United East India Company) of 1698, quoted by Revd Frank Penny,

马德拉斯教堂，卷。i, pp. 190-2 (London, 1904), and then by Lopes (1936:47).

The Church in Madras, vol. i, pp. 190-2 (London, 1904), and thence by Lopes (1936:47).

8. Jean Brun，La véritable Religion des Hollandais（阿姆斯特丹，1675 年），p。267，引自 Lopes (1936: 48)。

8. Jean Brun, La véritable Religion des Hollandais (Amsterdam, 1675), p. 267, quoted in Lopes (1936: 48).

9. François Valentijn, Oud en nieuw Oost-Indien (Amsterdam, 1724-6)，引自 Lopes (1936: 48)。

9. François Valentijn, Oud en nieuw Oost-Indien (Amsterdam, 1724-6), quoted in Lopes (1936: 48).

10. Vásquez Cuesta 和 Mendes da Luz (1971: 151)。

10. Vásquez Cuesta and Mendes da Luz (1971: 151).

11.格莱姆斯 (2000)。

11. Grimes (2000).

12. Barraclough (1978: 166)。

12. Barraclough (1978: 166).

13.安东尼奥·维埃拉神父，圣灵的布道（波尔图，1683 年），引自 Tarracha Ferreira（1992：480-4）。

13. Father Antonio Vieira, Sermon of the Holy Spirit (Oporto, 1683), quoted in Tarracha Ferreira (1992: 480-4).

14. Fernáo Cardim, Tratados da terra e gente do Brasil , p. 121，引自 Johnson 和 Nizza da Silva (1992: 481)。圣维森特位于巴西南部海岸，靠近圣保罗。

14. Fernáo Cardim, Tratados da terra e gente do Brasil, p. 121, quoted in Johnson and Nizza da Silva (1992: 481). Sao Vicente is on the southern coast of Brazil, near Sáo Paulo.

15.格莱姆斯 (2000)。目前使用 Tupinambá（现称为 Nhengatu）的人估计只有5000人。

15. Grimes (2000). The estimate for current speakers of Tupinambá (now known as Nhengatu), the old língua geral, is just five thousand.

16.以色列（1995：321）。

16. Israel (1995: 321).

17. Nauwkeurige beschryving van de Guinese Goud-, Tand-en Slave-Kust (Amsterdam, 1704)，引自 Boxer (1969: 106)。

17. Nauwkeurige beschryving van de Guinese Goud-, Tand- en Slave-Kust (Amsterdam, 1704), quoted in Boxer (1969: 106).

18.格莱姆斯 (2000)。

18. Grimes (2000).

19.以色列（1995：941）。

19. Israel (1995: 941).

20. François Valentijn, Oud en nieuw Oost-Indien , iii, 1, pp. 35-44 (Amsterdam, 1724-6)，引自 Hoffman (1979: 66)。

20. François Valentijn, Oud en nieuw Oost-Indien, iii, 1, pp. 35-44 (Amsterdam, 1724-6), quoted in Hoffman (1979: 66).

21.霍夫曼 (1979: 66-8)。

21. Hoffman (1979: 66-8).

22.同上：70。

22. ibid.: 70.

23. 1813 年 4 月 24 日在巴达维亚艺术与科学学会会议上发表的演讲……Verhandelingen van het [Koninklijk] Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen，7，巴达维亚，1814，p。13. 引用霍夫曼 (1979: 73)。

23. Discourse delivered at a Meeting of the Society of Arts and Sciences in Batavia, on 24th day of April 1813 …Verhandelingen van het [Koninklijk] Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, 7, Batavia, 1814, p. 13. Quoted in Hoffman (1979: 73).

24.霍夫曼 (1979: 74-5)。

24. Hoffman (1979: 74-5).

25. Bijblad op het Staatsblad van Nederlandsch-Indië，1904 年，第。5821，第 78-9 页；Charles Adriaan van Ophuijsen, Maleische Spraakkunst , Leiden, 1910。Hoffman (1979: 87-92) 中描述了上下文。它在 1947 年和 1972 年进行了改革，消除了与马来西亚使用的拼写的大部分差异。

25. Bijblad op het Staatsblad van Nederlandsch-Indië, 1904, no. 5821, pp. 78-9; Charles Adriaan van Ophuijsen, Maleische Spraakkunst, Leiden, 1910. The context is described in Hoffman (1979: 87-92). It was reformed in 1947 and 1972, ironing out most differences with the spelling used in Malaysia.

26.让，在他的波伊修斯翻译中。他实际上是奥尔良附近的卢瓦尔河畔默恩人。

26. Jean, in his translation of Boethius. He was in fact a native of Meun-sur-Loire, near Orléans.

27. Ordonnance de Villers-Cotterěts，艺术。111：'Et pour ce que Telles 选择了sont souventes fois advenues sur l'intelligence des mots latins contenuz esd。逮捕, nous voulons que doresnavant tout 逮捕, ensemble toutes autres procedure, soient de noz courtz souveraines ou autres subalternes et inférieurs, soient des registres, enquestes, contractz, 委员会, 判决, testamens et autres qielzconques actes et exploictz de Justice ou qui en deppenden , soient prononcez, enregistrez et delivrez aux 当事人 en langage maternel fronçois et non autrement。

27. Ordonnance de Villers-Cotterěts, Art. 111: ’Et pour ce que telles choses sont souventes fois advenues sur l’intelligence des mots latins contenuz esd. arrestz, nous voulons que doresnavant tout arrestz, ensemble toutes autres procedures, soient de noz courtz souveraines ou autres subalternes et inférieurs, soient des registres, enquestes, contractz, commissions, sentences, testamens et autres qielzconques actes et exploictz de justice ou qui en deppenden, soient prononcez, enregistrez et delivrez aux parties en langage maternel fronçois et non autrement.’

28. Picoche 和 Marchello-Nizia (1989: 29)。

28. Picoche and Marchello-Nizia (1989: 29).

29.乔叟，坎特伯雷故事集，序言，11. 124-6。

29. Chaucer, Canterbury Tales, Prologue, 11. 124-6.

30.引自 Picoche 和 Marchello-Nizia (1989: 143)。

30. Quoted in Picoche and Marchello-Nizia (1989: 143).

31. Descartes, Discous de la méthode , troisième partie: 'suivant les opinion les plus modérées et les plus éloignées de l'excès qui fussent communément reçues en pratique par les mieux sensés de ceux avec lesquels j'aurais à vivre...tšcher toujours plutôt à me vaincre que la fortune, et changer mes désirs que l'ordre du monde ......'

31. Descartes, Discours de la méthode, troisième partie: ’suivant les opinions les plus modérées et les plus éloignées de l’excès qui fussent communément reçues en pratique par les mieux sensés de ceux avec lesquels j’aurais à vivre…tšcher toujours plutôt à me vaincre que la fortune, et changer mes désirs que l’ordre du monde …’

32.同上，quatrième partie：'je jugeai que je pouvais prendre pour règle générale que les chooses que nous concevons fort clairement et fort distinctement sont toutes vraies ......'

32. ibid., quatrième partie: ’je jugeai que je pouvais prendre pour règle générale que les choses que nous concevons fort clairement et fort distinctement sont toutes vraies …’

33. Picoche 和 Marchello-Nizia (1989: 154)。

33. Picoche and Marchello-Nizia (1989: 154).

34.同上：150。

34. ibid.: 150.

35. Leclerc (2001: La Nouvelle-France (1534-1760) , pp. 2,4) 估计 1663 年有 2500 名法国人，而即使在 1627 年也有 80,000 名英国人和 10,000 名荷兰人。1754 年，他的数字是 69,000法国人（55,000 人在新法国，10,000 人在阿卡迪，4000 人在路易斯安那州）与 100 万英国殖民者及其 300,000 名奴隶对抗。

35. Leclerc (2001: La Nouvelle-France (1534-1760), pp. 2,4) gives an estimate of about 2500 French in 1663, as against 80,000 English and 10,000 Dutch even in 1627. In 1754, his figures are 69,000 French (55,000 in Nouvelle-France, 10,000 in Acadie, and 4000 in Louisiane) against 1 million English colonists with their 300,000 slaves.

36. ' Colbert qui rěvait de voir ces indigenes et ces Français de la Nouvelle-France ne front «qu'un mesme peuple et un mesme sang», se plaint à Talon en 1666 qu'on n'ait pas obligé les sauvages à « s'instruire dans notre langue, au lieu que pour avoir quelque commerce avec eux nos français ont été nécessités d'apprendre la leur»' Dorion and Morissonneau (1992)。

36. ‘Colbert qui rěvait de voir ces indigenes et ces Français de la Nouvelle-France ne former «qu’un mesme peuple et un mesme sang», se plaint à Talon en 1666 qu’on n’ait pas obligé les sauvages à «s’instruire dans notre langue, au lieu que pour avoir quelque commerce avec eux nos français ont été nécessités d’apprendre la leur»’ Dorion and Morissonneau (1992).

37.他是 Le Sieur de Bacqueville et de La Potherie，他实际上写道：'On y parle ici parfaitement bien sans mauvais 口音。Quoiqu'il y ait un mélange de presque toutes les Provincial de France, on ne saurait distinguer le parler d'aucune dans les canadiennes' (Leclerc 2001: La Nouvelle-France (1534-1760) , pp. 4, 5)。

37. He was Le Sieur de Bacqueville et de La Potherie, and he actually wrote: ’On y parle ici parfaitement bien sans mauvais accent. Quoiqu’il y ait un mélange de presque toutes les provinces de France, on ne saurait distinguer le parler d’aucune dans les canadiennes’ (Leclerc 2001: La Nouvelle-France (1534-1760), pp. 4, 5).

38. 'Les paysans canadiens parlent très bien le français'（Leclerc 2001：La Nouvelle-France (1534-1760)，第 9 页）。

38. ’Les paysans canadiens parlent très bien le français’ (Leclerc 2001: La Nouvelle-France (1534-1760), p. 9).

39. Barraclough (1978: 208)。

39. Barraclough (1978: 208).

40. Picoche 和 Marchello-Nizia (1989: 64)。

40. Picoche and Marchello-Nizia (1989: 64).

41.格莱姆斯 (2000)。Pondicherry 的数据来自 Leclerc (2001, Les États où le français est langue officielle ou coofficielle , <www.tlfq.ulaval.ca/axl/Langues/2vital inter francaisTABLO.htm>)。

41. Grimes (2000). The figure for Pondicherry comes from Leclerc (2001, Les États où le français est langue officielle ou coofficielle, <www.tlfq.ulaval.ca/axl/Langues/2vital inter francaisTABLO.htm>).

42.对他们来说不幸的是，穆斯林占多数的人数也在以可比的速度增长，同期从 2 万增加到 870 万（Picoche and Marchello-Nizia 1989: 86, 104）。

42. Unfortunately for them, the Muslim majority was also growing at a comparable rate, from 2 to 8.7 million in the same period (Picoche and Marchello-Nizia 1989: 86, 104).

43. FM 陀思妥耶夫斯基，全集，卷。21，在1880-81 年的作家日记中，iii，第 517-18 页。西里尔拼写没有现代化。这些话是为了回应俄罗斯在 Gök Tepe（“蓝山”）战胜土库曼人而写的，Curzon 勋爵还评论说：“Geok Tepe 这样的大屠杀的可怕影响世代相传” （俄罗斯中部1889 年的亚洲和英俄问题，伦敦：弗兰克·卡斯，1967 年，第 386 页）。

43. F. M. Dostoyevsky, Collected Works, vol. 21, in Writers Diary for 1880-81, iii, pp. 517-18. The Cyrillic spelling has not been modernised. These words were written in reaction to a celebrated Russian victory over the Turkmens at Gök Tepe (’Blue Hill’), on which Lord Curzon also commented: ‘The terrifying effect of such a massacre as Geok Tepe survives for generations’ (Russia in Central Asia in 1889 and the Anglo-Russian Question, London: Frank Cass, 1967, p. 386).

44.霍斯金 (1997: 5-6)。

44. Hosking (1997: 5-6).

45.同上：379。

45. ibid.: 379.

46.同上：369。

46. ibid.: 369.

47.利文 (2000: 334)。

47. Lieven (2000: 334).

48. Hosking (1997: 18): Gen. Rostislav Fadeyev, 60 Tbilisi 1860, p. 9.

49.这些数字是根据 Grimes (2000) 中的数字计算得出的。显然，俄语广为人知，并在这些国家被用作第二语言（例如，Grimes 引用亚美尼亚的 30%）。

49. These figures are calculated from those in Grimes (2000). Evidently, Russian is very widely known and used as a second language in these countries (e.g. Grimes quotes 30 per cent for Armenia).

50.罗伊 (2000: 30-31)。

50. Roy (2000: 30-31).

51.同上：32。

51. ibid.: 32.

52.这个数字是根据 Grimes (2000) 中的数字计算得出的。

52. This figure is calculated from those in Grimes (2000).

53.这个数字是根据同上计算得出的。

53. This figure is calculated from those in ibid.

54.大祭司 Avvakum，引自 Hosking (1997:69)。

54. Archpriest Avvakum, quoted in Hosking (1997:69).

55.列文（2000：255、435、278 和 437）；他强烈依赖 Gudrun Persson 1999 年伦敦大学的博士论文：俄罗斯军队和对外战争 1859-1871。

55. Lieven (2000: 255, 435, 278 and 437); he relies strongly on Gudrun Persson’s 1999 London University PhD thesis: The Russian Army and Foreign Wars 1859-1871.

56.霍斯金 (1997: 187)。

56. Hosking (1997: 187).

57.同上：36，引用 Erik Amburger, Geschichte der Behördenorganisation Russlands von Peter dem Grossen bis 1917 , 1966, pp. 502-19, 和 Walter Laqueur, Russia and Germany , 1965, pp. 40-1。

57. ibid.: 36, quoting Erik Amburger, Geschichte der Behördenorganisation Russlands von Peter dem Grossen bis 1917, 1966, pp. 502-19, and Walter Laqueur, Russia and Germany, 1965, pp. 40-1.

58.霍斯金 (1997: 309-10)。

58. Hosking (1997: 309-10).

59.同上：402；科姆里（1981：28）。

59. ibid.: 402; Comrie (1981: 28).

60. Hosking (1997: 311)，引用 Jeffrey Brooks，当俄罗斯学会阅读时：文学和流行文化，1985。

60. Hosking (1997: 311), quoting Jeffrey Brooks, When Russia learnt to read: literary and popular culture, 1985.

61.费舍尔（1978：100-4）。

61. Fisher (1978: 100-4).

62. Comrie (1981: 28)。

62. Comrie (1981: 28).

63.同上： 1.

63. ibid.: 1.

64. MI Isayev，苏联的民族语言：问题和解决方案，1977 年，第 300-1 页，引自 Comrie (1981: 36-7)。

64. M. I. Isayev, National Languages in the USSR: Problems and solutions, 1977, pp. 300-1, quoted in Comrie (1981: 36-7).

65.罗伊 (2000: 169)。

65. Roy (2000: 169).

66. Barraclough (1978: 140)。

66. Barraclough (1978: 140).

67.鹤见 (1984:277)。

67. Tsurumi (1984:277).

68. Chen (1984: 242), 引用 Ken'ichi Kondō (ed.), Taiheiyō senka no Chōsen oyobi Taiwan , 'Korea and Taiwan during the Pacific War', Tokyo, 1961.

68. Chen (1984: 242), quoting Ken’ichi Kondō (ed.), Taiheiyō senka no Chōsen oyobi Taiwan, ‘Korea and Taiwan during the Pacific War’, Tokyo, 1961.

69. Tsurumi (1984: 303)，释义青柳纲太郎 Keijō（首尔），Shin Chosen，“新韩国”，1925。

69. Tsurumi (1984: 303), paraphrasing Aoyagi Tsunatarō Keijō (Seoul), Shin Chōsen, ‘New Korea’, 1925.

70.见 Miyawaki (2002)：他注意到密克罗尼西亚的一对已婚夫妇仍在使用日语作为他们的孩子无法理解的便捷交流方式。

70. See Miyawaki (2002): he notes a married couple in Micronesia, still using Japanese as a convenient means of communication that their children will not understand.

12 缩影还是扭曲的镜子？英语职业

12 Microcosm or Distorting Mirror? The Career of English

1. TS Eliot，四个四重奏（1942 年），“Little Gidding”，第 2 部分。

1. T. S. Eliot, Four Quartets (1942), ‘Little Gidding’, part 2.

2.布兰特 (1969: 374)。

2. Brandt (1969: 374).

3.史密斯（2000：164）。

3. Smith (2000: 164).

4.克劳利（2000：15）。原始的诺曼法语写道：'三。Item ordine est et establie que chescun Engleys use la lang Engleis et soit nome par nom Engleys enterlessant oulterment la manere de nomere use par Irroies et que chescun Engleys use la manere guise monture et appareill Engleys solonc son estat et si nul Engleys ou Irroies [conversant entre Engleys use la lang Irroies] entre euxmesmes encontre cest ordinance et de ceo soit atteint soint sez terrez et tentz sil eit seisiz en les maines son Seinours immediate tanque qil veigne a un des places nostre Seignour le Roy et trove enough seurtee de prendre et user la lang Engleis…et auxiant que les beneficers de seint Esglise conversantz entre Anglois use la langue Engleis et sils ne facent eint leur ordinaries les issues de leur benefices tanque ils usent la langue Angloise en le maniere susdit et eient respit de la langue Engloise apprendre et德celles purvier entre cy et le feste seint Michael prochin avent。

4. Crowley (2000: 15). The original Norman French reads: ’III. Item ordine est et establie que chescun Engleys use la lang Engleis et soit nome par nom Engleys enterlessant oulterment la manere de nomere use par Irroies et que chescun Engleys use la manere guise monture et appareill Engleys solonc son estat et si nul Engleys ou Irroies [conversant entre Engleys use la lang Irroies] entre euxmesmes encontre cest ordinance et de ceo soit atteint soint sez terrez et tentz sil eit seisiz en les maines son Seinours immediate tanque qil veigne a un des places nostre Seignour le Roy et trove sufficient seurtee de prendre et user la lang Engleis…et auxiant que les beneficers de seint Esglise conversantz entre Anglois use la langue Engleis et sils ne facent eint leur ordinaries les issues de leur benefices tanque ils usent la langue Angloise en le maniere susdit et eient respit de la langue Engloise apprendre et de celles purvier entre cy et le feste seint Michael prochin avent.’

5.引用于 Evans (1992: 298) 的 1536 年联合法案第 xvii 节。

5. Act of Union 1536, section xvii, as quoted in Evans (1992: 298).

6.SPHen。VIII 到戈尔韦镇，1536 年，引自 Evans (1992: 296)。

6. S.P.Hen. VIII to the Town of Galway, 1536, as quoted in Evans (1992: 296).

7.克劳利（2000：19）。

7. Crowley (2000: 19).

8.亨利三世的宣言，1258 年 10 月 18 日；专利卷，42 亨利三世米。1，名词。1，公共档案局，伦敦；正如在 Mossé (1962: 234) 中所再现的那样。

8. Proclamation of Henry III, 18 October 1258; Patent Rolls, 42 Henry III m. 1, n. 1, Public Record Office, London; as reproduced in Mossé (1962: 234).

9.特雷维萨重新。Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden , i, 59. 该文本以威廉·卡克斯顿 (William Caxton) 于 1482 年出版的（伦敦）形式给出，因为这比 Trevisa 自己的康沃尔方言更容易阅读。标点符号和大小写也进行了调整，以方便现代阅读。Higden 的相关词是：'Haec quidem nativae linguaecorruptionioprovenit hodie multum ex duobus; quod videlicet pueri in scholis contra morem caeterarum nationalum a primo Normannorum advenu, derelicto proprio vulgari construere Gallice compelluntur; item quod filii nobilium ab ipsis cunabulorum crepundiis ad Gallicum idioma informantur。Quibus profecto rurales homines assimilari volentes, ut per hoc spectabiliores videantur, francigenare satagunt omni nisu。

9. Trevisa re. Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden, i, 59. The text is given in the (London) form published by William Caxton in 1482, since this is substantially easier to read than Trevisa’s own Cornish dialect. The punctuation and capitalisation are also adjusted for ease of modern reading. The relevant words of Higden are: ’Haec quidem nativae linguae corruptio provenit hodie multum ex duobus; quod videlicet pueri in scholis contra morem caeterarum nationum a primo Normannorum adventu, derelicto proprio vulgari construere Gallice compelluntur; item quod filii nobilium ab ipsis cunabulorum crepundiis ad Gallicum idioma informantur. Quibus profecto rurales homines assimilari volentes, ut per hoc spectabiliores videantur, francigenare satagunt omni nisu.’

10. Cursor Mundi，圣母升天，II.51-4。

10. Cursor Mundi, Assumption of Our Lady, II.51-4.

11.乔叟、特洛伊罗斯和克瑞塞德，v，**II。1793-9。

11. Chaucer, Troilus and Criseide, v, **II. 1793-9.

12.从威廉卡克斯顿， Eneydos的序言，1490 年。

12. From William Caxton, Prologue to Eneydos, 1490.

13.最著名的是 Johann Clajus, Grammatica Germanicae linguae…ex Bibliis Lutheri Germanicis et aliis ejus libris collecta , Leipzig, 1578。最后两段很大程度上依赖于 Febvre 和 Martin (1958: 481-91)。

13. The most celebrated was Johann Clajus, Grammatica Germanicae linguae…ex Bibliis Lutheri Germanicis et aliis ejus libris collecta, Leipzig, 1578. These last two paragraphs are heavily dependent on Febvre and Martin (1958: 481-91).

14.从 1488 年第一本捷克语印刷圣经开始，他们与许多同时代的大陆人一起被列在 Nicolson (2003: 247-50) 中。

14. They are listed in Nicolson (2003: 247-50), along with many of their Continental contemporaries, starting with the first printed Bible in Czech in 1488.

15.到 1620 年代，所有绅士都可以阅读。到了 1640 年代，45% 的自耕农，或许还有 5% 的劳工也是如此。男性的识字率高于女性，伦敦高于各省（Nicolson 2003：122）。

15. By the 1620s, all the gentry could read. By the 1640s, so could 45 per cent of the yeomanry, and perhaps 5 per cent of labourers. Literacy was higher among men than women, and in London than in the provinces (Nicolson 2003: 122).

16.约翰·西利爵士，《英格兰的扩张》，第一讲。

16. Sir John Seeley, The Expansion of England, Lecture I.

17.凯恩斯 (1930: 156-7)。

17. Keynes (1930: 156-7).

18.弗格森（2003：11）。

18. Ferguson (2003: 11).

19.同上：13。

19. ibid.: 13.

20.威廉姆斯 (1643: chs i, vi, viii)。完整的标题是：“打开美国语言的钥匙，或帮助美国新英格兰地区的土著语言。连同对上述土著人在和平与战争、生与死中的习俗、礼仪和崇拜等的简要观察。所有这些都添加了对所有居住在这些部分的英国人的作者、酋长和特殊用途（在所有情况下）的精神观察，一般和特殊；但在所有人看来都是令人愉快和有益的。作者因其自由主义观点而被马萨诸塞州开除，但后来又找到了罗德岛的普罗维登斯。

20. Williams (1643: chs i, vi, viii). The full title is: ‘A Key into the Language of America, or An help to the Language of the Natives in that part of America called New England. Together with brief Observations of the Customes, Manners and Worships, &c of the aforesaid Natives, in Peace and Warre, in Life and Death. On all of which are added Spirituall Observations, Generall and Particular, of the Authour, of chiefe and speciall use (upon all occasions,) to all the English Inhabiting those parts; yet pleasant and profitable to the view of all men.’ The author was expelled from Massachusetts for his liberal opinions, but went on to found Providence, Rhode Island.

21.威廉姆斯 (1643: chs iii and xvii)。

21. Williams (1643: chs iii and xvii).

22.来自 Silver 和 Miller (1997: 319) 的例子。那里提到的 Penobscot 是 Abenaki 的变种。

22. Examples derived from Silver and Miller (1997: 319). Penobscot, referred to there, is a variety of Abenaki.

23.艾略特（1666）。虽然是一种正式的语法，但它并没有放弃改进评论的奇怪机会，例如 7：“因此，明智的说法是，基督徒必须用与形容词一样多的副词来装饰：他必须做好事，就像是好的。当一个人的善行被副词修饰得很好时，每个人都会得出结论，这个人被形容词修饰得很好。

23. Eliot (1666). Although a formal grammar, it does not pass up the odd opportunity for improving comments, e.g. p. 7: ‘And hence is that wise Saying, That a Christian must be adorned with as many Adverbs as Adjectives: He must as well do good, as be good. When a man’s virtuous Actions are well adorned with Adverbs, every one will conclude that the man is well adorned with virtuous Adjectives.’

24.艾略特（1663）：这是美洲第一个圣经译本的区别，尽管西班牙人以天主教的态度对待基督教，自 1539 年以来一直用美国语言出版祈祷和忏悔书。见第 10 章， “语言障碍中的第一个裂缝：口译员、双语者、语法家”，第 18 页。341.

24. Eliot (1663): this has the distinction of being the first translation of the Bible in the Americas, although the Spanish, with their Catholic approach to Christianity, had been publishing prayers and confessionals in American languages since 1539. See Chapter 10, ‘First chinks in the language barrier: Interpreters, bilinguals, grammarians’, p. 341.

25. Cotton Mather (1663-1728)，（间接）引自 Bailey (1992: 73)。

25. Cotton Mather (1663-1728), quoted in (indirectly) Bailey (1992: 73).

26. Barraclough (1978: 221)。

26. Barraclough (1978: 221).

27. 1853 年的加兹登收购案不久后确定了与墨西哥的边界，为现代的亚利桑那州和新墨西哥州增加了一条南部的狭长地带，为南太平洋铁路开辟了一条新路线。

27. The border with Mexico was finalised a little later, by the Gadsden Purchase of 1853, which added a southern sliver to the modern states of Arizona and New Mexico to field a new route for the Southern Pacific Railroad.

28.引自 Milner 等人。(1994:168)。1848 年 1 月在加利福尼亚北部的萨特磨坊发现金矿和世界上最著名的淘金热，立即巩固了对西部的收购。随之而来的人口激增加速了加州获得建州的时间达到了两年的新纪录。

28. Quoted in Milner et al. (1994:168). The acquisition of the west was immediately cemented by the discovery of gold at Sutter’s Mill in northern California in January 1848, and the world’s most famous gold rush. The resulting jump in population accelerated California’s acquisition of statehood to a period of two years, a new record.

29.同上引述：146。

29. Quoted in ibid.: 146.

30.引自 Sharon Gangitano，印度语言(<www.sonoma.edu/depts/amcs/upstream/Indian.html>)。

30. Quoted in Sharon Gangitano, Indian Language (<www.sonoma.edu/depts/amcs/upstream/Indian.html>).

31.美国人口普查局，引自 Wright (2000: 266)。

31. US Census Bureau, quoted in Wright (2000: 266).

32. US Census Bureau 1989, 1994，引自 Crawford (1998)。

32. US Census Bureau 1989, 1994, quoted in Crawford (1998).

33.石板 (2001: 391)。

33. Slate (2001: 391).

34. M. Austin 的旅程备忘录，1796-1797，Amer。历史。修订版，v，第 518-42 页。

34. Memorandum of M. Austin’s Journey, 1796-1797, Amer. Hist. Rev., v, pp. 518-42.

35.威灵 (2001)。

35. Welling (2001).

36.美国人口普查局，引自 Wright (2000:490)；同样，州人口，第 169-201 页。

36. US Census Bureau, quoted in Wright (2000:490); state populations likewise, pp. 169-201.

37. Gholam Hossein Khan (1902 [1789]: iii, 191-2)。

37.Gholam Hossein Khan (1902 [1789]: iii, 191-2).

38.托马斯·巴宾顿·麦考利，1835 年 2 月 2 日关于印度教育的会议纪要，1835 年（在 Young 1957 中重印：721-4）。尽管这是代表英语的文化沙文主义的一个特别有害的例子，并且在撤消对印度梵文教育的支持方面发挥了重要作用，但麦考利并不仅仅考虑英语自己的文化，而是他相信英语可以提供访问（必要时，通过已经翻译的文本）到世界文化的各个方面。但他轻松保证印度人可以忽视自己的传统，这是成功的帝国主义孕育的那种文化过度自信的纪念碑。

38. Thomas Babington Macaulay, Minute of 2 February 1835 on Indian Education, 1835 (reprinted in Young 1957: 721-4). Although this a particularly pernicious example of cultural chauvinism on behalf of English, and played a major role in the withdrawal of support for Sanskrit education in India, Macaulay was thinking not of English’s own culture exclusively but rather of his belief that English could provide access (where necessary, through texts already translated) to every aspect of world culture. But his easy assurance that Indians could afford to neglect their own traditions is a monument to the kind of cultural overconfidence bred by successful imperialism.

39. JJ Campos，孟加拉葡萄牙人的历史，1919 年，p。173，引自 Sinha (1978:3)。

39. J. J. Campos, The History of the Portuguese in Bengal, 1919, p. 173, cited in Sinha (1978:3).

40. Holden Furber，18 世纪中叶的孟买总统，1965 年，p。2，引自辛哈（1978：6）。

40. Holden Furber, Bombay Presidency in the Mid-Eighteenth Century, 1965, p. 2, cited in Sinha (1978: 6).

41.波利尔 (2001)。典型地，这部作品被称为“ I'jāz-i Arsalānī ”，意为“Arsalān 的奇迹”，暗指作者自己的波斯头衔Arsalān-i-Jang，“战斗之狮”，由莫卧儿皇帝莎阿南亲自授予（p . 9). 在他们的介绍中，p。70 日，现代译者指出波利尔在处理他的两个印度妻子之间的争执时采用的经典方法，威胁一位婆婆，同时呼吁她为女儿感到羞耻。1788 年，波利尔回到法国后娶了第三任妻子。

41. Polier (2001). Characteristically, the work is called I’jāz-i Arsalānī, the ‘wonderment of Arsalān’, alluding to the author’s own Persianate title, Arsalān-i-Jang, ‘lion of battle’, bestowed by the Mughal emperor Shah Alam himself (p. 9). In their Introduction, p. 70, the modern translators point out Polier’s classic approach to a dispute between his two Indian wives, threatening one mother-in-law while appealing to her sense of shame for her daughter. Polier went on to marry a third wife after his return to France in 1788.

42. SN Mukherjee，印度教育史，1961 年，p。30，引自 Sinha (1978: 27)。

42. S. N. Mukherjee, History of Education in India, 1961, p. 30, cited in Sinha (1978: 27).

43.英格拉姆 (1969: 235-6)。

43. Ingram (1969: 235-6).

44.辛哈 (1978: 28)。

44. Sinha (1978: 28).

45.所有部长必须在抵达后一年内学习葡萄牙语，并应努力学习他们所居住国家的母语，以便他们能够指导作为仆人的巴布亚新几内亚或公司的奴隶，或其代理人，在新教中”（JW Kaye，The Administration of the East India Company，1853 年，第 626 页，引自 Sinha（1978：10）。

45. ‘All Ministers shall be obliged to learn within one year after their arrival the Portuguese language and shall apply themselves to learn the native language of the country where they shall reside, the better to enable them to instruct the Gentoos that shall be the servants or the slaves of the company, or of their agents, in the Protestant Religion’ (J. W. Kaye, The Administration of the East India Company, 1853, p. 626, cited in Sinha (1978: 10).

46.辛哈（1978：13）；卡赫鲁（1983：21）。

46. Sinha (1978: 13); Kachru (1983: 21).

47. WH Carey，Honorable John Company 的美好旧时光，1906 年，p。397，引自 Sinha (1978: 10)。

47. W. H. Carey, The Good Old Days of Honourable John Company, 1906, p. 397, cited in Sinha (1978: 10).

48.大英图书馆，附加手稿，13828，第 306v-308r 页；McKinnon 继续提议在现有古典图书图书馆的基础上，在勒克瑙建立一所教授英语和古典希腊语的神学院。

48. British Library, Additional Manuscripts, 13828, pp. 306v-308r; McKinnon goes on to propose setting up a seminary, teaching English and classical Greek, in Lucknow, on the basis of an existing library of classical books.

49.议会辩论（1813），26：562-3。

49. Parliament Debate (1813), 26: 562-3.

50. 教育记录选集I (H. Sharp, 1920), p。22, 和 II (JA Richey), p。152，引自 Sinha (1978: 32)。

50. Selections from Educational Records I (H. Sharp, 1920), p. 22, and II (J. A. Richey), p. 152, cited in Sinha (1978: 32).

51.海德·伊斯特爵士于 1816 年 5 月 18 日给 J. Harrington 的信，引自 Sinha (1978: 36)。

51. Sir Hyde East’s letter to J. Harrington, 18 May 1816, cited in Sinha (1978: 36).

52. Ram Mohan Roy 给阿默斯特勋爵的信，1823 年 12 月 11 日，引自 Kachru (1983: 60)。

52. Ram Mohan Roy’s letter to Lord Amherst, 11 Dec. 1823, cited in Kachru (1983: 60).

53. Samachar Darpan，1834 年 4 月 23 日，引自 Sinha (1978: 41)。

53. Samachar Darpan, 23 April 1834, cited in Sinha (1978: 41).

54.达夫（1837：3）。代表法律利益的委员会成员托马斯·巴宾顿·麦考利给人留下了特别的印象。委员会接受了他的《印度教育纪要》中该死的引文，出现在本节的题词和第 2 章的脚注中。

54. Duff (1837: 3). The member of the committee representing the law interest, Thomas Babington Macaulay, made a particular impression. Damning quotations from his Minute on Indian Education, which was accepted by the committee, appear in the epigraph to this section and in a footnote in Chapter 2.

55.达夫 (1837: App., p. 2)。

55. Duff (1837: App., p. 2).

56.矛（1965：127）。

56. Spear (1965: 127).

57.水晶（2003：46）。在他对世界英语人口的总结中，Crystal 在 2001 年有 19% 的印度人（2 亿）、12% 的巴基斯坦人（1700 万）、10% 的斯里兰卡人（190 万）和几乎没有3% 的孟加拉国人（350 万）。

57. Crystal (2003: 46). In his summary of world English-speaking populations, Crystal plumps for about 19 per cent of Indians in 2001 (200 million), but 12 per cent of Pakistanis (17 million), 10 per cent of Sri Lankans (1.9 million), and barely 3 per cent of Bangladeshis (3.5 million).

58.亚历山大·达夫（Alexander Duff）的话，在另一本 1837 年的小册子中，为苏格兰教会印度传教团辩护，第 5 页。27.

58. Alexander Duff’s words, in another 1837 pamphlet, Vindication of the Church of Scotland’s India Missions, p. 27.

59.弗兰纳里（1994：326）；狄克逊（1980：1）；水晶（2003：41）。

59. Flannery (1994: 326); Dixon (1980: 1); Crystal (2003: 41).

60.弗兰纳里（1994：338）；水晶（2003：41）。

60. Flannery (1994: 338); Crystal (2003: 41).

61.格莱姆斯 (2000)。

61. Grimes (2000).

62.水晶（2003：57）。

62. Crystal (2003: 57).

63.同上：62-5 对其中一些国家提供了一些令人惊讶的估计，表明 45% 的尼日利亚人和 84% 的利比里亚人会说英语。这些可能很好地反映了接受过一些英语教育的人数，因为这些国家的识字水平相当高。但水晶的明确原因是基于英语的洋泾浜和克里奥尔语的流行。

63. ibid.: 62-5 offers some surprising estimates for some of these countries, suggesting that 45 per cent of Nigerians, and 84 per cent of Liberians, speak English. These may well reflect the number who have received some English-language education, since the literacy levels in these countries are rather high. But Crystal’s explicit reason is the prevalence of English-based pidgins and Creoles.

64. Sarah Nākoa, Lei Momi O'Ewa ('Garland of Pearls Awry'), 1979, p. 19，引自 Warner (1999: 71)。

64. Sarah Nākoa, Lei Momi O ‘Ewa (’Garland of Pearls Awry’), 1979, p. 19, cited in Warner (1999: 71).

65.肯尼迪（1988：151）；P. Bairoch 1982 是“从 1750 年到 1980 年的国际工业化水平”，欧洲经济史杂志，11，而 F. Crouzet 1982 是伦敦的维多利亚经济。

65. Kennedy (1988: 151); P. Bairoch 1982 is ‘International Industrialization Levels from 1750 to 1980’, Journal of European Economic History, 11, and F. Crouzet 1982 is The Victorian Economy, London.

66. WSJ Jevons，煤炭问题，伦敦：麦克米伦，1865 年。

66. W. S. J. Jevons, The Coal Question, London: Macmillan, 1865.

67.水晶（2003：88）。法语是官方使用的亚军，占 49%；否则，只有阿拉伯语、西班牙语和德语达到 10% 以上。

67. Crystal (2003: 88). French was the runner-up in official use with 49 per cent; otherwise, only Arabic, Spanish and German achieved over 10 per cent.

68.同上：65。

68. ibid.: 65.

69. 今日印度，1997 年 8 月 18 日：“与英语是少数人的语言的人口普查神话相反，民意调查显示几乎三分之一的印度人声称懂英语，尽管只有不到 20% 的人有信心说英语。引自 Graddol (1999: 64)。

69. India Today, 18 August 1997: ‘Contrary to the census myth that English is the language of a microscopic minority, the poll indicates that almost one in three Indians claims to understand English, although less than 20 per cent are confident of speaking it.’ Cited in Graddol (1999: 64).

70.英语的这种“世俗化”是 Pennycook (1994) 的一个主要主题，尤其是在马来西亚和新加坡出现时：它的含义被视为政治和经济。Phillipson (1992) 发展了一种将 ELT 视为恶意的观点，将其描述为语言帝国主义。

70. This ’ worldliness’ of English is a major theme of Pennycook (1994), considered especially as it shows up in Malaysia and Singapore: its overtones are seen as political, as well as economic. And Phillipson (1992) develops a view of ELT as malign, characterising it as Linguistic Imperialism.

71.吉拉特 (1998: 22-3)。

71. Guilarte (1998: 22-3).

72.乔伊斯 (1977 [1910]: 33, 85); 根斯勒（1993：235-42）；并参见第 7 章，“奔跑：凯尔特人的冲动优势”，第 7 页。290。

72. Joyce (1977 [1910]: 33, 85); Gensler (1993: 235-42); and see Chapter 7, ‘Run: The impulsive pre-eminence of the Celts’, p. 290.

IV 今天和明天的语言

IV Languages Today and Tomorrow

13 当前的前二十名

13 The Current Top Twenty

1.按照 Mario Citroni 在霍恩布洛尔和斯波福斯 (1999) 中给出的日期。当然，马夏尔不是指现代书籍的部分，而是指脐，“肚脐”，卷轴缠绕在其周围的杆；图书馆员是指抄写员或书商，而不是出版商。

1. Following the date given by Mario Citroni, in Hornblower and Spawforth (1999). Martial is referring, of course, not to the parts of a modern book, but to umbilici, ‘navels’, the rods around which the scroll was wound up; librarius means copyist or bookseller rather than a publisher.

2.这些数字的主要来源是第十四版Ethnologue (Grimes 2000)，它本身就是来自各种来源的数字的汇编。主要语言为母语和次要语言的人口规模来自 Funk & Wagnall 的世界年鉴。

2. The principal source of these figures is the fourteenth edition of Ethnologue (Grimes 2000), itself a compilation of figures from a variety of sources. The population sizes for native and secondary speakers of major languages are derived from Funk & Wagnall’s World Almanac.

3.在 Crystal (2003)、Graddol (1997) 和 Graddol (1999) 中可以找到关于英语的真实数字可能与这些有多大不同的一些考虑。

3. Some consideration of how radically the true figures for English may differ from these can be found in Crystal (2003), Graddol (1997) and Graddol (1999).

4.威尔金森（2000：27）；诺曼 (1988: 48-9, 187)。

4. Wilkinson (2000: 27); Norman (1988: 48-9, 187).

5.米勒（1967：144）。

5. Miller (1967: 144).

6. Baugh and Cable (2002: 194)。

6. Baugh and Cable (2002: 194).

7.马西卡 (1991: 27-8)。

7. Masica (1991: 27-8).

8. Entwistle 和莫里森 (1949: 288)。

8. Entwistle and Morison (1949: 288).

9.多尔比 (1998: 668)。

9. Dalby (1998: 668).

10. Bourciez (1967: 287)。

10. Bourciez (1967: 287).

11.同上：397。

11. ibid.: 397.

12.多尔比（1998：328）；对于韩语来说，在实践中不可能追溯任何早于 15 世纪语音书写系统建立之前的方言变体。

12. Dalby (1998: 328); for Korean, it is impossible in practice to trace any dialectal variation earlier than the establishment of a phonetic writing system in the fifteenth century.

13.人口统计数据的来源是联合国人口基金（UNFPA），2000 年世界人口状况，以及联合国社会信息和政策分析部，人口司，1996 年世界人口，Wright 报告（2000：468- 72）。

13. The source of population statistics is United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), The State of World Population 2000, and United Nations Department for Social Information and Policy Analysis, Population Division, World Population 1996, as reported in Wright (2000: 468-72).

14 展望未来

14 Looking Ahead

1.鲍尔 (1996: 27)。

1. Bauer (1996: 27).

2.亚历山大六世教皇诏书，国际米兰（1493 年 5 月 3 日）：'……那么，我们将你神圣而值得称颂的目标高度赞扬给主，并希望达到应有的目的，并希望在这些地区介绍我们救主的名字，我们以我们在主里的所有力量，并接受圣洗礼，我们有义务遵守使徒的命令，并带着我们主耶稣基督的怜悯，我们热切地要求你以这种方式和精神去追求满怀对正统信仰的热忱，你将而且必须说服居住在上述岛屿上的人们信奉基督教信仰，而不会因辛劳或危险而畏缩，并坚信全能的上帝会愉快地陪伴你的努力……”

2. Papal Bull of Alexander VI, Inter Caetera (3 May 1493): ‘…We, then, commending greatly to the Lord your holy and praiseworthy purpose, and desiring that the same attain the due end, and that in those regions the name of our Saviour be introduced, we exhort you with all our power in the Lord and by the reception of holy baptism by which we are obliged to obey the Apostolic commands and with the entrails of mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ we require you intently that you pursue in this manner this expedition and that with spirit imbued with zeal for the orthodox faith you will and must persuade the people who inhabit the said islands to embrace the Christian faith without ever quailing at the labours or the dangers, with the firm hope and confidence that Almighty God will happily accompany your endeavour …’

3. Harold Macmillan，1960 年 2 月 3 日在南非议会的演讲。

3. Harold Macmillan, speech to South African parliament, 3 February 1960.

4.为罗伯特·奥特曼 1975 年的电影《纳什维尔》作曲并演唱（理查德·巴斯金的音乐）。

4. Composed for, and sung in, Robert Altman’s 1975 film Nashville (music by Richard Baskin).

5.福山（1992）。

5. Fukuyama (1992).

6.水晶（2003：191）。

6. Crystal (2003: 191).

7.正如萨尔曼·拉什迪（Salman Rushdie），公认的英语的主要代表人物，在 1981 年就已经相信：“关于英语在后英属印度的适用性的争论自 1947 年以来一直在激烈地进行；但今天，我发现，这是一场只对老一代有意义的辩论。独立印度的孩子们似乎并不认为英语因其殖民起源而受到不可挽回的污染。他们将其用作印度语言，作为他们必须掌握的工具之一。“英联邦文学不存在”，载于《想象家园》（伦敦：Granta，1991 年）。

7. As Salman Rushdie, admittedly a major exponent of English himself, believed already in 1981: ‘The debate about the appropriateness of English in post-British India has been raging ever since 1947; but today, I find, it’s a debate which has meaning only for the older generation. The children of independent India seem not to think of English as being irredeemably tainted by its colonial provenance. They use it as an Indian language, as one of the tools they have to hand.’ ‘Commonwealth literature does not exist’, in Imaginary Homelands (London: Granta, 1991).

8. Graddol (1997: 26) 中阐述的“engco”模型。

8. The ‘engco’ model, expounded in Graddol (1997: 26).

9. 1984 年，美国的第一语言英语使用者估计为 2.1 亿（Grimes 2000）。从 1980 年到 1990 年，美国人口从 226、542、203 增加到 248、709、873（美国人口普查局，1980 年的数字，1987 年修订；引自 Wright 2000：264）。引用来自比尔艾默生的英语语言授权法案的摘要，该法案于 1995 年 1 月 4 日提交给美国众议院，由 Crystal (2003: 130) 引用。（截至 2004 年 9 月）还没有这样的规定被采纳为法律。

9. First-language English speakers in the USA were estimated at 210 million in 1984 (Grimes 2000). Between 1980 and 1990, the US population grew from 226, 542, 203 to 248, 709, 873 (US Census Bureau, 1980 figure revised in 1987; cited in Wright 2000: 264). The quote is from a summary of Bill Emerson’s English Language Empowerment Bill, presented to the US House of Representatives on 4 January 1995, as cited by Crystal (2003: 130). No such provision has yet (as of September 2004) been adopted as law.

10.鲍尔 (1996: 33-40)。

10. Bauer (1996: 33-40).

11.安德森 (1991: 133-4)。

11. Anderson (1991: 133-4).

12.克劳斯（2001：19）。

12. Krauss (2001: 19).

13.水晶（2003：191）。

13. Crystal (2003: 191).

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指数

INDEX

此电子版的页码与创建它的版本不匹配。要查找特定段落，请使用您的电子书阅读器的搜索功能。

The pagination of this electronic edition does not match the edition from which it was created. To locate a specific passage, please use the search feature of your e-book reader.

语言、家庭和方言名称以粗体标记。文学作品标题用斜体字标出，括号内是作者姓名。

Language, family and dialect names are marked in bold. Literary titles are marked with italics, with the author’s name in parentheses.

锡兰(Cordiner) 389的描述

A description of Ceylon (Cordiner) 389

美国语言的一把钥匙（威廉姆斯）481, 484

A Key into the Language of America (Williams) 481, 484

亚琛 316-317

Aachen 316-317

'阿卜杜勒·马利克，哈里发 97

’Abd el Malik, Caliph 97

'Abdul Qasim'Unsuri，波斯诗人 110

’Abdul Qasim ‘Unsuri, Persian poet 110

阿布·纳瓦斯，波斯诗人 98

Abu Nawas, Persian poet 98

西拉夫的阿布扎伊德 103 n

Abu Zayd of Siraf 103n

法兰西学院 409

Académie Française 409

阿卡迪亚人 414 n

Acadians 414n

亚齐208

Acehnese 208

希腊语的亚该亚方言236

Achaean dialect of Greek 236

阿开亚人 240

Achaeans 240

阿契美尼德，波斯帝国的统治者 98

Achaemenids, ruling house of the Persian empire 98

Aché Pyvé 361

Acosta, Joseph de, 西班牙历史学家 337

Acosta, Joseph de, Spanish historian 337

Adad-niršri，亚述王 64

Adad-niršri, king of Assyria 64

亚当斯，威尔，英国武士 388

Adams, Will, British samurai 388

学习进步（培根）328

Advancement of Learning (Bacon) 328

爱琴海 264, 267

Aegean 264, 267

希腊语 236、237 n 的Aeolic方言

Aeolic dialect of Greek 236, 237n

阿富汗 39, 4748, 85, 96, 99, 101, 108, 212, 245, 257, 269, 536

Afghanistan 39, 4748, 85, 96, 99, 101, 108, 212, 245, 257, 269, 536

非洲 12、45、111、391、527

Africa 12, 45, 111, 391, 527

人口统计 530

demographics 530

和英语507

and English 507

法兰西帝国 417-419、444、490

French empire 417-419, 444, 490

德国殖民地 448

German colonies 448

说第二语言的人 515

second-language speakers 515

南非荷兰语399、444、507

Afrikaans 399, 444, 507

亚非语言36, 90, 97, 102, 122, 554

Afro-Asiatic languages 36, 90, 97, 102, 122, 554

阿格巴塔纳 43

Agbatana 43

Aguilar, Jerónimo de, 西班牙语翻译 342

Aguilar, Jerónimo de, Spanish interpreter 342

Ahiqar, Aramaean 圣人 38, 83

Ahiqar, Aramaean sage 38, 83

Ahiram，比布鲁斯国王 72

Ahiram, king of Byblos 72

阿赫塔顿 62

Akhetaten 62

阿卡德语

Akkadian

Amama对应62、128

Amama correspondence 62, 128

和亚述 13, 21, 79, 129

and Assyria 13, 21, 79, 129

作为古典语言 68

as classical language 68

作为识字模范 58-68, 512

as model of literacy 58-68, 512

双语与苏美尔人51、53-57、111、163

bilingualism with Sumerian 51, 53-57, 111, 163

影响力 80, 517

influence 80, 517

通用语 61-62, 65, 67-68, 128-129

lingua franca 61-62, 65, 67-68, 128-129

文献 30-33

literature 30-33

名字的由来 60

origin of name 60

语言范围 59

range of language 59

与阿拉伯语93、110、112有关

related to Arabic 93, 110, 112

闪米特语 35, 35 n , 36-37, 40-44

Semitic language 35, 35n, 36-37, 40-44

书面形式 11 n , 33, 46, 49-50, 512

written form 11n, 33, 46, 49-50, 512

另见写作，楔形文字

see also writing, cuneiform

阿肯那顿，法老 125-126

Akhenaten, Pharaoh 125-126

贾希兹 98

Al-Jahiz 98

Al-Muqaddasi，阿拉伯地理学家 98

Al-Muqaddasi, Arab geographer 98

真主 62

Alalah 62

艾伦 305、307、308、425

Alans 305, 307, 308, 425

阿尔昆，英国学者 316-318, 328

Alcuin, English scholar 316-318, 328

亚历山大一世，沙皇 431、433、438

Aleksandr I, Tsar 431, 433, 438

阿列克谢，沙皇 431

Aleksey, Tsar 431

阿勒颇 41

Aleppo 41

亚历山大大帝 12, 30, 48, 57, 75-76, 85-86, 131, 165, 191, 219, 239, 243-245, 248, 250, 257, 276, 278

Alexander the Great 12, 30, 48, 57, 75-76, 85-86, 131, 165, 191, 219, 239, 243-245, 248, 250, 257, 276, 278

亚历山大六世，教皇 336、365

Alexander VI, Pope 336, 365

亚历山大的战役（阿里安）272

Alexander’s Campaign (Arrian) 272

埃及的亚历山大港 48, 86, 130, 131, 247-249, 259

Alexandria in Egypt 48, 86, 130, 131, 247-249, 259

阿拉乔斯人的亚历山大 246

Alexandria of the Arachosians 246

卡斯蒂利亚的阿方索十世，384 年国王

Alfonso X of Castile, king 384

阿尔及利亚 411-412、416-418、444、520

Algeria 411-412, 416-418, 444, 520

阿尔冈昆语477 n , 483 n , 484

Algonquian languages 477n, 483n, 484

阿尔摩拉维兹 99, 384

Almoravids 99, 384

Alopen，景教修士 90

Alopen, Nestorian monk 90

字母

Alphabet

抽象工具 46

abstract tool 46

婆罗米 85 n , 156

Brahmi 85n, 156

西里尔字母 442, 443 n

Cyrillic 442, 443n

前 34, 72 n , 110, 155

first 34, 72n, 110, 155

哈罗什蒂 85 n

Kharoshthi 85n

希腊语 242

Greek 242

卢加诺 284-285

Lugano 284-285

罗马书 242, 476

Roman 242, 476

符文106

runic 106

第156章

Siddha 156

另见写作

see also writing

阿尔泰语言138, 145, 146, 150, 151, 170

Altaic languages 138, 145, 146, 150, 151, 170

特征 138, 145

characteristics 138, 145

阿勒坦汗 179

Altan Khan 179

阿马迪斯·德·高拉331

Amadís de Gaula 331

Amama对应62、128

Amama correspondence 62, 128

Amenophis III，法老 231 n

Amenophis III, pharaoh 231n

Americana，世界对 179 的热情

Americana, world enthusiasm for 179

美洲

Americas

双语 346, 367, 376

bilingualism 346, 367, 376

利马议会 373

Council of Lima 373

英语社区 480-481

English-speaking communities 480-481

欧洲殖民地 482

European colonies 482

西班牙裔美国人 373-377

Hispanización 373-377

土著语言 347-355, 356-360, 361-364, 366-375, 480-484

indigenous languages 347-355, 356-360, 361-364, 366-375, 480-484

语言学习 345-346

language-learning 345-346

人口流失 22, 336-338, 365

loss of population 22, 336-338, 365

传教语言学家 346-347, 364, 368, 371, 373-375, 392-394, 481 n , 499 n , 509, 519, 537, 540 n

missionary linguists 346-347, 364, 368, 371, 373-375, 392-394, 481n, 499n, 509, 519, 537, 540n

政治独立 375

political independence 375

和葡萄牙语391-395

and Portuguese 391-395

西班牙语的传播340, 343, 347, 364-373, 376, 444, 495

spread of Spanish 340, 343, 347, 364-373, 376, 444, 495

阿姆哈拉语36, 92

Amharic 36, 92

阿米什社区 92

Amish community 92

菊石 70

Ammonite 70

亚摩利石60 n

Amorite 60n

亚摩利石 35 n , 40, 42, 53, 60, 111, 164

Amorites 35n, 40, 42, 53, 60, 111, 164

Anacharsis，斯基泰圣人 243

Anacharsis, Scythian sage 243

Anáhuac，墨西哥东北部的小镇 344

Anáhuac, town in north-eastern Mexico 344

安纳托利亚 38, 42, 43 n , 47-48, 65, 71, 83-84, 86, 106, 153, 247, 249, 250, 260, 260 n , 262, 263-265

Anatolia 38, 42, 43n, 47-48, 65, 71, 83-84, 86, 106, 153, 247, 249, 250, 260, 260n, 262, 263-265

高卢人的入侵 293-294, 314

incursions by Gauls 293-294, 314

和俄罗斯 434

and Russia 434

朗姆酒苏丹国 263

Sultanate of Rum 263

土耳其进步 264, 266

Turkish advances 264, 266

安达卢斯, el- see西班牙

Andalūs, el- see Spain

安达卢西阿拉伯语99方言

Andalusi dialect of Arabic 99

安达卢西亚 332

Andalusia 332

安德森，本尼迪克特 400 n , 557

Anderson, Benedict 400n, 557

安茹王朝 460 n , 463, 465-466

Angevin dynasty 460n, 463, 465-466

安格尔西 302, 313

Anglesey 302, 313

英荷战争493

Anglo-Dutch war 493

Anglo-Norman 460 n , 461-465另见

Anglo-Norman 460n, 461-465 see also

诺曼法语

Norman French

盎格鲁-撒克逊编年史 461

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 461

寒武纪年鉴313

Annales Cambriae 313

阿尔斯特年鉴313

Annals of Ulster 313

鞍山56-58

Anshan 56-58

Antialkidas，国王 192, 247

Antialkidas, king 192, 247

安提阿 90, 247, 250

Antioch 90, 247, 250n

安条克·索特，68 世国王

Antiochus Soter, king 68

Apollinaris，西多纽斯 300

Apollinaris, Sidonius 300

泰亚纳的阿波罗尼乌斯 258

Apollonius of Tyana 258

阿基坦人 301

Aquitanians 301

阿拉伯 101, 102, 121, 209

Arabia 101, 102, 121, 209

阿拉伯语20-22, 35, 38, 49, 78, 88 n , 93-105, 335, 527 n

Arabic 20-22, 35, 38, 49, 78, 88n, 93-105, 335, 527n

安达卢西方言99

Andalusi dialect 99

双语 97-100, 163

bilingualism 97-100, 163

人口统计 527 n , 530

demographics 527n, 530

双舌草 98

diglossia 98

语言教学 521

Language Teaching 521

马格里布方言78 n

Maghrebi dialect 78n

语音区别 108

phonetic distinctions 108

发音 69 n , 94

pronunciation 69n, 94

和埃及艳后 131

and Queen Cleopatra 131

神圣语言 93-96, 98, 100-101, 110, 520

sacred language 93-96, 98, 100-101, 110, 520

脚本 94 n , 97

script 94n, 97

与希伯来文 110 相似

similarity to Hebrew 110

95, 97-98, 102-105, 108, 111-112, 134, 141, 149, 164-165, 209, 212, 260, 377, 490, 528 n , 536, 547, 554 的分布

spread of 95, 97-98, 102-105, 108, 111-112, 134, 141, 149, 164-165, 209, 212, 260, 377, 490, 528n, 536, 547, 554

阿拉伯人和埃及人 164-165, 260

Arabs, and Egypt 164-165, 260

阿拉贡 99, 332

Aragon 99, 332

阿拉姆 35 n , 64, 80, 83

Aram 35n, 64, 80, 83

阿拉米人 43-44、64-66、111、164

Aramaeans 43-44, 64-66, 111, 164

阿拉姆语12, 13, 21, 22, 35, 35 n , 38, 47-50, 57, 80, 250, 335, 536

Aramaic 12, 13, 21, 22, 35, 35n, 38, 47-50, 57, 80, 250, 335, 536

字母脚本 63-64

alphabetic script 63-64

大法官语言 269, 517, 548

chancery language 269, 517, 548

在中国 141

in China 141

和基督教 88-90, 90 n , 111

and Christianity 88-90, 90n, 111

硬币 247, 249

coins 247, 249

和埃及 129-132、149、164-165

and Egypt 129-132, 149, 164-165

帝国 80-81

Imperial 80-81

铭文 83-85, 249

inscriptions 83-85, 249

和伊朗 108

and Iran 108

和伊斯兰教 88 n , 97

and Islam 88n, 97

作为通用语 246、258

as lingua franca 246, 258

超越阿卡德语 60-61、63、65-68、70、76、78

overtakes Akkadian 60-61, 63, 65-68, 70, 76, 78

81的发音

pronunciation 81

与阿拉伯语93、110相关

related to Arabic 93, 110

被希腊语取代为波斯语 85

supplanted by Greek as language of Persia 85

书面国际语 82

written interlingua 82

阿卡迪亚 236

Arcadia 236

希腊语 Arcado-Cyprian 方言236

Arcado-Cyprian dialects of Greek 236

考古学 31, 46 n , 67, 124-129, 136, 281, 290, 357

Archaeology 31, 46n, 67, 124-129, 136, 281, 290, 357

阿尔达希尔，波斯国王 259

Ardashir, king of Persia 259

阿根廷 339, 372

Argentina 339, 372

不墨守成规的威尔士语 93

Nonconformist Welsh 93

阿里斯托芬 551

Aristophanes 551

亚里士多德 265, 278

Aristotle 265, 278

亚美尼亚 41、88、93、96、241、269

Armenia 41, 88, 93, 96, 241, 269

亚美尼亚语24 n , 43, 300 n , 434, 435, 442

Armenian 24n, 43, 300n, 434, 435, 442

字母 88

alphabet 88

阿诺德，马修 516 n

Arnold, Matthew 516n

Arphaxad，希伯来祖先 35 n

Arphaxad, Hebrew ancestor 35n

阿里安，希腊历史学家 272

Arrian, Greek historian 272

阿尔萨斯，帕提亚国王 85

Arsaces, Parthian king 85

Arsames，波斯总督 83

Arsames, Persian governor 83

亚达薛西，波斯国王 82

Artaxerxes, king of Persia 82

Arte de la Lengua General …del Perú 334, 346

亚瑟，传说中的国王 461

Arthur, legendary king 461

亚瑟王传说 313

Arthurian legends 313

Arwadites 35 n

Arwadites 35n

雅利安语言41, 176-178, 187-190, 195-198, 212 n , 216-217, 223

Aryan languages 41, 176-178, 187-190, 195-198, 212n, 216-217, 223

阿里亚瓦尔塔 186-187

Aryāvarta 186-187

阿什杜德 129

Ashdod 129

亚述巴尼拔，亚述王 32, 54, 59

Ashurbanipal, king of Assyria 32, 54, 59

亚洲

Asia

英语505, 513, 528

English 505, 513, 528

法兰西帝国417

French empire 417

移民 535

immigration 535

伊朗语言109

Iranian languages 109

波斯语 108

Persian 108

葡萄牙帝国 385-390, 496

Portuguese empire 385-390, 496

罗马规则 252

Roman rule 252

突厥语 107

Turkic languages 107

小亚细亚 12, 295

Asia Minor 12, 295

阿育王 84, 151, 178, 186-9, 197-9, 208, 215, 218, 220, 246, 503 n

Aśoka, emperor 84, 151, 178, 186-9, 197-9, 208, 215, 218, 220, 246, 503n

阿萨姆语 176

Assamese 176

阿舒尔 35 n , 61, 66

Asshur 35n, 61, 66

亚述巴尼拔 56

Asshurbanipal 56

亚述 13, 30, 40, 42, 44, 46-47, 49, 56, 61-65, 111, 120, 423 n

Assyria 13, 30, 40, 42, 44, 46-47, 49, 56, 61-65, 111, 120, 423n

驱逐出境 65-66, 79

deportations 65-66, 79

和埃及 128-129、164-165

and Egypt 128-129, 164-165

阿斯特拉罕 106, 427

Astrakhan 106, 427

阿塔瓦尔帕，印加皇帝 342-343、356

Atahuallpa, Inca emperor 342-343, 356

阿塔图尔克，土耳其牧师 105 n

Atatürk, Turkish priest 105n

雅典 232-233, 242, 254

Athens 232-233, 242, 254n

匈奴阿提拉将军 106、306

Attila, Hun general 106, 306

和寿厚也 449

Atsuya, Washisu 449

希腊的阁楼方言229-230, 231 n , 271

Attic dialect of Greek 229-230, 231n, 271

阁楼 255-257, 329

Atticism 255-257, 329

文学 268

literature 268

作家 254名

writers 254n

奥古斯丁（圣），河马主教，46, 75-76, 307 n , 308

Augustine (Saint), bishop of Hippo, 46, 75-76, 307n, 308

奥古斯都，罗马皇帝 76, 259

Augustus, Roman emperor 76, 259

Austin, Moses, 美国开发商 490, 494

Austin, Moses, US developer 490, 494

澳大利亚 12, 19, 505-506, 508, 510, 514 n , 535

Australia 12, 19, 505-506, 508, 510, 514n, 535

奥地利 448

Austria 448

南亚语言201, 205

Austro-Asiatic languages 201, 205

南岛语 22, 205

Austronesian 22, 205

阿瓦尔 41、262、306、425

Avars 41, 262, 306, 425

阿维斯塔经文 48, 96

Avesta scriptures 48, 96

Avienus，罗马诗人 290

Avienus, Roman poet 290

艾马拉357、364、368、370

Aymara 357, 364, 368, 370

艾武拉皮塔361

Ayvu Rapyta 361

阿塞拜疆 93, 434-435, 443 n

Azerbaijan 93, 434-435, 443n

阿兹特克人 1-4、12、15、348、351-355、372

Aztecs 1-4, 12, 15, 348, 351-355, 372

巴布尔，皇帝 106、212

Babur, emperor 106, 212

巴比伦 53, 55-57, 278

Babylon 53, 55-57, 278

文明 30, 50, 53, 56-57, 58-61, 63-64, 66, 70, 79-80, 82, 129, 165

civilization 30, 50, 53, 56-57, 58-61, 63-64, 66, 70, 79-80, 82, 129, 165

44、47、68朝代

dynasties 44, 47, 68

Kassite 收购 40-41, 55, 60, 62, 63

Kassite takeover 40-41, 55, 60, 62, 63

使用阿卡德语 42, 61, 67 n , 111, 130, 247

use of Akkadian 42, 61, 67n, 111, 130, 247

和宁录 35 n

and Nimrod 35n

名字的由来 58

origin of name 58

塔木德 90

Talmud 90

巴比伦，希腊的霸主 245, 247

Babylonia, Greek overlordship 245, 247

Bacchylides，希腊抒情诗人 130

Bacchylides, Greek lyric poet 130

培根，弗朗西斯，英国圣人 328

Bacon, Francis, English sage 328

大夏 178, 257-258

Bactria 178, 257-258

双峰48 , 108

Bactrian 48n, 108

巴格达 101, 167

Baghdad 101, 167

印度尼西亚语403, 444, 532

Bahasa Indonesia 403, 444, 532

Bairoch, P.510, 575-576 n 65

Bairoch, P.510, 575-576n65

巴厘岛 204, 207

Bali 204, 207

巴尔干 261, 424

Balkans 261, 424

和德语 447

and German 447

军事灾难 273

military catastrophe 273

人口 260 n

population 260n

斯拉夫入侵 310, 423

Slav invasions 310, 423

斯拉夫语 275、280、309 的传播

spread of Slavic 275, 280, 309

波罗的海国家 429、431、432-433、439、442

Baltic states 429, 431, 432-433, 439, 442

俾路支 47

Baluchistan 47

班图语9、22、23 n、103-104、507、532

Bantu languages 9, 22, 23n, 103-104, 507, 532

巴努希拉尔 100-101

Banu Hilal 100-101

野蛮人 158, 160, 167-170, 227, 228, 230, 232

Barbarians 158, 160, 167-170, 227, 228, 230, 232

Basa Perteges (荷兰) 389 n

Basa Perteges (Dutch) 389n

阿拉巴马州巴沙姆 216

Basham, A.L. 216

巴西尔一世，拜占庭皇帝 262

Basil I, Byzantine emperor 262

巴斯克301

Basque 301

巴斯克 290, 306 n

Basques 290, 306n

Basshar bin Burd，波斯诗人 98

Basshar bin Burd, Persian poet 98

巴达维 398 n

Batavi 398n

巴约挂毯 319

Bayeux Tapestry 319

巴赞，路易斯 139

Bazin, Louis 139

比尔，塞缪尔 138 n

Beal, Samuel 138n

贝克特，托马斯，诺曼主教 408

Becket, Thomas à, Norman bishop 408

贝都因人 93

Bedouin 93

Behistun，岩石铭文 32、57

Behistun, rock inscription 32, 57

北京143、144、145、151、529

Beijing 143, 144, 145, 151, 529

贝贾131 n

Beja 131n

白俄罗斯 425, 429, 431, 439, 443

Belarus 425, 429, 431, 439, 443

比利时 407, 418-419

Belgium 407, 418-419

孟加拉语/孟加拉语 149, 527 n , 528, 530

Bengal/Bengali 149, 527n, 528, 530

柏柏尔(Tamazight) 127, 292, 307 n , 412 n

Berber (Tamazight) 127, 292, 307n, 412n

柏柏尔人 36、97、99-100

Berbers 36, 97, 99-100

贝纳迪诺，加斯帕·德·圣弟兄 388

Bernardino, Brother Gaspar de San 388

博伽梵歌195

Bhāgavad Gītā 195

圣经

Bible

英文授权版 473 n

Authorised version in English 473n

希腊 七十士译本248

Greek Septuagint 248

拉丁 文武加大294

Latin Vulgate 294

新约 87

New Testament 87

马太福音 87

Matthew 87n

旧约 31, 70

Old Testament 31, 70

翻译 472-473, 485, 521, 573 n 114, 574 n 24

translations 472-473, 485, 521, 573n114, 574n24

另见 希伯来文，经文

see also Hebrew, scriptures

比斯拉玛508

Bislama 508

俾斯麦，奥托，德国总理 505

Bismarck, Otto, German Chancellor 505

比特八字 44

Bît Bazi 44

比西亚 76

Bithia 76

布莱克等人69

Black et al 69n

布尔战争399

Boer War 399

波哥大 341、362、366、568 n 15

Bogotá 341, 362, 366, 568n15

科普特92波海尔方言

Bohairic dialect of Coptic 92

博卡拉 101

Bokhara 101

玻利维亚 339、357、368、370、372

Bolivia 339, 357, 368, 370, 372

路线与王国之书422 n

Book of Routes and Kingdoms 422n

婆罗洲 507

Borneo 507

波斯尼亚人，威廉 399

Bosnian, William 399

波斯尼亚人 430 n

Bosnians 430n

布尔吉巴，哈比卜，突尼斯总统 420

Bourguiba, Habib, President of Tunisia 420

布斯凯，GH 402 n

Bousquet, G.H. 402n

布特罗斯加利，布特罗斯 420

Boutros Ghali, Boutros 420

拳击手，CR 396 n

Boxer, C.R. 396n

博伊尔，父亲 365

Boyl, Father 365

婆罗米文 85 n , 156; 另见印度文字 Brahui 39

Brahmi script 85n, 156; see also Indic scripts Brahui 39

布罗代尔，费尔南 85 n , 110

Braudel, Fernand 85n, 110

巴西 336, 373 n , 374 n , 380, 384, 385, 390-395, 444, 446, 480, 531

Brazil 336, 373n, 374n, 380, 384, 385, 390-395, 444, 446, 480, 531

布伦努斯 293

Brennus 293

英国

Britain

鼠疫/黑死病 313, 466-468, 518

bubonic plague/Black Death 313, 466-468, 518

和中国 148-149

and China 148-149

菌落 412、415、444、482-484、490-495、505-511

colonies 412, 415, 444, 482-484, 490-495, 505-511

又见印度

see also India

帝国 19-20, 478

empire 19-20, 478

移民 491, 506, 533-537

immigrants 491, 506, 533-537

工业革命 510, 519

Industrial Revolution 510, 519

语言替换 310, 312

language replacement 310, 312

军事灾难 273

military catastrophe 273

517名字的由来

origin of name 517

农民起义 468

Peasants’ Revolt 468

罗马入侵 301-304、310-311

Roman invasion 301-304, 310-311

撒克逊人入侵 304-305、310-314

Saxon invasions 304-305, 310-314

另见印度；英国

see also India; United Kingdom

英国和外国圣经公会 438

British and Foreign Bible Society 438

Brough, John，英国梵文学者 184

Brough, John, British scholar of Sanskrit 184

文莱 505, 532

Brunei 505, 532

Brythonic 语言291

Brythonic languages 291

Buchanan, Claudius, 英国咆哮者 499

Buchanan, Claudius, British ranter 499

佛教 99, 108, 118, 120, 141, 143, 145 n , 146, 147, 151, 158-159, 172, 225, 246

Buddhism 99, 108, 118, 120, 141, 143, 145n, 146, 147, 151, 158-159, 172, 225, 246

和巴利文/梵文178-179、189-192、199-200、203、207-212、214、217-220、536

and Pali/Sanskrit 178-179, 189-192, 199-200, 203, 207-212, 214, 217-220, 536

布哈拉 435, 437

Bukhara 435, 437

保加利亚 262, 310

Bulgaria 262, 310

保加利亚 261、306、425

Bulgars 261, 306, 425

勃艮第 20

Burgundians 20

缅甸 134, 178, 201, 202, 203, 205, 207-208, 505, 507

Burma 134, 178, 201, 202, 203, 205, 207-208, 505, 507

伯恩斯，罗伯特，苏格兰诗人 516

Burns, Robert, Scots poet 516

布隆迪 105

Burundi 105

商业见贸易

Business see Trade

比布鲁斯 (Gubla) 39, 41, 44, 71-73, 128

Byblos (Gubla) 39, 41, 44, 71-73, 128

拜占庭帝国 96, 106, 121, 167, 260, 263 n , 329, 425, 427

Byzantine empire 96, 106, 121, 167, 260, 263n, 329, 425, 427

拜占庭见君士坦丁堡

Byzantium see Constantinople

Cabot, Sebastian, 法国航海家 349 n

Cabot, Sebastian, French navigator 349n

加的斯 45

Cadiz 45

凯撒，朱利叶斯，罗马王朝 277-278、286、293、294、297、301

Caesar, Julius, Roman dynast 277-278, 286, 293, 294, 297, 301

阿雷拉特的凯撒留斯，拉丁文作家 308

Caesarius of Arelate, Latin writer 308

Calderón de la Barca，佩德罗，西班牙剧作家 344

Calderón de la Barca, Pedro, Spanish dramatist 344

加利福尼亚州 495

Californios 495

Calhoun, John J.，美国参议员 488

Calhoun, John J., US Senator 488

Calliana 89见Kalyana

Calliana 89 see Kalyana

柬埔寨 199、203-206、417、514

Cambodia 199, 203-206, 417, 514

又见高棉

see also Khmer

波斯国王冈比西斯 47

Cambyses, king of Persia 47

Camões, Luis Vaz de, 葡萄牙诗人 381-382

Camões, Luis Vaz de, Portuguese poet 381-382

迦南 35 n , 69 n , 70-71, 78, 110-111, 128

Canaan 35n, 69n, 70-71, 78, 110-111, 128

44、67 人

peoples 44, 67

迦南语129

Canaanite languages 129

加拿大 411-415、444、487、535

Canada 411-415, 444, 487, 535

坎特伯雷故事集，（乔叟）470 n

Canterbury Tales, The (Chaucer) 470n

Cantiga de Santa Maria（阿方索十世）384

Cantiga de Santa Maria (Alfonso X) 384

广州（广州）159-160、334

Canton (Guangzhou) 159-160, 334

中国粤语（粤）方言136, 141, 147, 528

Cantonese (Yuè) dialect of Chinese 136, 141, 147, 528

卡里安 84

Carian 84

加勒比海 335, 337, 339, 346, 349, 365-366, 379, 411, 412, 419, 479-481, 494

Caribbean 335, 337, 339, 346, 349, 365-366, 379, 411, 412, 419, 479-481, 494

卡洛斯三世，西班牙国王 374, 377

Carlos III, Spanish king 374, 377

卡洛斯五世，西班牙国王 367, 377

Carlos V, Spanish king 367, 377

加洛林文艺复兴 316

Carolingian Renaissance 316

迦太基 21, 34, 45-46, 71, 75-78, 97, 241, 290, 292, 293-294, 305, 307 n , 536

Carthage 21, 34, 45-46, 71, 75-78, 97, 241, 290, 292, 293-294, 305, 307n, 536

卡地亚、雅克、法国探险家 412、519

Cartier, Jacques, French explorer 412, 519

卡斯蒂利亚 332、334、384、529

Castile 332, 334, 384, 529

西班牙卡斯蒂利亚方言99-100, 332-333, 364-365, 367, 374, 382, 384, 400, 529

Castilian dialect of Spanish 99-100, 332-333, 364-365, 367, 374, 382, 384, 400, 529

加泰罗尼亚语300, 320 n , 382

Catalan 300, 320n, 382

凯瑟琳大帝，俄罗斯女皇 410, 431, 433, 434, 435

Catherine the Great, empress of Russia 410, 431, 433, 434, 435

卡托，马库斯，罗马参议员 279

Cato, Marcus, Roman senator 279

卡图卢斯，诗人 330

Catullus, poet 330

高加索 12, 429, 434

Caucasus 12, 429, 434

Cavalli-Sforza, Luca, 人口遗传学家 9 n

Cavalli-Sforza, Luca, human population geneticist 9n

卡克斯顿，威廉 468、471

Caxton, William 468, 471

Celtiberian 288, 291-292, 300, 301

凯尔特语273, 276, 278, 281-295, 300, 462, 464-465, 517, 554 n

Celtic languages 273, 276, 278, 281-295, 300, 462, 464-465, 517, 554n

凯尔特人 274, 281

Celts 274, 281

大西洋凯尔特人 290-291

Atlantic Celtic 290-291

在欧洲扩张 289

expansion across Europe 289

拉丁语在英国的失败295-299

failure of Latin in Britain 295-299

希腊观点 276

Greek view 276

铭文 283, 284-285

inscriptions 283, 284-285

大规模迁移 293

mass migration 293

和诺曼入侵 462-463

and Norman invasions 462-463

部落 282

tribes 282

又见高卢人

see also Gauls

中安第斯山脉 358-359

Central Andes 358-359

中亚 101、380、435、436-437、443

Central Asia 101, 380, 435, 436-437, 443

锡兰见斯里兰卡

Ceylon see Śri Lanka

乍得 98

Chad 98

乍得语36, 98

Chadic languages 36, 98

察合台突厥语106, 435

Chagatay Turkic 106, 435

迦克墩人 89

Chalcedonians 89

迦勒底人 44, 47, 82, 335

Chaldaeans 44, 47, 82, 335

Champlain, Samuel de, 法国探险家 412

Champlain, Samuel de, French explorer 412

Chandragupta Maurya，国王 191, 245

Chandragupta Maurya, king 191, 245

长安（西安）90、91、151

Chang-an (Xian) 90, 91, 151

香颂德罗兰319, 332 n

Chanson de Roland 319, 332n

Chardin, Teilhard de, 法国神学家 403 n

Chardin, Teilhard de, French theologian 403n

查理曼大帝，国王 316-317

Charlemagne, king 316-317

查尔斯秃头，国王 317-318

Charles the Bald, king 317-318

查理二世，国王 485

Charles II, king 485

查理三世（简单者），460 年国王

Charles III (the Simple), king 460

查理五世，国王 100, 364

Charles V, king 100, 364

乔叟，杰弗里，英国诗人 406, 470

Chaucer, Geoffrey, English poet 406, 470

车臣-印古什423 n

Chechen-Ingush 423n

车臣 434

Chechnya 434

Chibcha (也 Muisca/Muysca ) 349, 361-364, 367, 568 n 15, 569 n 37

Chibcha (also Muisca/Muysca) 349, 361-364, 367, 568n15, 569n37

奇奇梅卡 351-352

Chichimeca 351-352

智利 339, 358, 373

Chile 339, 358, 373n

中国 34

China 34

时序图 117-122

chronological charts 117-122

人口统计 530

demographics 530

名字的词源 137 n

etymology of the name 137n

考试系统169-171

examination system 169-171

入侵

invasions

野蛮人威胁 158, 160, 167-170, 276

barbarian threat 158, 160, 167-170, 276

应对 167-173

coping with 167-173

葡萄牙探险 334

Portugese expeditions 334

俄罗斯 427

Russian 427

和韩国451

and Korea 451

现代名中国167

modern name Zhōng-guo 167

人口 152-153, 161, 173

population 152-153, 161, 173

种族政策 143

racial policy 143

宗教 90, 150-152, 158-159, 172, 178

religion 90, 150-152, 158-159, 172, 178

贸易 147-149、159-162、（与印度）506

trade 147-149, 159-162, (with India) 506

西方方法 172

Western methods 172

正和碑160-161

Zheng-he tablet 160-161

中文114-116, 134-149, 150, 158-163, 169-172, 328-329, 490, 520, 528, 547

Chinese 114-116, 134-149, 150, 158-163, 169-172, 328-329, 490, 520, 528, 547

方言 116、147、528、530

dialects 116, 147, 528, 530

白话（白话）方言171-172

báihuà (white speech) dialect 171-172

粤语（粤语）方言136、141、147、528和英语476-477

Cantonese (Yuè) dialect 136, 141, 147, 528 and English 476-477

识字 157

literacy 157

主要语言群体 139

major language groups 139

普通话方言 7, 115 n , 116-117, 136, 141, 145, 147, 162-163, 171, 172 n , 526, 528-530

Mandarin dialect 7, 115n, 116-117, 136, 141, 145, 147, 162-163, 171, 172n, 526, 528-530

闽方言147、162

Min dialect 147, 162

语音 209-210

phonetics 209-210

拼音拼音 115 n , 155, 172 n

Pinyin romanization 115n, 155, 172n

中文 （续）

Chinese (cont.)

通俗文学 172 n

popular literature 172n

和葡萄牙语 390, 476

and Portuguese 390, 476

普通话116

Putōnghuà116

脚本 11, 12 n

script 11, 12n

口语传统 12, 21, 106

speaking traditions 12, 21, 106

写作 135-136, 137-138, 144-145, 154-158, 163, 172 n , 173, 329

writing 135-136, 137-138, 144-145, 154-158, 163, 172n, 173, 329

瓜拉尼语 Chiriguano 方言363

Chiriguano dialect of Guarani 363

Chontal de Tabasco 348

基督教 22, 87-90, 92, 96, 99, 117, 121, 132-133, 141, 150, 156, 158-159, 165-167, 172

Christianity 22, 87-90, 92, 96, 99, 117, 121, 132-133, 141, 150, 156, 158-159, 165-167, 172

加尔文主义 400-402

Calvinism 400-402

和 codex book-format 256 n

and codex book-format 256n

和希腊语255-256、269-270

and Greek 255-256, 269-270

希腊 七十士译本248

Greek Septuagint 248

拉丁 文武加大294

Latin Vulgate 294

传教士 345-347, 364, 368, 371, 373-375, 380, 387, 392-394, 413-414, 416, 481 n , 485, 499, 509, 536, 540 n

missionaries 345-347, 364, 368, 371, 373-375, 380, 387, 392-394, 413-414, 416, 481n, 485, 499, 509, 536, 540n

一性论 89

Monophysites 89

景教 88-90、119、120、141、158、536

Nestorians 88-90, 119, 120, 141, 158, 536

不墨守成规 93

Nonconformism 93

正统 264, 269-270

Orthodoxy 264, 269-270

新教 326, 499-504

Protestantism 326, 499-504

撒玛利亚基督徒 87

Samaritan Christians 87

经文

scriptures

使徒行传248

Acts of the Apostles 248

给哥林多前书的第一封信254

First Letter to the Corinthians 254

惠特比 517 大会

Synod of Whitby 517

流行风格的文本 255-256

texts in popular style 255-256

另见美洲、荷属东印度群岛、葡萄牙、西班牙

see also Americas, Dutch East Indies, Portugal, Spain

楚瓦什140和306

Chuvash 140n, 306n

慈禧，中国皇后 151 n

Ci Xi, Chinese empress 151n

西塞罗，罗马参议员，272、329-330

Cicero, Roman senator, 272, 329-330

西里西亚 83, 249

Cilicia 83, 249

西斯内罗斯，红衣主教，西班牙神圣 365

Cisneros, Cardinal, Spanish divine 365

易经（易经） 154

Classic of Changes (Yì Jīng) 154

古典语言

Classical languages

他们的命运比较了328-330（希腊语、汉语、梵语和拉丁语）；特别是

their fates compared 328-330 (Greek, Chinese, Sanskrit and Latin); and specifically

苏美尔人 34、50、68；吉兹92; 阿拉伯语98, 110; 埃及124; 中文136, 169-170; 梵文185-190、206；希腊语229、250-253、267-271；拉丁语299

Sumerian 34, 50, 68; Ge’ez 92; Arabic 98, 110; Egyptian 124; Chinese 136, 169-170; Sanskrit 185-190, 206; Greek 229, 250-253, 267-271; Latin 299

亚历山大的克莱门特（圣），基督教护教者 256, 319

Clement (Saint) of Alexandria, Christian apologist 256, 319

克莱门特七世，教皇 343

Clement VII, Pope 343

克娄巴特拉，埃及女王 131, 151 n , 165 n , 249, 259

Cleopatra, queen of Egypt 131, 151n, 165n, 249, 259

云（阿里斯托芬）551

Clouds (Aristophanes) 551

克洛维斯国王 404

Clovis, king 404

交趾支那见印度支那

Cochin-China see Indo-China

法典书籍格式 256 n

Codex book-format 256n

硬币 77、83-84、246-249、258、269

Coins 77, 83-84, 246-249, 258, 269

Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, 法国部长 414, 416 n , 519

Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, French minister 414, 416n, 519

科利尼日历 292 n

Coligny calendar 292n

殖民见人口运动

Colonization see Population movement

哥伦比亚 339、349、372

Colombia 339, 349, 372

Columbus, Christopher, Genoese explorer 334-335, 336, 336 n , 338-341, 348, 349, 365, 385

Columbus, Christopher, Genoese explorer 334-335, 336, 336n, 338-341, 348, 349, 365, 385

商业见贸易

Commerce see Trade

科摩罗 105

Comoros 105

孔子, 中国圣人, 114-115, 134, 136, 150, 154, 172

Confucius, Chinese sage, 114-115, 134, 136, 150, 154, 172

刚果 105、380、418

Congo 105, 380, 418

征服和发现格拉纳达新王国(Freyle) 341

Conquest and discovery of the New Kingdom of Granada (Freyle) 341

君士坦丁，罗马皇帝 92、153、256、368

Constantine, Roman emperor 92, 153, 256, 368

君士坦丁七世，拜占庭皇帝261

Constantine VII, Byzantine emperor 261

君士坦丁堡 96、240、256-257、260、263、329

Constantinople 96, 240, 256-257, 260, 263, 329

库克，詹姆斯船长 4

Cook, Captain James 4

科普特语，现代埃及语，11, 90, 90 n , 92, 97, 117, 121, 133-134, 166, 255, 554

Coptic, modern Egyptian, 11, 90, 90n, 92, 97, 117, 121, 133-134, 166, 255, 554

Cordiner, Revd James, 英国作家 389

Cordiner, Revd James, British writer 389

科尔多瓦 99

Córdoba 99

Corneille，皮埃尔，法国剧作家，410

Corneille, Pierre, French dramatist, 410

康沃利斯勋爵，孟加拉总督，498, 506

Cornwallis, Lord, governor-general of Bengal, 498, 506

Corriente, Federico, 西班牙语言学家 99

Corriente, Federico, Spanish linguist 99

Cortés, Hernán, 西班牙征服者 1-4, 14-16, 339, 342-343, 351, 353 n , 355

Cortés, Hernán, Spanish conquistador 1-4, 14-16, 339, 342-343, 351, 353n, 355

印度议会 374

Council of the Indies 374

美因茨市议会 318

Council of Mainz 318

旅游委员会 318

Council of Tours 318

特伦特议会 374

Council of Trent 374

克里奥尔语 10, 292

Creolisation 10, 292

克里奥尔语 390、415-116、444、455、508、575 n 63

Creoles 390, 415-116, 444, 455, 508, 575n63

克里特岛 236

Crete 236

克罗地亚人 430 n

Croats 430n

吕底亚国王克罗伊索斯 41 n

Croesus, king of Lydia 41n

克罗尼卡墨西哥354

Crónica Mexicayotl 354

Crouset, F. 510, 575-576 n 65

Crouset, F. 510, 575-576n65

十字军东征 263, 407

Crusades 263, 407

克里斯特尔，大卫，英国语言学家 543

Crystal, David, British linguist 543

古巴 337, 346 n , 480

Cuba 337, 346n, 480

坎布里亚464

Cumbrian 464

楔形文字见文字

Cuneiform see writing

Cunliffe, Barry，英国考古学家 290

Cunliffe, Barry, British archaeologist 290

光标世界469

Cursor Mundi 469

Curzon, George N.，英国政治家 572 n 43

Curzon, George N., British statesman 572n43

库希特语36, 98

Cushitic languages 36, 98

库斯科 356-358

Cuzco 356-358

塞浦路斯 44, 71, 236

Cyprus 44, 71, 236

居鲁士，波斯国王 41 n , 47, 68, 80

Cyrus, king of Persia 41n, 47, 68, 80

捷克573 n 14

Czech 573n14

捷克人 430 n

Czechs 430n

达契亚 310

Dacia 310

达尔马提亚 310

Dalmatia 310

Damascenus, Joannes, 希腊秘书 97

Damascenus, Joannes, Greek Secretary 97

大马士革 43, 66, 167, 250

Damascus 43, 66, 167, 250

丹尼尔，塞缪尔 323

Daniel, Samuel 323

Dante Alighieri，意大利诗人 320

Dante Alighieri, Italian poet 320

波斯语的达里方言108

Dari dialect of Persian 108

大流士，波斯国王 47-48, 57, 81, 85, 85 n , 108, 243, 356, 548

Darius, king of Persia 47-48, 57, 81, 85, 85n, 108, 243, 356, 548

资本论（马克思） 438 n

Das Kapital (Marx) 438n

Dede Korkut，土耳其传统史诗 105

Dede Korkut, Turkish traditional epic 105

De Excidio Britonum (吉尔达斯) 311

De Excidio Britonum (Gildas) 311

De la Cruz, Fray Rodrigo, 西班牙修道士 364

De la Cruz, Fray Rodrigo, Spanish friar 364

De la Salle, Robert Cavelier, 法国探险家 412, 520

De la Salle, Robert Cavelier, French explorer 412, 520

De las Casas, Fray Bartolomé, 西班牙修道士 335, 365

De las Casas, Fray Bartolomé, Spanish friar 335, 365

Deimakhos，塞琉古大使 247

Deimakhos, Seleucid ambassador 247

德里苏丹国 108

Delhi Sultanate 108

丹麦 411

Denmark 411

驱逐出境 47、56、64-66、79-80、197、360、485、489、505；另见人口流动

Deportation 47, 56, 64-66, 79-80, 197, 360, 485, 489, 505; see also Population movement

北非荒漠化 37

Desertification of North Africa 37

笛卡尔，勒内，法国哲学家 409-410

Descartes, René, French philosopher 409-410

迪亚科诺夫，伊戈尔，伊朗史前史专家 43 n

Diakonov, Igor, specialist on Iranian prehistory 43n

悲观的对话31

Dialogue of Pessimism 31

英语和 Malaiane 语言的对话（Spaulding）323

Dialogues in the English and Malaiane Languages (Spaulding) 323

对话西塞罗尼亚努斯（伊拉斯谟）329

Dialogus Ciceronianus (Erasmus) 329

Dias, Bartolomeu, 葡萄牙航海家 385

Dias, Bartolomeu, Portuguese navigator 385

Díaz del Castilla, Bernal, 西班牙征服者 4 n

Díaz del Castilla, Bernal, Spanish conquistador 4n

奥尔良少女峰（席勒）446

Die Jungfrau von Orleans (Schiller) 446

diglossia（古典阿拉伯语和方言）98，（希腊语和阿拉姆语）247

diglossia (classical Arabic and dialects) 98, (Greek and Aramaic) 247

Diodorus Siculus，希腊历史学家 272, 276

Diodorus Siculus, Greek historian 272, 276

色雷斯人狄奥尼修斯，希腊文法家 238 n , 247

Dionysius the Thracian, Greek grammarian 238n, 247

Diori, Hamani, 尼日利亚 420

Diori, Hamani, Nigerian 420

方法论（笛卡尔）409-410

Discours de la méthode (Descartes) 409-410

疾病见流行病

Disease see Epidemics

Dmitriy Donskoy，大王子 426

Dmitriy Donskoy, Grand Prince 426

唐吉诃德·德拉曼查（塞万提斯）332

Don Quixote de la Mancha (Cervantes) 332

希腊语的多立克方言235-236, 237 n

Doric dialect of Greek 235-236, 237n

多利安人 240

Dorians 240

陀思妥耶夫斯基, Fyodor M., 俄罗斯作家 422, 437, 439-440, 442

Dostoyevsky, Fyodor M., Russian writer 422, 437, 439-440, 442

德雷克，弗朗西斯爵士，英国私掠者 478

Drake, Sir Francis, English privateer 478

德拉威语言39, 177, 187, 197

Dravidian languages 39, 177, 187, 197

德鲁伊 183, 302

Druids 183, 302

荷兰语325 n , 380, 395-403, 446, 539

Dutch 325n, 380, 395-403, 446, 539

as basa Perteges 389 n

as basa Perteges389n

荷兰利益

Dutch interests

加尔文主义 400

Calvinism 400

和中国 148-149

and China 148-149

东印度帝国 396-397、506

East Indian empire 396-397, 506

和北美 482、486、492

and North America 482, 486, 492

和葡萄牙语389, 389 n , 391-392, 401

and Portuguese 389, 389n, 391-392, 401

荷兰东印度公司见联合东印度公司 (VOC)

Dutch East India Company see United East India Company (VOC)

荷兰归正教会 401

Dutch Reformed Church 401

东非 101、103-104、412、507-508

East Africa 101, 103-104, 412, 507-508

东亚 209, 210 n , 507

East Asia 209, 210n, 507

东印度公司 148、225、457、479、497-499、501、504、506、518-519、536、539

East India Company 148, 225, 457, 479, 497-499, 501, 504, 506, 518-519, 536, 539

东印度群岛 148, 385, 387, 390-391, 395 n , 396-403, 493, 498

East Indies 148, 385, 387, 390-391, 395n, 396-403, 493, 498

东普鲁士 447

East Prussia 447

埃布拉37、40、60

Ebla 37, 40, 60

Eblaite 40

埃德萨 87-88、90、247

Edessa 87-88, 90, 247

以东 83

Edom 83

以东70, 71

Edomite 70, 71

Edubba，苏美尔学校 62-63

Edubba, Sumerian school 62-63

爱德华一世，英国国王 463

Edward I, English king 463

埃格利亚 259

Egeria 259

埃及 34, 39, 41-42, 45, 46-48, 62, 71, 76, 79, 86, 420

Egypt 34, 39, 41-42, 45, 46-48, 62, 71, 76, 79, 86, 420

考古学 124-129

archaeology 124-129

野蛮人 163

barbarians 163

时序图 117-122

chronological charts 117-122

希腊霸权 245, 248, 259-260

Greek overlordship 245, 248, 259-260

移民 163-167

immigration 163-167

入侵 163-167, 260

invasions 163-167, 260

多语言 165

multilingual 165

和邻近土地 123

and neighbouring lands 123

人口 152-153, 158, 173, 260 n

population 152-153, 158, 173, 260n

宗教 150-152, 166-167, 172

religion 150-152, 166-167, 172

赛特埃及和近东 130, 165

Saite Egypt and the Near East 130, 165

贸易158

trade 158

使用阿拉姆语 83、129-132

use of Aramaic 83, 129-132

埃及11 n , 12, 20-21, 36, 83, 90, 93, 97, 101, 113-117, 122-126, 129-132, 133-134, 149-153, 164-167, 248-250, 255、292、514、517、520

Egyptian 11n, 12, 20-21, 36, 83, 90, 93, 97, 101, 113-117, 122-126, 129-132, 133-134, 149-153, 164-167, 248-250, 255, 292, 514, 517, 520

象形文字 11 n、34、113-116、121、124-125、128、132-133、154-158、173

hieroglyphs 11n, 34, 113-116, 121, 124-125, 128, 132-133, 154-158, 173

埃及人 （续）

Egyptian (cont.)

识字 156, 157

literacy 156, 157

中古埃及113, 125

Middle Egyptian 113, 125

脚本 132、154-158

scripts 132, 154-158

另见写作，象形文字

see also writing, hieroglyphs

爱森斯坦，谢尔盖，俄罗斯电影导演 447 n

Eisenstein, Sergei, Russian film director 447n

以拦 31, 35 n , 39, 42, 43, 46, 53, 60, 65, 87

Elam 31, 35n, 39, 42, 43, 46, 53, 60, 65, 87

埃兰32, 35 n , 39-40, 50, 56-58, 60, 62

Elamite 32, 35n, 39-40, 50, 56-58, 60, 62

阿基坦的埃莉诺 407 n

Eleanor of Aquitaine 407n

Elegiarum Libri（瓦拉）27

Elegantiarum Libri (Valla) 27

Elimam, Abdou, 阿尔及利亚语言学家 78 n

Elimam, Abdou, Algerian linguist 78n

艾略特，约翰，马萨诸塞州语言学家 484-485

Eliot, John, Massachusetts linguist 484-485

艾略特，托马斯·蒸汽，诗人 456

Eliot, Thomas Steams, poet 456

艾丽莎 69, 71

Elissa 69, 71

伊丽莎白一世 473, 478

Elizabeth I 473, 478

苏美尔52埃梅吉尔方言

Emegir dialect of Sumerian 52

苏美尔人的Emesal方言（女性方言）52

Emesal dialect of Sumerian (women’s dialect) 52

艾默卡和阿拉塔之王 32

Emmerkar and the Lord of Aratta 32

英语

English

联合法案 465

Act of Union 465

310-314的出现

advent of 310-314

比较它的其他帝国语言 516-521

compared its other imperial languages 516-521

盎格鲁-诺曼460 n , 461-465

Anglo-Norman 460n, 461-465

盎格鲁撒克逊125、313、456、462、466、517

Anglo-Saxon 125, 313, 456, 462, 466, 517

特征 474-477

characteristics 474-477

伦敦406

Cockney 406

殖民语言 325 n

colonizing language 325n

方言 468-172

dialects 468-172

河口英语406, 514

Estuary English 406, 514

正式加固 464-465, 468

formal reinforcement 464-465, 468

基础 24, 24 n

foundation 24, 24n

语法 475-476

grammar 475-476

语言教学 (ELT) 513, 521, 554

Language Teaching (ELT) 513, 521, 554

和拉丁语301-304、310-311、461、464、467、474 n

and Latin 301-304, 310-311, 461, 464, 467, 474n

法律法语468 n

Law French 468n

中古英语66 n , 125

Middle English 66n, 125

（诺曼）法语458-461、464、465-468、517

(Norman) French 458-461, 464, 465-468, 517

挪威语314, 447 n , 468

Norse 314, 447n, 468

古英语314 n , 475

Old English 314n, 475

平行于 476-477

parallels to 476-477

海盗和种植园主 478-480

pirates and planters 478-480

可能的未来 541-549

possible futures 541-549

发音 425 n , 474-476

pronunciation 425n, 474-476

牛津 466 的规定

Provisions of Oxford 466

收到的发音 514

Received Pronunciation 514

第二语言使用者 515-516, 575 n 63, 576 n 3

second-language speakers 515-516, 575n63, 576n3

275、331、456-458、477-495、505-510、527-528 的分布

spread of 275, 331, 456-458, 477-495, 505-510, 527-528

标准 468-473、474

standard 468-473, 474

基尔肯尼法规 464-465

Statute of Kilkenny 464-465

诉状法规 467

Statute of Pleading 467

英国地方方言514 n

UK regional dialects 514n

白话文学 461

vernacular literature 461

世界语言 7, 13, 20, 103, 179, 378, 380, 476, 510-517, 525-533

world language 7, 13, 20, 103, 179, 378, 380, 476, 510-517, 525-533

英语作为全球语言（水晶） 543

English as a Global Language (Crystal) 543

Enheduanna，阿加德公主和苏美尔女诗人，51 岁、60 岁

Enheduanna, princess of Agade and poetess in Sumerian, 51, 60

启蒙时代 374-375, 394 n , 448

Enlightenment era 374-375, 394n, 448

Ennius, Quintus, 拉丁诗人, 17, 252, 280, 299, 330

Ennius, Quintus, Latin poet, 17, 252, 280, 299, 330n

Enuma eliš , 巴比伦创造史诗 61

Enuma eliš, Babylonian creation epic 61

埃弗鲁斯，希腊历史学家 276

Ephorus, Greek historian 276

流行病 336-338, 506

Epidemics 336-338, 506

免疫程度 22-24, 313

degrees of immunity 22-24, 313

警句（军事）523

Epigrams (Martial) 523

Erasmus, Desiderius, 荷兰人文主义者 329

Erasmus, Desiderius, Dutch humanist 329

厄立特里亚 36

Eritrea 36

以撒哈顿，国王 83

Esarhaddon, king 83

世界语171

Esperanto 171

爱沙尼亚 432-433, 443, 445

Estonia 432-433, 443, 445

埃塞俄比亚 36, 80, 92, 387

Ethiopia 36, 80, 92, 387

埃塞俄比亚语（库什语）131

Ethiopian (language of Kush) 131

民族志412 n , 576 n 2

Ethnologue 412n, 576n2

伊特鲁里亚人 45, 241-242, 285 n , 290

Etruscans 45, 241-242, 285n, 290

欧几里得，希腊数学家，182

Euclid, Greek mathematician, 182

幼发拉底河 39, 40 n

Euphrates 39, 40n

Euripides, 希腊剧作家, 254 n , 258, 271

Euripides, Greek dramatist, 254n, 258, 271

欧洲 46, 273, 314

Europe 46, 273, 314

文化变革 275

cultural change 275

但丁的语言图片 320

Dante’s linguistic picture 320

全球帝国380

global empires 380

语言分布 274-275, 331

language distribution 274-275, 331

穆斯林入侵 306

Muslim invasion 306

印刷传播 326-327, 472-473, 540

spread of printing 326-327, 472-473, 540

欧盟 19 号, 515-516

European Union 19n, 515-516

尤西比乌斯，教会历史学家 256

Eusebius, Church historian 256

摘录（内尼乌斯）311

Excerpta (Nennius) 311

尼努尔塔的利用55, 57-58

Exploits of Ninurta 55, 57-58

法显，中国朝圣者159、193、201、207

Fa-Xian, Chinese pilgrim 159, 193, 201, 207

Fadeyev，罗斯蒂斯拉夫，俄罗斯将军 434

Fadeyev, Rostislav, Russian general 434

法利斯坎242

Faliscan 242

法尔斯 43, 56

Fars 43, 56

波斯语 见波斯语，语言

Farsi see Persia, language

法蒂玛王朝100

Fatimid dynasty 100

费利佩（菲利普）二世，西班牙国王 100、340、367

Felipe (Philip) II, king of Spain 100, 340, 367

Felipillo，秘鲁口译员 342-343

Felipillo, Peruvian interpreter 342-343

芬尼280

Fenni 280

芬熙497

Feringhee 497

生育率见人口增长

Fertility see Population growth

菲律宾语见他加禄语

Filipino see Tagalog

芬兰 423, 432, 433

Finland 423, 432, 433

Firth, JR, 英国语言学家 20-21

Firth, J.R., British linguist 20-21

佛朗吉（欧洲）148

Folangji (Europeans) 148

Forjando Patria（加米奥）375

Forjando Patria (Gamío) 375

佛图登，和尚139

Fotudeng, Buddhist monk 139

法国 12

France 12

和天主教 408, 415, 416 n

and Catholicism 408, 415, 416n

菌落 415-416、478、482、486、519-520

colonies 415-416, 478, 482, 486, 519-520

文化 407, 409-410, 511, 514, 520

culture 407, 409-410, 511, 514, 520

圣地 408 飞地

enclaves in the Holy Land 408

第一帝国 411-416

first empire 411-416

新法国 412-414, 486, 492-495

Nouvelle-France 412-414, 486, 492-495

人口增长 407, 409

population growth 407, 409

革命416

Revolution 416

第二帝国 416-421

second empire 416-421

各种浪漫语言405

varieties of Romance languages 405

France, Anatole, 法国作家 403

France, Anatole, French writer 403

弗朗索瓦一世，法国国王 326、404、519

François I, king of France 326, 404, 519

弗兰克斯 20、275、306-307、316、400、404、457

Franks 20, 275, 306-307, 316, 400, 404, 457

自由企业 339、457-458、479、481-482、496、513、519、550

Free enterprise 339, 457-458, 479, 481-482, 496, 513, 519, 550

言论自由 549-550

Freedom of speech 549-550

法语179、300、331、405-406、472

French 179, 300, 331, 405-406, 472

殖民语言 325 n , 380, 400, 411-414, 446, 528-533

colonizing language 325n, 380, 400, 411-414, 446, 528-533

克里奥尔语415-416

Creole 415-416

和外交 410-411

and diplomacy 410-411

在欧洲 404-411

in Europe 404-411

法语国家403、420-421、532、535、540

La francophonie 403, 420-421, 532, 535, 540

诺曼法语458-461, 464, 465-468另见 盎格鲁-诺曼

Norman French 458-461, 464, 465-468 see also Anglo-Norman

Villers-Cotterěts 法令 404, 409

Ordinance of Villers-Cotterěts 404, 409

撤退 407 n

retreat of 407n

浪漫语言 404-405, 529

Romance language 404-405, 529

排版 472

typography 472

法属赤道非洲 418

French Equatorial Africa 418

法属圭亚那 416

French Guiana 416

法属西非 418

French West Africa 418

弗里德里希二世 337

Friedrich II 337

弗里斯兰 313, 456

Friesland 313, 456

阜南204、217

Funan 204, 217

加布里埃尔二世，东正教牧首 92

Gabriel II, Orthodox Patriarch 92

加兹登购买 574 n 17

Gadsden Purchase 574n17

盖尔语 见 爱尔兰语

Gaelic see Irish

加拉太书 293-294

Galatians 293-294

加利西亚（乌克兰西部）432

Galicia (west of Ukraine) 432

西班牙的加利西亚语332, 382, 384

Galician language of Spain 332, 382, 384

加利利 86-87

Galilee 86-87

加洛希腊语 287、293-294

Gallo-Greek 287, 293-294

Gama, Vasco de, 葡萄牙水手 385

Gama, Vasco de, Portuguese mariner 385

冈比亚 508

Gambia 508

Gamío, M.，墨西哥爱国者 375

Gamío, M., Mexican patriot 375

犍陀罗 85

Gandhara 85

加西拉索，印加见维加，加西拉索德拉

Garcilaso, Inca see Vega, Garcilaso de la

Gaspirali (Gasprinsky)，伊斯梅尔贝 440-441

Gaspirali (Gasprinsky), Ismail Bey 440-441

高卢语 24 n , 274, 282, 285-288, 289-295, 299, 301-304, 404

Gaulish 24n, 274, 282, 285-288, 289-295, 299, 301-304, 404

高卢罗马铭文 287

Gallo-Roman inscriptions 287

高卢人 183, 241, 243, 276

Gauls 183, 241, 243, 276

罗马帝国末期 305-307

end of Roman empire 305-307

入侵 292-293

incursions 292-293

罗马征服 301-302, 556

Roman conquest 301-302, 556

拉丁语 304 的传播

spread of Latin 304

又见凯尔特人

see also Celts

吉兹36, 92, 255

Ge’ez 36, 92, 255

成吉思汗（成吉思汗），蒙古征服者106、142、151、425、555

Genghis (Chinggiz) Khan, Mongol conqueror 106, 142, 151, 425, 555

蒙茅斯的杰弗里，英国编年史家 459 n

Geoffrey of Monmouth, British chronicler 459n

格鲁吉亚（俄罗斯）433-435、442

Georgia (Russia) 433-435, 442

格鲁吉亚人 50

Georgians 50

Gepids 310

日耳曼尼亚（塔西佗）273、277、280、288

Germania (Tacitus) 273, 277, 280, 288

日耳曼语273, 277 n , 278, 289 n , 307, 314, 318, 320 n , 400, 475

Germanic languages 273, 277n, 278, 289n, 307, 314, 318, 320n, 400, 475

不经常传播 306-308, 400, 447

have not often spread 306-308, 400, 447

日耳曼人入侵 304-309

Germanic invasions 304-309

德语317、446-449、472-473、573 n 13

German 317, 446-449, 472-473, 573n13

殖民语言 325 n , 492 n

colonizing language 325n, 492n

低地德语312

Low German 312

世界语言 404 n , 528-529, 531

world language 404n, 528-529, 531

德国 12, 274, 277-278

Germany 12, 274, 277-278

图书出版 326, 412-413

book-publishing 326, 412-413

殖民地 448, 508

colonies 448, 508

和北美 492

and North America 492

加纳 508

Ghana 508

吉布森，亨利，美国喜剧演员 541

Gibson, Henry, US comedian 541

吉尔伯特，汉弗莱，英国企业家 482

Gilbert, Humphrey, English entrepreneur 482

吉尔达斯，英国编年史家 311

Gildas, British chronicler 311

吉尔伽美什史诗 61

Gilgamesh Epic 61

全球导航 538-541

Global navigation 538-541

诺斯替教派 90 n

Gnostic sect 90n

Goidelic 语言291

Goidelic languages 291

Gök-Tepe（陀思妥耶夫斯基）421-422

Gök-Tepe (Dostoyevsky) 421-422

黄金 1, 51, 58, 61, 127, 158, 160, 201, 227, 272, 293, 349, 350, 357, 382, 392, 394, 398, 426, 480, 482, 495, 511, 548

Gold 1, 51, 58, 61, 127, 158, 160, 201, 227, 272, 293, 349, 350, 357, 382, 392, 394, 398, 426, 480, 482, 495, 511, 548

金帐汗国 106, 426-427

Golden Horde 106, 426-427

淘金热（巴西）394，（加利福尼亚）495、574 n 28

Gold rush (Brazil) 394, (California) 495, 574n28

乱世佳人（米切尔）490

Gone with the Wind (Mitchell) 490

哥特式20, 22, 307

Gothic 20, 22, 307

哥特人 261, 400, 457

Goths 261, 400, 457

Graddol, 大卫 515, 516 n , 544 n

Graddol, David 515, 516n, 544n

希腊罗马 191, 293

Graeco-Roman 191, 293

Gramalica de la lengua castellana (内布里哈) 331

Gramalica de la lengua castellana (Nebrija) 331

Grammatica Germanicae linguae (Clajus) 573 n 13

Grammatica Germanicae linguae (Clajus) 573n13

格拉纳达 99, 332-333

Granada 99, 332-333

格兰特，查尔斯，英国改革者 501

Grant, Charles, British reformer 501

希腊 39, 40 n

Greece 39, 40n

和野蛮人 230, 232, 241 n , 279, 423

and barbarians 230, 232, 241n, 279, 423

基督教东正教 264, 269-270

Christian Orthodoxy 264, 269-270

文明233、268、520

civilisation 233, 268, 520

硬币 246-247, 249, 258

coins 246-247, 249, 258

菌落 239-243, 245-247

colonies 239-243, 245-247

培养 233, 235-238, 241-242, 245, 248, 250-254, 257, 266-268, 271, 298

culture 233, 235-238, 241-242, 245, 248, 250-254, 257, 266-268, 271, 298

下降/复兴 257-263。265-266、267-268、300、328

decline/revival 257-263. 265-266, 267-268, 300, 328

移民 262-263

emigration 262-263

迷恋罗马 278-279

fascination with Rome 278-279

第231章

Héllēnes 231

第232章

Hellēnikón 232

希腊化 245, 247-249

Hellenisation 245, 247-249

影响 229, 232-233, 241-242, 298-299

influence 229, 232-233, 241-242, 298-299

奥运会 232

Olympic games 232

罗马规则 252

Roman rule 252

斯拉夫入侵 261-262、264、309、314

Slav incursions 261-262, 264, 309, 314

贸易242

trade 242

土耳其统治 264-266

Turkish domination 264-266

又见亚历山大大帝

see also Alexander the Great

希腊语12, 20-22, 24 n , 48, 49, 53, 71, 111, 120, 122, 179, 227-229, 234-238, 241, 248, 264-265, 269-270, 320 n , 328 , 555

Greek 12, 20-22, 24n, 48, 49, 53, 71, 111, 120, 122, 179, 227-229, 234-238, 241, 248, 264-265, 269-270, 320n, 328, 555

字母表 156, 242, 251

alphabet 156, 242, 251

和阿拉伯语96-97

and Arabic 96-97

阁楼方言229-230

Attic dialect 229-230

双语 246, 249, 251-252, 258

bilingualism 246, 249, 251-252, 258

借用词 269-270

borrowing words 269-270

特征 234-238

characteristics 234-238

按 Scaliger 277 n分类

classification by Scaliger 277n

方言 232, 235-237

dialects 232, 235-237

和埃及 129-134、164-166

and Egypt 129-134, 164-166

高卢铭文 286-287

Gaulish inscriptions 286-287

语法 180, 182, 235, 238 n , 476

grammar 180, 182, 235, 238n, 476

铭文 83-84、240、242、247、249、258

inscriptions 83-84, 240, 242, 247, 249, 258

文学遗产 254-257, 575 n 48

literary heritage 254-257, 575n48

新约 87

New Testament 87

和埃及艳后 131 n

and Queen Cleopatra 131n

和梵文190-192

and Sanskrit 190-192

脚本 173, 241

scripts 173, 241

76-78、86、96、108、229-230、238、239-254、490 的分布

spread of 76-78, 86, 96, 108, 229-230, 238, 239-254, 490

世界语言 229-230

world language 229-230

图尔的格雷戈里，法兰克历史学家 315

Gregory of Tours, Frankish historian 315

Grijalva, Juan de, 西班牙探险家 348, 349

Grijalva, Juan de, Spanish explorer 348, 349

瓜德罗普岛 415

Guadeloupe 415

广州（广州）159-160、334

Guangzhou (Canton) 159-160, 334

瓜拉尼349、361-364、370-371、376、393

Guaraní 349, 361-364, 370-371, 376, 393

危地马拉 183, 337, 339, 372

Guatemala 183, 337, 339, 372

古布拉见比布鲁斯

Gubla see Byblos

拉加什的古迪亚 58

Gudea of Lagash 58

廓尔喀里 176

Gurkhali 176

Guru Granth Sahib 216

Gutenberg, Johannes, 德国印刷先驱 326

Gutenberg, Johannes, German printing pioneer 326

古古伊米迪尔4

Guugu Yimidhirr 4

羽比鲁42, 70, 111

Habiru 42, 70, 111

哈布斯堡王朝 448

Habsburg dynasty 448

海特4151

Haite 4151

中国客家话147

Hakka dialect of Chinese 147

Hakluyt, Richard，英国公关人员 479

Hakluyt, Richard, English publicist 479

火腿 35 n

Ham 35n

哈马丹 43

Hamadan 43

Hamito-闪米特语36, 97, 122

Hamito-Semitic languages 36, 97, 122

汉谟拉比，巴比伦国王 53, 61

Hammurabi, king of Babylonia 53, 61

汉代118、138、140、169

Hàn dynasty 118, 138, 140, 169

杭州151

Hangzhou 151

汉尼拔，迦太基将军 77、252、294

Hannibal, Carthaginian general 77, 252, 294

Hanno，迦太基探险家 75

Hanno, Carthaginian explorer 75

Harūn al-Rashid，哈里发 98

Harūn al-Rashid, Caliph 98

哈斯蒙尼王国 248

Hasmonaean kingdom 248

黑斯廷斯，沃伦，孟加拉总督 497

Hastings, Warren, governor-general of Bengal 497

哈特谢普苏特，女法老 151 n

Hatshepsut, female pharaoh 151n

帽子41, 41 n

Hattic 41, 41n

哈图萨斯 41, 61-62

Hattusas 41, 61-62

豪萨语36, 97 n , 101, 102 n , 527 n , 530

Hausa 36, 97n, 101, 102n, 527n, 530

夏威夷 509-510

Hawaii 509-510

希伯来书78-80, 93, 335, 520 n , 537

Hebrew 78-80, 93, 335, 520n, 537

和阿拉伯语110-111

and Arabic 110-111

考古发现 32

archaeological finds 32

复制文本 78

copied texts 78

驱逐出境 65, 79-80

deportations 65, 79-80

数字传统 217

gematria tradition 217

语法 68 n

grammar 68n

希腊文本 248

Greek texts 248

语言生存率 80 n , 90, 93, 110, 217

language survival 80n, 90, 93, 110, 217

语言统一 20

linguistic unity 20

礼仪用途 248

liturgical use 248

人（犹太人） 42, 44, 164, 166, 247, 537

people (Jews) 42, 44, 164, 166, 247, 537

发音 68 n , 70, 73

pronunciation 68n, 70, 73

和埃及艳后 131

and Queen Cleopatra 131

相对/相似语言 35 n , 50, 60 n , 70

relative/similar languages 35n, 50, 60n, 70

经文

scriptures

2 国王65

2 Kings 65

但以理书82

Daniel 82

以斯帖81

Esther 81

以西结书68 n , 73-74

Ezekiel 68n, 73-74

以斯拉记80和82

Ezra 80n, 82

创世记58, 73

Genesis 58, 73

以赛亚书79

Isaiah 79

耶利米书81, 84

Jeremiah 81, 84

尼希米记80

Nehemiah 80n

诗篇80

Psalms 80

Heliodorus，希腊大使 192, 247

Heliodorus, Greek ambassador 192, 247

赫利奥波利斯 127

Heliopolis 127

查尔斯·赫洛 420

Hélou, Charles 420

赫尔维蒂 286, 293

Helvetii 286, 293

亨利二世，英国国王 460 n , 464

Henry II, English king 460n, 464

航海家亨利，葡萄牙王子 382, 385

Henry the Navigator, Portuguese prince 382, 385

亨利八世，英国国王 465, 478

Henry VIII, English king 465, 478

赫拉克利特，哲学家 234

Heraclitus, philosopher 234

赫拉克略，皇帝 260-261

Heraclius, emperor 260-261

Hernández de Córdoba, 弗朗西斯科, 西班牙征服者 348, 349

Hernández de Córdoba, Francisco, Spanish conquistador 348, 349

希罗多德 31, 130 n , 228, 232, 243, 276, 335

Herodotus 31, 130n, 228, 232, 243, 276, 335

赫西奥德 182, 236

Hesiod 182, 236

希西家，犹大王 78-79

Hezekiah, king of Judah 78-79

象形文字见文字

hieroglyphs see writing

Higden，Ranulph，英国编年史家 467

Higden, Ranulph, English chronicler 467

第273章

Hildebrandslied 273

印地语177-178、223、528-530、536；又见 乌尔都语

Hindi 177-178, 223, 528-530, 536; see also Urdu

印度教 21, 175, 178-180, 196, 198, 199, 202, 206, 207, 209, 214, 217, 220-221, 225, 504

Hinduism 21, 175, 178-180, 196, 198, 199, 202, 206, 207, 209, 214, 217, 220-221, 225, 504

伊斯帕尼奥拉 337-338, 343, 346 n

Hispaniola 337-338, 343, 346n

西班牙裔美国人 373-377

Hispanización 373-377

Historia Chichimeca (Ixtilxóchitl) 344

Historia Francorum（图尔格雷戈里）315

Historia Francorum (Gregory of Tours) 315

赫梯24 n , 31, 33, 39, 41, 44, 46, 50, 62, 67, 84, 196, 514

Hittite 24n, 31, 33, 39, 41, 44, 46, 50, 62, 67, 84, 196, 514

苗族134, 141

Hmong 134, 141

葛饰北斋，日本艺术家 22

Hokusai, Katsushika, Japanese artist 22

神圣罗马帝国 411, 447-448

Holy Roman Empire 411, 447-448

荷马，希腊诗人 44 n , 231-232, 236, 237 n , 251, 474 n

Homer, Greek poet 44n, 231-232, 236, 237n, 251, 474n

香港 149, 507

Hong Kong 149, 507

贺拉斯，罗马诗人 250

Horace, Roman poet 250

侯赛因汗，西德古拉姆，莫卧儿历史学家 496

Hossein Khan, Sied Gholam, Mughal historian 496

华斯特346、355

Huastec 346, 355

胡格诺派 409, 412

Huguenots 409, 412

胡娜 106

Hūna 106

匈牙利语 309 n

Hungarian 309n

匈奴 106, 139 n

Hunni 106, 139n

匈奴人，261、306、309、555 人入侵

Huns, invasions by 261, 306, 309, 555

休伦412 n

Huron 412n

飓风33, 39, 41, 50, 62, 196

Hurrian 33, 39, 41, 50, 62, 196

希克索斯国王 119, 164

Hyksos kings 119, 164

我要赞美智慧之主30

I will Praise the Lord of Wisdom 30

Imblikhos，希腊小说家 68 n

Iamblikhos, Greek novelist 68n

Iamhad（阿勒颇）41

Iamhad (Aleppo) 41

伊比利亚 45、99、290、299、301、307、382

Iberia 45, 99, 290, 299, 301, 307, 382

Ibn Hauqal，阿拉伯历史学家 98

Ibn Hauqal, Arabic historian 98

Ibn Khaldūn，阿拉伯旅行作家 100

Ibn Khaldūn, Arabic travel writer 100

伊本·瓦哈布，阿拉伯人来华访问 158

Ibn Wahab, Arab visitor to China 158

冰岛 314, 447 n

Iceland 314, 447n

伊卡363

Ika 363

伊利亚特44 n , 231, 236

Iliad 44n, 231, 236

移民见人口流动

Immigration see Population movement

帝国语言

Imperial languages

传播原因 380-381, 446, 576 n 70

reasons for spread 380-381, 446, 576n70

生存的理由 444 446

reasons for survival 444 446

伊南娜 49, 51-52, 55

Inanna 49, 51-52, 55

印加 12、21、338、342-343、344-345、348、356-357、360、372-373、377

Incas 12, 21, 338, 342-343, 344-345, 348, 356-357, 360, 372-373, 377

索引图书馆禁书326

Index Librorum Prohibitorum 326

印度 34, 38

India 34, 38

阿拉伯语101

Arabic 101

双语 497

bilingualism 497

和英国/英语12, 19, 108, 187, 223-225, 496-505 和中国 147, 159, 192-194, 506

and Britain/English 12, 19, 108, 187, 223-225, 496-505 and China 147, 159, 192-194, 506

文明 202-207, 222-226

civilisation 202-207, 222-226

文化 179, 180

culture 179, 180

人口统计 530

demographics 530

天城文脚本 223

Devanāgari script 223

英语教育 499-505

English education 499-505

法国殖民地 416

French colonies 416

和希腊语190-192

and Greek 190-192

希腊战役 245

Greek campaigns 245

现代雅利安语言177

modern Aryan languages 177

穆斯林入侵 212-213, 222

Muslim invasions 212-213, 222

波斯语99、108、187、223、497、503 和葡萄牙语贸易 334、391、399、497

Persian language 99, 108, 187, 223, 497, 503 and Portuguese trade 334, 391, 399, 497

新教 499-504

Protestantism 499-504

英语 503-505 的传播；说第二语言的人 515

spread of English 503-505; second-language speakers 515

贸易 199-207, 536

trade 199-207, 536

又见梵文

see also Sanskrit

印度洋 416-417, 419, 446

Indian Ocean 416-417, 419, 446

印度文字 85 n , 156, 202-203, 211-212, 223, 246

Indic scripts 85n, 156, 202-203, 211-212, 223, 246

因迪卡（Megasthenes）191

Indiká (Megasthenes) 191

印度-雅利安语言41, 196

Indo-Aryan languages 41, 196

印度支那 178, 203, 206, 207, 215-216, 380, 400, 413, 417-419, 520

Indo-China 178, 203, 206, 207, 215-216, 380, 400, 413, 417-419, 520

印欧语系23 n , 41, 42-43, 183, 195-196, 214, 289, 292, 301, 554-555

Indo-European languages 23n, 41, 42-43, 183, 195-196, 214, 289, 292, 301, 554-555

印度-希腊语 192, 257-258

Indo-Greeks 192, 257-258

印度-伊朗语176

Indo-Iranian languages 176

印度-葡萄牙克里奥尔语390

Indo-Portuguese Creole 390

印度尼西亚, 147 n , 161, 191, 380, 400, 403, 506 n , 532

Indonesia, 147n, 161, 191, 380, 400, 403, 506n, 532

Indradevi，柬埔寨王后 206

Indradevi, Cambodian queen 206

Insubrians 285-286, 288

口译员 3, 75, 82, 131, 192, 335, 341-343, 344, 355, 357, 363, 365, 388, 440, 497

Interpreters 3, 75, 82, 131, 192, 335, 341-343, 344, 355, 357, 363, 365, 388, 440, 497

异族家庭 308, 313, 343-344, 376, 414

Interracial families 308, 313, 343-344, 376, 414

另见混血儿

see also Mestizo

拉丁文介绍（内布里哈）345

Introductiones Latinae (Nebrija) 345

投资见贸易

Investment see Trade

Inyotef，法老 127

Inyotef, pharaoh 127

希腊语236、237 n、242 n的离子方言

Ionic dialect of Greek 236, 237n, 242n

爱奥尼亚人 236, 237 n

Ionians 236, 237n

Ipuwer， 163-164的告诫

Ipuwer, Admonitions of 163-164

伊拉克利，格鲁吉亚卡尔塔利纳-卡赫提亚国王 434

Irakli, Georgian king of Kartalina-Kakhetia 434

伊朗 21, 38, 43, 47-48, 86, 96, 257

Iran 21, 38, 43, 47-48, 86, 96, 257

和阿拉伯语98, 101

and Arabic 98, 101

另见帕提亚语，波斯语

see also Parthia, Persian

伊朗语言109, 186, 219, 246, 258

Iranian languages 109, 186, 219, 246, 258

伊拉克 35, 55

Iraq 35, 55

爱尔兰 290-291, 518

Ireland 290-291, 518

移民美国 491

emigration to America 491

和诺曼人 464

and the Normans 464

挪威语447 n

Norse language 447n

瘟疫313

plague 313

基尔肯尼法规 464

Statute of Kilkenny 464

爱任纽（圣），基督教护教者 299

Irenaeus (Saint), Christian apologist 299

爱尔兰语（盖尔语） 274、276、300、464-465、469、517

Irish (Gaelic) 274, 276, 300, 464-465, 469, 517

伊希斯 255

Isis 255

伊斯兰教 22, 49, 94, 96

Islam 22, 49, 94, 96

阿拉伯文字 97 n

Arabic script 97n

辅助语言 106

auxiliary languages 106

被西班牙 333 禁止

banned by Spain 333

10, 95, 98-99, 101, 108, 110-111, 134, 158, 159, 164, 209, 213, 216, 307 n , 377, 537

spread of 10, 95, 98-99, 101, 108, 110-111, 134, 158, 159, 164, 209, 213, 216, 307n, 377, 537

查拉克斯的伊西多鲁斯，希腊旅行作家 258

Isidorus of Charax, Greek travel writer 258

意大利语331, 528-529, 531

Italian 331, 528-529, 531

斜体语言273, 291 n

Italic languages 273, 291n

意大利 240-242

Italy 240-242

和法语410

and French 410

和拉丁语12, 293-294, 535

and Latin 12, 293-294, 535

人口 153, 153 n

population 153, 153n

浪漫语言320

Romance languages 320

又见奥斯坎

see also Oscan

伊凡三世，沙皇 426-427

Ivan III, Tsar 426-427

伊凡四世（“可怕的”），沙皇 426-427、431、440

Ivan IV (’the Terrible’), Tsar 426-427, 431, 440

Ixtilxóchitl，费尔南多·德·阿尔瓦，纳瓦特尔历史学家，344

Ixtilxóchitl, Fernando de Alva, Nahuatl historian, 344

耆那教 189-190

Jainism 189-190

詹姆斯敦 477 n , 479

Jamestown 477n, 479

日本

Japan

佛教178

Buddhism 178

和中国 147-148, 162

and China 147-148, 162

殖民战争 450-453

colonial wars 450-453

人口统计 530

demographics 530

和荷兰贸易 398

and Dutch trade 398

小民家 449-455

Kōminka 449-455

和韩国 450-452

and Korea 450-452

太平洋帝国451

Pacific empire 451

人口 153 n

population 153n

葡萄牙贸易站 387

Portuguese trading posts 387

和俄罗斯 433, 452

and Russia 433, 452

日语46 n , 138, 528

Japanese 46n, 138, 528

假名116, 156, 210-211

kana syllabary 116, 156, 210-211

看文传统 476 n

kanbun tradition 476n

传播 450, 453-455

spread 450, 453-455

中日162-163

Sino-Japanese 162-163

贾卡鲁357

Jaqaru 357

贾奇357

Jaqi 357

行话 10

jargons 10

本生故事 201, 208

Jataka tales 201, 208

Java 147、149、201、203、204 n、205-206、213、389、398-399、402、564 n 30

Java 147, 149, 201, 203, 204n, 205-206, 213, 389, 398-399, 402, 564n30

爪哇语208, 498, 514, 528, 532

Javanese 208, 498, 514, 528, 532

杰斐逊，托马斯，美国总统 488

Jefferson, Thomas, US President 488

Jérez, Rodrigo de, 西班牙语翻译 335

Jérez, Rodrigo de, Spanish interpreter 335

Jerome (also Hieronymus) (圣人), 圣经译者 294

Jerome (also Hieronymus) (Saint), Bible translator 294

耶路撒冷 79-80, 129, 248

Jerusalem 79-80, 129, 248

拿撒勒人耶稣，犹太先知 86-87

Jesus of Nazareth, Jewish prophet 86-87

杰文斯，斯坦利 511

Jevons, Stanley 511

犹太人看到希伯来语

Jews see Hebrew

Jiménez de Quesada, Gonzalo, 西班牙征服者 363

Jiménez de Quesada, Gonzalo, Spanish conquistador 363

景颇134

Jingpo 134

以弗所的约翰，拜占庭历史学家，262

John of Ephesus, Byzantine historian, 262

索尔兹伯里的约翰，英国僧侣 408

John of Salisbury, English monk 408

柔佛 148

Johore 148

Jolliet, Louis, 法国探险家 412

Jolliet, Louis, French explorer 412

琼斯，威廉爵士，英国学者 185, 224

Jones, Sir William, English scholar 185, 224

约瑟夫斯，犹太历史学家 71

Josephus, Jewish historian 71

犹大王约西亚 129

Josiah, king of Judah 129

居英，中国使者147

Ju Ying, Chinese envoy 147

犹太 248

Judaea 248

犹大 78-79, 81, 83, 129

Judah 78-79, 81, 83, 129

犹太教 21, 70, 159, 306 n , 537

Judaism 21, 70, 159, 306n, 537

Judas Maccabaeus，犹太革命者 248

Judas Maccabaeus, Jewish revolutionary 248

朱迪思，犹太女英雄 69-70

Judith, Jewish heroine 69-70

女真人 120、142、143、144、153

Jürchen 120, 142, 143, 144, 153

查士丁尼，拜占庭皇帝 132 n , 233, 257, 260

Justinian, Byzantine emperor 132n, 233, 257, 260

Juvenal, 罗马讽刺作家 280, 302

Juvenal, Roman satirist 280, 302

卡巴尔德-巴尔卡尔423 n

Kabard-Balkar 423n

卡菲尔 262

Kafirs 262

Kalhu也是Nimrud 66

Kalhu also Nimrud 66

Kālidāsa，梵文诗人 559

Kālidāsa, Sanskrit poet 559

卡林加 197-198, 199

Kalinga 197-198, 199

卡尔梅克423 n

Kalmyk 423n

卡利亚纳 88

Kalyana 88

欲经（ Vatsyāyana）176

Kāma Sūtra (Vatsyāyana) 176

坎大哈 85, 246

Kandahar 85, 246

康泰，中国使者147

Kang Tai, Chinese envoy 147

卡尼什卡，库沙那国王 219

Kanishka, king of Kushana 219

卡纳达语177、187-188、198

Kannada 177, 187-188, 198

日本外相井上薰 450

Kaoru, Inoue, Japanese foreign minister 450

喀喇昆仑 90

Karakorum 90

凯伦134

Karen 134

卡克米什 39, 41

Karkemish 39, 41

Karlgren, Bernhard, 瑞典语言学家 163

Karlgren, Bernhard, Swedish linguist 163

卡塔利娜-卡赫提亚 434

Kartalina-Kakhetia 434

克什米尔 97 n , 178

Kashmir 97n, 178

Kassites 40, 41, 43, 55, 60, 63

Kathāsaritsāgaram (Somadeva) 201

Kaunndinya，印度探险家 4

Kaunndinya, Indian explorer 4

卡瓦菲斯，君士坦丁，希腊诗人 228

Kavafis, Constantine, Greek poet 228

Kavirāja，梵文诗人 184

Kavirāja, Sanskrit poet 184

考基357

Kawki 357

哈萨克斯坦 423 n , 435, 443, 445, 547

Kazakhstan 423n, 435, 443, 445, 547

喀山 106、427、440

Kazan 106, 427, 440

肯尼亚 105、508、532、544

Kenya 105, 508, 532, 544

喀拉拉邦 88

Kerala 88

凯斯，大卫，英国历史学家 313

Keys, David, British historian 313

Kharoshthi 脚本 85 n , 246

Kharoshthi script 85n, 246

可萨人 106、306、425、555

Khazars 106, 306, 425, 555

契丹 120、142、153

Khitan 120, 142, 153

希瓦437

Khiva 437

高棉 202-203, 208

Khmer 202-203, 208

科伊22

Khoi 22

赫鲁晓夫，尼基塔，苏联领导人437

Khrushchev, Nikita, Soviet leader 437

呼罗珊 98

Khurasan 98

胡齐斯坦 57

Khuzistan 57

花剌子模48

Khwarezmian 48

基辅 106, 426, 431

Kiev 106, 426, 431

钦察-波洛夫茨人 425

Kipchak-Polovtsians 425

基尔库克 41

Kirkuk 41

柯克伍德，蒙塔古英国外交官 453 n

Kirkwood, Montague British diplomat 453n

基什 27, 37

Kish 27, 37

东南亚人所熟知的印度克林 199

Kling, India as known by South-East Asians 199

小木 363

Kogi 363

浩罕 437

Kokand 437

Kōminka（帝国化）449-455

Kōminka (imperialization) 449-455

康卡尼390 n

Konkani 390n

古兰经见古兰经

Koran see Qur’an

韩国 162, 423 n , 450-453

Korea 162, 423n, 450-453

佛教178

Buddhism 178

日本380

and Japan 380

韩语46 n , 138, 156, 528-529, 576 n 12

Korean 46n, 138, 156, 528-529, 576n12

字母表 156

alphabet 156

中韩162-163

Sino-Korean 162-163

克里奥克里奥英语508

Krio Creole of English 508

葡萄牙语390的克里斯坦方言

Kristang dialect of Portuguese 390

忽必烈 (Khubilai) 汗，中国皇帝 143, 156, 179, 212 n

Kublai (Khubilai) Khan, emperor of China 143, 156, 179, 212n

Kumarajīva，印度佛教翻译 119

Kumārajīva, Indian Buddhist translator 119

贵霜帝国 48 n , 108, 219, 246, 257-8, 269

Kushana empire 48n, 108, 219, 246, 257-8, 269

库什特126-129, 131 n

Kushite 126-129, 131n

库什特王朝120、127、158、164

Kushite dynasty 120, 127, 158, 164

Kutadgū Bilig，突厥语教学诗 106

Kutadgū Bilig, Turkic didactic poem 106

吉尔吉斯斯坦 437, 547

Kyrgyzstan 437, 547

拉格曼 85

Laghman 85

Lampridius, Aelius, 罗马历史学家 299

Lampridius, Aelius, Roman historian 299

Landa, Diego de, 西班牙神职人员 348 n

Landa, Diego de, Spanish cleric 348n

语言魅力 21-22, 86-93, 179

Language charisma 21-22, 86-93, 179

语言社区 7-10, 525, 557

Language communities 7-10, 525, 557

语言多样性 471, 557-559

Language diversity 471, 557-559

语言动态 529-533, 558

Language dynamics 529-533, 558

语言成长

Language growth

有机 19, 527-528, 530-1

organic 19, 527-528, 530-1

“并购” (M&A) 19, 24, 527

’merger and acquisition’ (M&A) 19, 24, 527

前二十名 19 名, 525-533

Top Twenty 19n, 525-533

比帝国 556-559 还要广阔

vaster than empires 556-559

语言史 5, 7-25, 51

Language history 5, 7-25, 51

主要时代 24-25

major epochs 24-25

语言丧失

Language loss

（布匿语）76-77，（希伯来语）79-80，（埃及语）164-167，（高卢语）299-301，（马萨诸塞州）485，（北美语言）489-490

(Punic) 76-77, (Hebrew) 79-80, (Egyptian) 164-167, (Gaulish) 299-301, (Massachusett) 485, (North American languages) 489-490

语言混合见克里奥尔化

Language mixing see creolisation

语言声望 19, 532, 550-552

Language prestige 19, 532, 550-552

语言属性 23

Language properties 23

语言大小分布 527

Language size distribution 527

语言传播（另见帝国语言），由军事征服引起 20-21、85、195-199、243、294、339、416、422、46-461、520、557

Language spread (see also Imperial languages), caused by military conquest 20-21, 85, 195-199, 243, 294, 339, 416, 422, 46-461, 520, 557

文化影响造成的 22-24, 179, 250, 499, 504, 521, 539, 557

caused by cultural influence 22-24, 179, 250, 499, 504, 521, 539, 557

由结算引起的 22, 63-67, 141, 239, 347, 391-392, 399, 416, 492-495, 534-535, 557

caused by settlement 22, 63-67, 141, 239, 347, 391-392, 399, 416, 492-495, 534-535, 557

技术创新引起的 61-68, 326-328, 511-513, 540-541, 546, 548

caused by technical innovation 61-68, 326-328, 511-513, 540-541, 546, 548

语言传播（续）

Language spread (cont.)

由贸易引起的 21-22, 75-77, 98, 102-103, 160-162, 178, 274, 290-292, 387-388, 463, 478, 491, 497, 510-511, 513, 517-519 , 536, 546

caused by trade 21-22, 75-77, 98, 102-103, 160-162, 178, 274, 290-292, 387-388, 463, 478, 491, 497, 510-511, 513, 517-519, 536, 546

由宗教皈依引起的 21-22, 86-93, 179, 387-390, 499 n , 501-502, 504, 520, 521, 536-537

caused by religious conversion 21-22, 86-93, 179, 387-390, 499n, 501-502, 504, 520, 521, 536-537

机制：

mechanisms of:

迁移：扩散：渗透 19、85、250

migration: diffusion: infiltration 19, 85, 250

扫除与再教育 505-509

sweep-aside vs re-education 505-509

海运联系人 24、199-202、323、325、338-339、538-539

seaborne contacts 24, 199-202, 323, 325, 338-339, 538-539

障碍：364-367、400-401

obstacles to: 364-367, 400-401

语言结构类型

Language structural type

作为语言传播的因素 23, 97, 552-557

as factor in language spread 23, 97, 552-557

语言生存（另见帝国语言）22-23、444-446、529

Language survival (see also Imperial languages) 22-23, 444-446, 529

语言 d'oc 320 n

Langue d’oc 320n

老子，中国圣人 150

Lao-zi, Chinese sage 150

老挝 204, 206, 417

Laos 204, 206, 417

脚本 202

script 202

拉斯卡萨斯见德拉斯卡萨斯

Las Casas see De Las Casas

拉丁语12, 20-22, 24 n , 48, 53, 75, 76-78, 86, 92, 101 n , 179, 520

Latin 12, 20-22, 24n, 48, 53, 75, 76-78, 86, 92, 101n, 179, 520

分解成浪漫语言308-309

breaks up into Romance languages 308-309

和英国人 301-304、517

and the Britons 301-304, 517

和凯尔特语者295-301, 304

and Celtic-speakers 295-301, 304

分类 277 n

classification 277n

女儿语言（浪漫）329

daughter languages (Romance) 329

衰落/复兴/死亡 260-261, 307, 309, 314, 315-321, 325-330, 526

decline/revival/death 260-261, 307, 309, 314, 315-321, 325-330, 526

和法语405-406

and French 405-406

语法316-321, 325, 476

grammatica 316-321, 325, 476

希腊影响 250-254、298-299

Greek influence 250-254, 298-299

在北非 100, 307 n

in North Africa 100, 307n

布匿双语 307 n

Punic bilingualism 307n

275、490、540 的点差

spread of 275, 490, 540

粗俗307

Vulgar 307

普通圣经294

Vulgate bible 294

和西方基督教 209

and Western Christianity 209

参见 罗曼语

see also Romance languages

拉丁美洲见美洲

Latin America see Americas

拉脱维亚 432-433, 443, 445

Latvia 432-433, 443, 445

Le Morte d'Arthur（马洛里）332

Le Morte d’Arthur (Malory) 332

Le Phénomène humain (Chardin) 403 n

Le Phénomène humain (Chardin) 403n

黎巴嫩 44, 70-71, 78, 128

Lebanon 44, 70-71, 78, 128

新加坡总理李光耀 548

Lee Kwan Yew, prime minister of Singapore 548

莱布尼茨，戈特弗里德·冯男爵，德国哲学家 410

Leibniz, Baron Gottfried von, German philosopher 410

莱纳佩483

Lenape 483

Lengua 一般346, 356, 358, 360, 363-373, 375, 568 n 15

Lengua general346, 356, 358, 360, 363-373, 375, 568n15

莱昂 99

León 99

莱昂托波利斯 151

Leontopolis 151

利奥波德，比利时国王 418

Léopold, Belgian king 418

勒庞蒂242、284-285、291

Lepontic 242, 284-285, 291

勒多法 375

Lerdo Law 375

黎凡特公司 479

Levant Company 479

Leydekker, Melchior，圣经翻译成马来语 402

Leydekker, Melchior, translator of Bible into Malay 402

莱兹吉安41

Lezgian 41

梁武帝，中国皇帝 119

Liang Wudi, Chinese emperor 119

利比里亚 508, 515

Liberia 508, 515

图书馆（苏美尔语/阿卡德语）34、49、54；（赫梯）41；（布匿）75；(梵文) 221 n ; （希腊语）248；（印度英语）499

Libraries (Sumerian/Akkadian) 34, 49, 54; (Hittite) 41; (Punic) 75; (Sanskrit) 221n; (Greek) 248; (English in India) 499

利比亚 78, 97, 119, 120

Libya 78, 97, 119, 120

和埃及 126-127、164

and Egypt 126-127, 164

利比亚126-129, 149

Libyan 126-129, 149

Raghu 线， ( Kālidāsa ) 559

Line of Raghu, The (Kālidāsa) 559

林加拉语419 n

Lingala 419n

通用语

Lingua franca

术语 407 n的由来

origin of term 407n

扮演这个角色的各种语言

various languages which took this role

阿卡德语42、54、62、110、129

Akkadian 42, 54, 62, 110, 129

阿拉伯语209, 547

Arabic 209, 547

阿拉姆语34, 35, 79, 80-82

Aramaic 34, 35, 79, 80-82

'大西洋凯尔特人' 290-292

’Atlantic Celtic’ 290-292

中文547

Chinese 547

英语24, 457, 458, 503, 510, 513, 532, 545

English 24, 457, 458, 503, 510, 513, 532, 545

意大利语407 n

Italian 407n

法语412, 532

French 412, 532

希腊语20, 86, 164, 190, 299

Greek 20, 86, 164, 190, 299

拉丁语265, 325

Latin 265, 325

马来语380, 532

Malay 380, 532

纳瓦特尔355

Nahuatl 355

巴利语215

Pali 215

波斯语101, 497

Persian 101, 497

腓尼基546

Phoenician 546

葡萄牙语387-388、395、497、513

Portuguese 387-388, 395, 497, 513

俄语429, 443, 531

Russian 429, 443, 531

梵文179

Sanskrit 179

粟特108、546

Sogdian 108, 546

斯瓦希里语105、508、533

Swahili 105, 508, 533

突厥语531, 547

Turkic 531, 547

故意建立通用语 543, 558

deliberate establishment of lingua franca general 543, 558

阿卡德语by Assyria 19, 44

Akkadian by Assyria 19, 44

波斯的亚拉姆语47, 548

Aramaic by Persia 47, 548

希腊文亚历山大 48

Greek by Alexander 48

印加人的盖丘亚语357-360

Quechua by Incas 357-360

西方列强的杂项 381

miscellaneous by Western powers 381

新加坡 548英语

English by Singapore 548

无意建立通用语

unintentional establishment of lingua franca

亚述亚兰语66（对照：562 n. 28）

Aramaic by Assyria 66 (contra: 562 n. 28)

阿拉伯人的波斯语99

Persian by Arabs 99

角色丧失

loss of role

拉丁语328-330

Latin 328-330

角色保留

retention of role

纳瓦特尔，盖丘亚语367

Nahuatl, Quechua 367

瓜拉尼376

Guarani 376

英语、葡萄牙语513

English, Portuguese 513

西方帝国语言 444-446

Western imperial languages 444-446

通用语393-395

Lingua geral393-395

语言创新

Linguistic innovations

许多在古代近东 29-35

many in the Ancient Near East 29-35

楔形文字作为表意标准 61-63, 512

cuneiform as ideographic standard 61-63, 512

音节书写 156

syllabic writing 156

字母书写 45-46、63-68、202-203、241-242

alphabetic writing 45-46, 63-68, 202-203, 241-242

印刷 326-328, 346

printing 326-328, 346

电子通讯 511-513

electronic communications 511-513

语言学

Linguistics

156-157、180-182、209-212、220、224、238 n的起源

origins of 156-157, 180-182, 209-212, 220, 224, 238n

重建过去的语言 31

reconstruction of past languages 31

傈僳族134

Lisu 134

识字

Literacy

为语言史提供证据 24

providing evidence for language history 24

作为语言传播的假定因素 63-64

as supposed factor in language spread 63-64

高卢语 284-288

Gaulish 284-288

罗马帝国晚期 308

in late Roman Empire 308

通过梵文传播202

spread through Sanskrit 202

在苏联 441-442 下传播

spread under Soviets 441-442

它的价值值得怀疑 57, 182-183

its value doubted 57, 182-183

立陶宛 24 n , 424-425, 431, 432

Lithuania 24n, 424-425, 431, 432

六爷见索玛

Liuye see Soma

Livius Andronicus，拉丁诗人 251, 299

Livius Andronicus, Latin poet 251, 299

利沃尼亚 432

Livonia 432

李维，罗马历史学家 285

Livy, Roman historian 285

'阿纳瓦克的李维' 344

’Livy of Anáhuac’ 344

徽标见文字

Logograms see writing

伦巴第 306、307、309

Lombards 306, 307, 309

罗蒙诺索夫，米哈伊尔，俄罗斯学者 439

Lomonósov, Mikhail, Russian scholar 439

洛佩斯·德·圣安娜，安东尼奥 494

López de Santa Anna, Antonio 494

洛普里埃诺，安东尼奥 113 n

Loprieno, Antonio 113n

Lorenzana y Buitrón, Antonio de, 墨西哥大主教 373-374, 539

Lorenzana y Buitrón, Antonio de, Archbishop of Mexico 373-374, 539

路易十三，法国国王 409

Louis XIII, French king 409

路易十四，法国国王 409、414

Louis XIV, French king 409, 414

低地德语312

Low German 312

路德 35 n

Lud 35n

Ludlul Bēl Nēmeqi 30

德国人路德维希，国王 317-318

Ludwig the German, king 317-318

鲁鲁比 43

Lulubi 43

洛阳151

Luoyang 151

卢西塔尼亚语288 n

Lusitanian 288n

葡语 390

Lusophone 390

Luther, Martin, 德国改革者 326, 447, 472-473

Luther, Martin, German reformer 326, 447, 472-473

卢维安39, 41, 44, 50, 62, 71, 84

Luwian 39, 41, 44, 50, 62, 71, 84

吕宋岛 148

Luzon 148

利西亚83-84, 86

Lycian 83-84, 86

莉迪亚 46, 47, 83

Lydia 46, 47, 83

吕底亚12, 30, 35 n , 41, 4748, 83-84, 86, 249

Lydian 12, 30, 35n, 41, 4748, 83-84, 86, 249

并购（并购） 19, 24

M&A (Merger & Acquisition) 19, 24

马欢，中国水手 147

Ma Huan, Chinese mariner 147

麦考利, Thomas Babington, 英国权威 22 n , 496, 503 n , 516 n

Macaulay, Thomas Babington, British pundit 22n, 496, 503n, 516n

马其顿 98, 269, 293

Macedonia 98, 269, 293

马其顿语85, 131, 290

Macedonian 85, 131, 290

MacKinnon, Revd D., 英国教师 500

MacKinnon, Revd D., British teacher 500

麦克米伦，哈罗德，英国首相 541

Macmillan, Harold, British prime minister 541

马达加斯加 101、105、412、418-419

Madagascar 101, 105, 412, 418-419

麦迪逊，詹姆斯，美国总统 488

Madison, James, US President 488

摩揭地177、178、187-190、192、197、218

Magadhi 177, 178, 187-190, 192, 197, 218

马格里布 100

Maghreb 100

马格里布78 n

Maghrebi 78n

马扎尔人 306、309、425

Magyars 306, 309, 425

摩诃婆罗多176、184、195、197、204、206-207

Mahābhārata 176, 184, 195, 197, 204, 206-207

Mahābhā⋅ya (Pataõjali) 180

马哈拉施特拉邦 188-189

Maharashtra 188-189

Majumdar, RC, 印度学者 206

Majumdar, R.C., Indian scholar 206

马来语 97 n , 208, 380, 400-403, 444, 446, 457, 476, 498, 532, 539

Malay 97n, 208, 380, 400-403, 444, 446, 457, 476, 498, 532, 539

马来亚 204 n , 205, 213, 505, 507, 536

Malaya 204n, 205, 213, 505, 507, 536

马拉雅拉姆语198, 528

Malayalam 198, 528

马来西亚, 147 n , 149, 161, 199, 201, 385, 387, 390, 398, 400, 506 n , 544

Malaysia, 147n, 149, 161, 199, 201, 385, 387, 390, 398, 400, 506n, 544

马尔科姆三世，苏格兰国王 463

Malcolm III, Scottish king 463

Malin-tzin, 墨西哥口译员 342, 355

Malin-tzin, Mexican interpreter 342, 355

马洛里，托马斯爵士，英国作家 332

Malory, Sir Thomas, English writer 332

马耳他 71, 97

Malta 71, 97

第371章

mamelucos 371

埃及马穆鲁克王朝 121

Mameluke dynasty of Egypt 121

满族 171, 308 n

Manchu 171, 308n

人 170-171, 308 n

people 170-171, 308n

满洲里 21, 121, 138, 143-146, 148, 380, 427

Manchuria 21, 121, 138, 143-146, 148, 380, 427

曼科卡帕克，印加 357

Manco Capac, Inca 357

Mandaean/Mandaic 90 n

Mandaean/Mandaic 90n

普通话 见中文

Mandarin see Chinese

Manātho，埃及历史学家 165 n

Manātho, Egyptian historian 165n

摩尼教 141

Manichaeans 141

Mansilla, Fray Juan de, 西班牙修道士 364

Mansilla, Fray Juan de, Spanish friar 364

马努法典 186-187, 194

Manu Law Code 186-187, 194

毛利人506

Māori 506

马普切 349, 363

Mapuche 349, 363

马普顿贡349、361、363

Mapudungun 349, 361, 363

马拉地语188、528、530

Marathi 188, 528, 530

马里 37、39、41、53、60-61

Mari 37, 39, 41, 53, 60-61

Marquette Père，法国探险家 412

Marquette Père, French explorer 412

武术，拉丁诗人 523

Martial, Latin poet 523

马提尼克 415

Martinique 415

马克思，卡尔，德国圣人 438 n

Marx, Karl, German sage 438n

马萨诸塞州483, 484-485

Massachusett 483, 484-485

马塞西利亚 75

Massaesylia 75

马西利亚 75

Massylia 75

毛里塔尼亚 98

Mauritania 98

Max Havelaar (Multatuli) 395

玛雅1-4, 11 n , 348, 352, 364 n , 372

Maya 1-4, 11n, 348, 352, 364n, 372

麦加 94

Mecca 94

梅克尔，少校，战略顾问 451

Meckel, Major, strategic consultant 451

Medawar, Peter, 英国生物学家 403 n

Medawar, Peter, British biologist 403n

玛代 43, 47, 56, 79, 87

Medes 43, 47, 56, 79, 87

中位数131

Median 131

麦地那 94

Medina 94

守护者131 n

Medjay 131n

Megasthenes，塞琉古大使 191-192、247

Megasthenes, Seleucid ambassador 191-192, 247

穆罕默德，奥斯曼苏丹 266 n

Mehmet, Ottoman Sultan 266n

美拉尼西亚人 22

Melanesians 22

孟菲斯 127, 151

Memphis 127, 151

孟菲特神学113-114

Memphite theology 113-114

米南德，希腊剧作家 234

Menander, Greek dramatist 234

米南德，希腊国王 192、219、230、246

Menander, Greek king 192, 219, 230, 246

以弗所的米南德，希腊历史学家 71

Menander of Ephesus, Greek historian 71

孟子，中国圣人（又名孟子） 137 n , 152

Mencius, Chinese sage (also Meng-zi) 137n, 152

Mendes Pinto, Fernāo, 葡萄牙探险家 388-389

Mendes Pinto, Fernāo, Portuguese explorer 388-389

梅嫩德斯·皮达尔，R.307

Menéndez Pidal, R.307

梅内斯，法老 124、151

Menes, pharaoh 124, 151

商人看到贸易，自由企业

Merchants see Trade, Free enterprise

Merikare，法老 122、154

Merikare, pharaoh 122, 154

梅内普塔，法老 126

Merneptah, pharaoh 126

美罗伊蒂128

Meroitic 128

美索不达米亚 21, 38, 41, 42-45, 47-50, 53, 55, 56, 60-61, 65, 79-80, 83, 86, 154, 164, 209, 247, 257-258, 536

Mesopotamia 21, 38, 41, 42-45, 47-50, 53, 55, 56, 60-61, 65, 79-80, 83, 86, 154, 164, 209, 247, 257-258, 536

Mesrop Mashtotz，亚美尼亚主教 88

Mesrop Mashtotz, Armenian Bishop 88

弥赛亚242

Messapian 242

混血儿 17、338、342-345、347、367、372-376

Mestizo 17, 338, 342-345, 347, 367, 372-376

另见异族家庭

see also Interracial families

墨西哥 346 n , 351, 367, 375, 377

Mexica 346n, 351, 367, 375, 377

墨西哥，lengua，见 纳瓦特尔

Mexicana, lengua, see Nahuatl

墨西哥 308、364、366、444、488、531

Mexico 308, 364, 366, 444, 488, 531

十六世纪的语言 352

sixteenth-century languages 352

必修西班牙语 374

compulsory Spanish 374

土著语言 375-376

indigenous languages 375-376

lenguas 生成367

lenguas generates 367

墨西哥割让 487, 494-495

Mexican cession 487, 494-495

人口 1559 568 n 14

population in 1559 568n14

印刷机 346

printing presses 346

印第安人共和国 368

republic of Indians 368

西班牙职业 1-4, 12, 14-17, 337, 340, 342, 346, 349, 392, 494-495

Spanish occupation 1-4, 12, 14-17, 337, 340, 342, 346, 349, 392, 494-495

美国经济 379

and US economy 379

密克罗尼西亚 448、452-454、510、573 n 70

Micronesia 448, 452-454, 510, 573n70

中东 21、43、45、110-112、377

Middle East 21, 43, 45, 110-112, 377

语言创新 29-35, 37

linguistic innovations 29-35, 37

中古英语66 n , 125

Middle English 66n, 125

米德拉什70 n

Midrash 70n

面134

Mien 134

米琳达 192, 230, 246

Milinda 192, 230, 246

Milinda-paõha , 米林达国王的问题 192, 246

Milinda-paõha, Questions of King Milinda 192, 246

Mill, James, 英国哲学家 501, 513

Mill, James, English philosopher 501, 513

明121、143、144、147、148、160

Ming dynasty 121, 143, 144, 147, 148, 160

密西拿70 n

Mishnah 70n

传教士看到基督教

Missionaries see Christianity

米坦尼41, 62, 128, 196

Mitanni 41, 62, 128, 196

米切尔，玛格丽特 490

Mitchell, Margaret 490

密特拉数据 1257

Mithradata 1257

密特拉斯 255

Mithras 255

混合技术346、352、355

Mixtec 346, 352, 355

摩押70, 71

Moabite 70, 71

莫西亚 310

Moesia 310

摩尔多瓦 443

Moldova 443

莫里哀，让-巴蒂斯特，法国剧作家 410

Molière, Jean-Baptiste, French dramatist 410

Molina, Fray Alonso de, 西班牙修道士 346

Molina, Fray Alonso de, Spanish friar 346

莫奈姆瓦夏，262 年的编年史

Monemvasia, Chronicle of 262

蒙古 21, 121, 143, 427

Mongolia 21, 121, 143, 427

人 153, 170-171, 207, 425-426, 555 宗教 179

people 153, 170-171, 207, 425-426, 555 religion 179

蒙古语106、108、138、140、143、145、146、156-157、217

Mongolian 106, 108, 138, 140, 143, 145, 146, 156-157, 217

一性论 89

Monophysites 89

美国总统詹姆斯·门罗 488

Monroe, James, US President 488

蒙卡尔姆，侯爵，法国将军 415

Montcalm, Marquess of, French general 415

蒙特卡西诺修道院 319

Montecassino monastery 319

蒙特祖玛见Motecuhzoma

Montezuma see Motecuhzoma

摩根，亨利，英国海盗 480

Morgan, Henry, British pirate 480

莫斯科 426-427, 431-432

Moscow 426-427, 431-432

莫塞，费尔南德 472 n

Mossé, Fernand 472n

Motecuhzoma, Aztec tlatoani 1-4, 14-16, 353 n

Motecuhzoma, Aztec tlatoani 1-4, 14-16, 353n

Motolinía (Fray Toribio de Benavente), 西班牙修士 368, 371

Motolinía (Fray Toribio de Benavente), Spanish Friar 368, 371

莫桑比克 104-105、387、390、399

Mozambique 104-105, 387, 390, 399

Mufwene, Salikoko, 历史语言学家 559 n

Mufwene, Salikoko, historical linguist 559n

莫卧儿王朝 106, 108, 212, 223, 497 n , 514

Mughal dynasty 106, 108, 212, 223, 497n, 514

穆罕默德，阿拉伯先知 93-94、96、103、260

Muhammad, Arab prophet 93-94, 96, 103, 260

米伦贝格，FAC 492

Mühlenberg, F.A.C. 492

Muisca/Muysca 见 Chibcha

Muisca/Muysca see Chibcha

Multatuli (Eduard Douwes Dekker)，荷兰小说家 395

Multatuli (Eduard Douwes Dekker), Dutch novelist 395

蒙达语177、188、197、217

Munda languages 177, 188, 197, 217

穆西利斯，国王 55

Mursilis, king 55

穆斯基 43

Muški 43

穆斯林 88 n , 92, 94-96, 141, 164, 212, 434

Muslims 88n, 92, 94-96, 141, 164, 212, 434

又见伊斯兰教

see also Islam

Musophilus（丹尼尔）323

Musophilus (Daniel) 323

穆斯蒂，D. 249

Musti, D. 249

迈亚雷斯，安德烈亚斯 265

Myiares, Andreas 265

密西西比人 43

Mysians 43

纳巴达 37

Nabada 37

纳瓦特尔1-4, 14-17, 342, 344, 346, 350-355, 363, 368-369, 372, 374, 444, 521

Nahuatl 1-4, 14-17, 342, 344, 346, 350-355, 363, 368-369, 372, 374, 444, 521n

与西班牙14-15形成鲜明对比的风格

style contrasted with Spanish 14-15

Nālandā Mahāvihāra, 佛教大学 193, 194, 220-222

Nālandā Mahāvihāra, Buddhist university 193, 194, 220-222

南越146

Nan-yue 146

南京151

Nanjing 151

纳帕塔 127

Napata 127

拿破仑三世，法国皇帝 301、416 n

Napoleon III, French emperor 301, 416n

Naturalis Historia (普林尼) 27, 336

Naturalis Historia (Pliny) 27, 336

瑙克拉蒂斯 130, 240 n

Naucratis 130, 240n

纳瓦霍人口普查 489-490

Navajo census 489-490

纳瓦拉 99

Navarre 99

纳瓦特350 n

Nawat 350n

近东 76、90、92、111

Near East 76, 90, 92, 111

Nearchus，希腊海军上将 191-192

Nearchus, Greek admiral 191-192

Nebrija, Antonio de, 西班牙语言学家 331, 345, 348, 380, 396, 446, 472

Nebrija, Antonio de, Spanish linguist 331, 345, 348, 380, 396, 446, 472

尼布甲尼撒二世，巴比伦国王 44, 47, 59, 79

Nebuchadrezzar II, Babylonian king 44, 47, 59, 79

Nennius，英国 311 编年史家

Nennius, chronicler of Britain 311

尼泊尔语176

Nepali 176

尼西亚语41 n

Nesian 41n

景教 88-90、119、120、141、158、536

Nestorians 88-90, 119, 120, 141, 158, 536

荷兰 398, 400 n , 409

Netherlands 398, 400n, 409

新格拉纳达 339、367、568 n 15

New Granada 339, 367, 568n15

新赫布里底见瓦努阿图

New Hebrides see Vanuatu

新世界见美洲

New World see Americas

新西兰 506、508、510、535

New Zealand 506, 508, 510, 535

牛顿，艾萨克爵士 328

Newton, Sir Isaac 328

恩加图 见 图皮南巴

Nhengatu see Tupinambá

Nicephorus I，拜占庭皇帝 262

Nicephorus I, Byzantine emperor 262

新荷兰 492-493

Nieuw Nederland 492-493

尼日利亚 508, 530

Nigeria 508, 530

尼古拉二世，沙皇 433

Nikolay II, Tsar 433

宁录 35 n

Nimrod 35n

Nimrud也是Kalhu 88

Nimrud also Kalhu 88

尼尼微 49-50, 54, 65

Nineveh 49-50, 54, 65

尼普尔58

Nippur 58

Nithard，法兰克编年史家 317

Nithard, Frankish chronicler 317

诺曼法语见下法语

Norman French see under French

诺曼 275, 319, 406, 447 n , 458-460, 461-465

Normans 275, 319, 406, 447n, 458-460, 461-465

挪威语312, 314 n , 447 n , 460

Norse 312, 314n, 447n, 460

北欧人看到维京人

Norsemen see Vikings

北非 37, 45, 46, 49, 70-71, 76, 78, 93, 122, 292, 536

North Africa 37, 45, 46, 49, 70-71, 76, 78, 93, 122, 292, 536

阿拉伯语100

Arabic in 100

法语418-419

French language in 418-419

葡萄牙语382

Portuguese 382

伊斯兰教的传播 100-101, 209

spread of Islam 100-101, 209

北美

North America

17 世纪的欧洲殖民地 482

Seventeenth-century European colonies 482

美国革命 486-487

American Revolution 486-487

和英语19, 241, 378, 457, 480 485, 486-492, 504-505, 518, 535

and English 19, 241, 378, 457, 480 485, 486-492, 504-505, 518, 535

欧洲人口 415

European population 415

和法语411-413、415、457

and French 411-413, 415, 457

移民 487, 491-492

immigration 487, 491-492

新法国 412-414, 486, 492-494

Nouvelle-France 412-414, 486, 492-494

和西班牙 378, 494-495

and Spain 378, 494-495

北美评论474 n

North American Review 474n

北卡罗来纳州 80

North Carolina 80

新法国 412-414, 486, 492-494

Nouvelle-France 412-414, 486, 492-494

新斯科舍省 414

Nova Scotia 414

努比亚 127-128、129

Nubia 127-128, 129

数字 37, 37 n , 38, 50 n

numerals 37, 37n, 38, 50n

努米迪亚 78

Numidia 78

努子62

Nuzi 62

纽约 492

Ny Sverige 492

N ^y evskiy，亚历山大，俄罗斯王子 426、447

N^yevskiy, Aleksandr, Russian prince 426, 447

奥克西坦300

Occitan 300

奥德赛44 n , 236, 251

Odyssey 44n, 236, 251

Old Nors e参见 Norse

Old Norse see Norse

奥尔莫斯，安德烈斯神父 346

Olmos, Father Andres de 346

奥莫特36

Omotic 36

Onesicritus，希腊海军上将 191

Onesicritus, Greek admiral 191

奥利金，教会之父 256

Origen, Church father 256

奥里亚语198

Oriya 198

Os Lusíadas (Camões) 382

奥斯康17, 242, 278-280, 291 n , 299

Oscan 17, 242, 278-280, 291n, 299

奥塞泰克48, 108

Ossetic 48, 108

东哥特人 261、306、307

Ostrogoths 261, 306, 307

奥托米352, 355

Otomí 352, 355

奥斯曼王朝106、121、264、266、411、434-435

Ottoman dynasty 106, 121, 264, 266, 411, 434-435

大洋沿岸普查（马欢）147

Overall Survey of the Ocean’s Shores (Ma Huan) 147

牛津英语书第474节

Oxford Book of English Verse 474n

帕查库特克，印加 357

Pachacutec, Inca 357

Pachomius（圣人），133 年教会之父

Pachomius (Saint), Church father 133

太平洋 340、417、419、448、452、454、508、513

Pacific 340, 417, 419, 448, 452, 454, 508, 513

巴列维48, 98

Pahlavi 48, 98

巴基斯坦 85, 530

Pakistan 85, 530

帕莱克39, 41

Palaic 39, 41

巴勒斯坦 42, 44, 48, 62, 79, 86, 111, 128-129, 209, 247-248, 259

Palestine 42, 44, 48, 62, 79, 86, 111, 128-129, 209, 247-248, 259

巴利语 145 n , 151, 159, 162, 178, 190, 192, 202, 208, 214, 215-216, 536

Pali 145n, 151, 159, 162, 178, 190, 192, 202, 208, 214, 215-216, 536

帕卡坦特拉199, 208

Paõcatantra 199, 208

帕尼尼，梵文语法家 181, 183, 185, 217, 218

Pānini, Sanskrit grammarian 181, 183, 185, 217, 218

巴布亚新几内亚 10, 12, 508

Papua New Guinea 10, 12, 508

巴拉圭 367-368, 371, 373 n , 376

Paraguay 367-368, 371, 373n, 376

实时翻译技术82

Paraš, technique of real-time translation 82

巴黎 407-408

Paris 407-408

帕尔萨 56-57

Parsa 56-57

帕提亚108、131、247、257-259

Parthian 108, 131, 247, 257-259

帕提亚人 35, 48, 86, 87, 98, 245, 246-247, 269

Parthians 35, 48, 86, 87, 98, 245, 246-247, 269

帕提亚车站，（伊西多鲁斯）258

Parthian Stations, The (Isidorus) 258

普什图语, 108, 186

Pashto, 108, 186

巴塔哥尼亚 93

Patagonia 93

Pataõjali.Sanskritgrammarian 180, 185-186, 245

帕特里克（圣），教会之父 303

Patrick (Saint), Church father 303

佩切内格斯 425

Pechenegs 425

伯罗奔尼撒战争 82

Peloponnesian War 82

槟城 149, 506

Penang 149, 506

宾夕法尼亚荷兰人92

Pennsylvania Dutch 92

伯里克利，希腊政治家 233

Pericles, Greek statesman 233

Períplous Thalássēs Eruthraías 102-104

波斯波利斯 57, 259

Persepolis 57, 259

波斯 47, 57, 81-82, 86, 120, 122, 129

Persia 47, 57, 81-82, 86, 120, 122, 129

阿拉伯语双语 98-100, 163

Arabic bilingualism 98-100, 163

和埃及 130-131、164-165

and Egypt 130-131, 164-165

希腊霸权 245, 247, 257

Greek overlordship 245, 247, 257

政治挫折 108

political setbacks 108

和俄罗斯 434

and Russia 434

波斯语12, 21, 30, 43, 47-48, 57, 97, 101, 106, 108, 132, 141, 160, 212-213, 219, 246, 300 n , 514, 554

Persian 12, 21, 30, 43, 47-48, 57, 97, 101, 106, 108, 132, 141, 160, 212-213, 219, 246, 300n, 514, 554

秘鲁 12, 308, 334, 338, 339, 342, 344, 346, 356-358, 364, 367-370, 372, 392, 519

Peru 12, 308, 334, 338, 339, 342, 344, 346, 356-358, 364, 367-370, 372, 392, 519

彼得大帝也彼得一世，沙皇 432, 438-439

Peter the Great also Petr I, Tsar 432, 438-439

'Phagspa, 字母 156-157, 212 n

’Phagspa, alphabet 156-157, 212n

菲莱132

Philae 132

菲利普二世见费利佩二世

Philip II see Felipe II

马其顿的菲利普 85

Philip of Macedon 85

菲律宾 147 n , 148, 161, 340, 374, 377-379, 400, 444, 509, 515, 544

Philippines 147n, 148, 161, 340, 374, 377-379, 400, 444, 509, 515, 544

比布鲁斯的斐洛 72-73

Philo of Byblos 72-73

Philostratus，雅典诡辩家 565 n 28

Philostratus, Athenian sophist 565n28

腓尼基 69-70, 83

Phoenicia 69-70, 83

众神 72-73

gods 72-73

人 4445, 111, 242 n , 292

people 4445, 111, 242n, 292

定居点 239

settlements 239

腓尼基11 n , 21, 30, 34, 44-45, 60 n , 68-78, 70, 73, 90, 103, 112, 250, 267, 520 n , 536, 546

Phoenician 11n, 21, 30, 34, 44-45, 60n, 68-78, 70, 73, 90, 103, 112, 250, 267, 520n, 536, 546

字母表 44-6, 72 n , 155, 210 n

alphabet 44-6, 72n, 155, 210n

语法 68 n

grammar 68n

又见布匿

see also Punic

语音 37、50、54、154、156-157、209-212

Phonetics 37, 50, 54, 154, 156-157, 209-212

弗里吉亚语43, 48, 83, 249

Phrygian 43, 48, 83, 249

Phrynichus Arabius，希腊学究 254

Phrynichus Arabius, Greek pedant 254

象形图见文字

Pictograms see writing

洋泾浜 10, 380, 390, 497, 508, 575 n 63

Pidgins 10, 380, 390, 497, 508, 575n63

Pigafetta，安东尼奥，西班牙探险家 401 n

Pigafetta, Antonio, Spanish explorer 401n

菲律宾语 见 他加禄语

Pilipino see Tagalog

品达，希腊诗人 230

Pindar, Greek poet 230

Pinteado, Antonio, 葡萄牙探险家 388

Pinteado, Antonio, Portuguese explorer 388

拼音看中文

Pinyin see Chinese

盗版 102、129、148、158、199、201、382、391、415-416、421、478-479、491、494、519

Piracy 102, 129, 148, 158, 199, 201, 382, 391, 415-416, 421, 478-479, 491, 494, 519

皮萨罗，弗朗西斯科，西班牙征服者 338、339、343、356

Pizarro, Francisco, Spanish conquistador 338, 339, 343, 356

普劳图斯，罗马剧作家 76-77, 252, 565 n 25

Plautus, Roman dramatist 76-77, 252, 565n25

老普林尼，罗马海军上将和百科全书家 27, 191, 336

Pliny the Elder, Roman admiral and encyclopaedist 27, 191, 336

普鲁塔克，希腊传记作家 5, 131 n , 258, 259 n , 555

Plutarch, Greek biographer 5, 131n, 258, 259n, 555

风中奇缘，波瓦坦公主 481

Pocahontas, Powhatan princess 481

Poema de Mio Cid 332n

Poenulus (Plautus) 76-77, 78 n

Poenulus (Plautus) 76-77, 78n

波兰 410、429、431-432

Poland 410, 429, 431-432

Polier, Antoine-Louis Henri，英国东印度公司的法国人 497, 575 n 41

Polier, Antoine-Louis Henri, Frenchman in British East India Company 497, 575n41

波尔克，詹姆斯·诺克斯，美国总统 488, 494

Polk, James Knox, US President 488, 494

马可波罗 336 n

Polo, Marco 336n

波利比乌斯，希腊历史学家 252、279、293、294、295

Polybius, Greek historian 252, 279, 293, 294, 295

Polychronicon (Higden) 467、468、471

Polychronicon (Higden) 467, 468, 471

波利尼西亚 9, 23 n

Polynesia 9, 23n

人口

Population

密度 152-153, 373, 376, 412, 412 n , 415, 494

density 152-153, 373, 376, 412, 412n, 415, 494

增长 414-415, 489, 490-495, 527-528, 530-1, 535, 545, 547, 557, 572 n 42, 577 n 9

growth 414-415, 489, 490-495, 527-528, 530-1, 535, 545, 547, 557, 572n42, 577n9

移动（另见驱逐出境） 18-19, 22, 24, 64-66, 126, 141, 146, 163-167, 239-241, 273-275, 293-294, 325, 332, 339 n , 343-344 , 360, 376, 378-379, 391-392, 394, 411, 423, 433, 435, 437, 486-487, 491-492, 492 n , 495, 506, 531, 534-537, 538 n

movement (see also Deportation) 18-19, 22, 24, 64-66, 126, 141, 146, 163-167, 239-241, 273-275, 293-294, 325, 332, 339n, 343-344, 360, 376, 378-379, 391-392, 394, 411, 423, 433, 435, 437, 486-487, 491-492, 492n, 495, 506, 531, 534-537, 538n

葡萄牙

Portugal

亚洲帝国 385-390, 396-398, 519

Asian empire 385-390, 396-398, 519

中国148

and China 148

海上探索 334-336, 382, 478

maritime explorations 334-336, 382, 478

穆斯林存在 99, 384

Muslim presence 99, 384

贸易帝国 385, 386-391

trading empire 385, 386-391

又见巴西

see also Brazil

葡萄牙语300, 325 n , 331, 332 n , 380, 382, 384, 385, 387-388, 390-395, 404 n , 446, 476, 497-498, 499 n , 513, 525-533, 536

Portuguese 300, 325n, 331, 332n, 380, 382, 384, 385, 387-388, 390-395, 404n, 446, 476, 497-498, 499n, 513, 525-533, 536

在美国 391-395

in America 391-395

和基督教 387-390, 398 n , 401

and Christianity 387-390, 398n, 401

在巴西扩张 393

expansion in Brazil 393

Posidippus，希腊剧作家 230

Posidippus, Greek dramatist 230

波西多尼乌斯，希腊学者 276、277

Posidonius, Greek scholar 276, 277

Prakrit 见梵文

Prakrit see Sanskrit

原理（牛顿）328

Principia (Newton) 328

Prinsep, James，英国学者 503 n

Prinsep, James, British scholar 503n

Procopius, 拜占庭历史学家 261-262, 311 n

Procopius, Byzantine historian 261-262, 311n

普罗旺斯320 n

Provençal 320n

阿尼卡尔箴言38, 83

Proverbs of Aniqar 38, 83

普鲁士 448

Prussia 448

Psamtek I，法老 129

Psamtek I, pharaoh 129

Psamtek III，法老 131

Psamtek III, pharaoh 131

卜塔 113-114, 132

Ptah 113-114, 132

托勒密王朝 86、131、248-249、251、259、276、281

Ptolemaic dynasty 86, 131, 248-249, 251, 259, 276, 281

布匿46, 75-78, 97, 100, 250, 307 n , 536另见 腓尼基

Punic 46, 75-78, 97, 100, 250, 307n, 536 see also Phoenician

普奎纳356-357

Puquina 356-357

普通话 见中文

Putonghuà see Chinese

希腊国王皮洛士 251

Pyrrhus, Greek king 251

加特纳 41

Qatna 41

秦朝 118, 137-138, 140

Qín dynasty 118, 137-138, 140

清朝121、144、148、149

Qīng dynasty 121, 144, 148, 149

盖丘亚语21, 342, 344-346, 355-360, 363, 369, 372-373, 444, 519, 521 n , 557

Quechua 21, 342, 344-346, 355-360, 363, 369, 372-373, 444, 519, 521n, 557

昆士兰 80

Queensland 80

Quiller-Couch，亚瑟爵士 474 n

Quiller-Couch, Sir Arthur 474n

库姆 98

Qum 98

Quôc-ngu（'国语'，越南语罗马字母）414 n

Quôc-ngu (’National Language’, Vietnamese romanized script) 414n

古兰经94, 97 n , 98, 216, 521

Qur’ān 94, 97n, 98, 216, 521

Quti/Qutium 40, 43

拉辛，让，法国剧作家 410

Racine, Jean, French dramatist 410

Raffles, Stamford, 英国开发商 399, 402, 506

Raffles, Stamford, British developer 399, 402, 506

Rājaśekhara，梵文诗人 189

Rājaśekhara, Sanskrit poet 189

拉贾辛哈二世，锡兰皇帝 388

Rajasinha II, Ceylonese emperor 388

Ralegh, Sir Walter, 英国冒险家 477 n , 479

Ralegh, Sir Walter, English adventurer 477n, 479

罗摩衍那(Valmīki) 176, 184, 198

Rāmāyana (Valmīki) 176, 184, 198

拉美西斯二世，法老 126

Ramses II, pharaoh 126

拉美西斯三世，法老 127

Ramses III, pharaoh 127

Reclus, Onésime 404 n

Reclus, Onésime 404n

Reconquista（基督教重新征服西班牙）99

Reconquista (Christian reconquest of Spain) 99

改革 367、407、409、412、447、517

Reformation 367, 407, 409, 412, 447, 517

宗教 21-22, 24, 25, 86-93, 94-96, 126

Religion 21-22, 24, 25, 86-93, 94-96, 126

文艺复兴 265, 409, 544

Renaissance 265, 409, 544

Rhodes, Alexandre de, 法国传教士 413, 414 n

Rhodes, Alexandre de, French missionary 413, 414n

'富有的行业' 397

’Rich trades’ 397

理查二世，英国国王 468

Richard II, English king 468

理查二世（莎士比亚）477

Richard II (Shakespeare) 477

黎塞留红衣主教法国政治家 409、410、412

Richelieu, Cardinal, French statesman 409, 410, 412

Rivarol, Antoine de, 法国作家 410 n

Rivarol, Antoine de, French writer 410n

罗阿诺克，英国殖民地 477, 487

Roanoke, English colony 477, 487

罗德里克，西哥特国王 99

Roderik, Visigothic king 99

Rolfe, John，英国烟草企业家 481

Rolfe, John, British tobacco entrepreneur 481

Roman de Rou (Wace) 458-459

罗马帝国 20, 76, 96, 101 n , 111, 121, 140, 150, 164-167, 245

Roman empire 20, 76, 96, 101n, 111, 121, 140, 150, 164-167, 245

字母表 242

alphabet 242

边界(liabar;mes) 277, 297

boundary (liabar;mes) 277, 297

崩塌西305

collapse in the West 305

征服 275

conquests 275

扩展 251, 293

expansion 251, 293

第四次十字军东征 263、270

Fourth Crusade 263, 270

和希腊语250-254、255、269

and Greek 250-254, 255, 269

移民 275

immigration 275

又见 拉丁文

see also Latin

罗马共和国 278-279, 297

Roman republic 278-279, 297

罗曼语20, 98, 99, 175, 304, 307, 310, 314, 317-321, 325, 382, 405, 407, 460, 519, 526罗马尼亚语291 n , 309

Romance languages 20, 98, 99, 175, 304, 307, 310, 314, 317-321, 325, 382, 405, 407, 460, 519, 526 Romanian 291n, 309

罗曼诺夫王朝 431

Romanov dynasty 431

浪漫主义运动 266, 448

Romantic movement 266, 448

罗马书 45、48、71、295-299

Romans 45, 48, 71, 295-299

罗马

Rome

向西扩张 296

expansion westward 296

和希腊语298

and Greek 298

和拉丁语298, 300

and Latin 298, 300

麻袋 293

sack of 293

罗森布拉特，天使 373

Rosenblat, Angel 373

罗塞塔石碑 165 n

Rosetta Stone 165n

Roux, Georges，法国亚述学家 63

Roux, Georges, French assyrologist 63

Roy, Ram Mohan，印度知识分子 502, 510

Roy, Ram Mohan, Indian intellectual 502, 510

皇家亚洲学会 185

Royal Asiatic Society 185

拉什迪，萨尔曼，印度英语作家 577 n 7

Rushdie, Salman, Indian writer in English 577n7

俄罗斯 106

Russia 106

和中国427

and China 427

扩张

expansion

哥萨克入侵 427-428

Cossack invasions 427-428

东和西 427-432

east and west 427-432

移民 423, 433, 435

immigration 423, 433, 435

朝鲜族人口 423 n

Korean population 423n

莫斯科 428, 430

of Muscovy 428, 430

俄罗斯（续）

Russia (cont.)

南北 432-437

north and south 432-437

起源 422 n , 423-427

origins 422n, 423-427

和法国文化 410-411

and French culture 410-411

神圣会议法 435

Holy Synod Act 435

和日本 433, 452

and Japan 433, 452

'文学语言' 442

’literary languages’ 442

穆斯林人口 434-435, 439

Muslim populations 434-435, 439

俄语24 n , 108, 421 n , 422, 431, 433, 520, 528-529, 531

Russian 24n, 108, 421n, 422, 431, 433, 520, 528-529, 531

军队的语言统一 438-439

army’s linguistic unity 438-439

双语 440

bilingualism 440

殖民语言 325 n , 427, 434, 437, 446

colonizing language 325n, 427, 434, 437, 446

西里尔字母 442

Cyrillic alphabet 442

意识形态语言 444

ideological language 444

文学439-440

literature 439-440

大众扫盲 441-442

mass literacy 441-442

传教士 429

missionaries 429

第442章

orthography 442

前景不佳 444-446

poor prospects 444-446

苏联政策 441-444

Soviet policy 441-444

状态 437-441

status 437-441

苏联 441-444

Soviet Union 441-444

俄罗斯学院 439

Russian Academy 439

俄罗斯圣经公会，帝国 438

Russian Bible Society, Imperial 438

俄罗斯东正教 423、425、434、437-438

Russian Orthodox Church 423, 425, 434, 437-438

日俄战争 452

Russo-Japanese War 452

卢旺达 105

Rwanda 105

沙巴 505

Sabah 505

萨达姆侯赛因，伊拉克独裁者 35

Saddam Hussein, Iraqi dictator 35

Sahagún, Fray Bernardo de, 西班牙修道士 368

Sahagún, Fray Bernardo de, Spanish friar 368

科普特92的萨希德方言

Sahidic dialect of Coptic 92

圣托马斯基督徒 88

St Thomas Christians 88

赛斯 130、151、165

Sais 130, 151, 165

萨卡43, 48

šaka 43, 48

šaka 时代约会系统 219 n

šaka era dating system 219n

沙卡-于阗语108

šaka-Khotanese 108

出售，柯克帕特里克 335 n , 336 n

Sale, Kirkpatrick 335n, 336n

撒玛利亚 56, 65

Samaria 56, 65

撒玛利亚基督徒 87

Samaritan Christians 87

撒马尔罕 21, 93, 106, 108, 437

Samarkand 21, 93, 106, 108, 437

圣22

San 22

贝鲁特的 Sanchuniathon，腓尼基神话学家 72-73

Sanchuniathon of Beirut, Phoenician mythographer 72-73

梵文20, 21, 24 n , 92, 174-176, 238

Sanskrit 20, 21, 24n, 92, 174-176, 238

在中亚和东亚 207-213

in Central and East Asia 207-213

佛教混合方言190

Buddhist Hybrid dialect 190

圣歌145 n

chants 145n

特征 180-185、194、205

characteristics 180-185, 194, 205

214-218的魅力

charm of 214-218

和中文192-194, 209

and Chinese 192-194, 209

方言 175, 189

dialects 175, 189

缺点 218-222

disadvantages 218-222

在戏剧188

in drama 188

和希腊语190-192

and Greek 190-192

在印度 185-190, 195-199

in India 185-190, 195-199

礼仪 175-176, 178-179, 185, 208, 225, 238, 520, 536

liturgical 175-176, 178-179, 185, 208, 225, 238, 520, 536

175 , 178, 185, 187-188, 190, 192, 214, 218-219, 223, 246-247

Prakrit 175, 178, 185, 187-188, 190, 192, 214, 218-219, 223, 246-247

发音 157, 174 n , 217

pronunciation 157, 174n, 217

和宗教 189-190, 192

and religion 189-190, 192

脚本 174 n , 194, 202, 206, 209, 211

scripts 174n, 194, 202, 206, 209, 211

在东南亚 4, 21, 159, 162, 199-207

in South-East Asia 4, 21, 159, 162, 199-207

演讲者人数 12

speaker populations 12

141、176-179、195-199、214、219、238 的分布

spread of 141, 176-179, 195-199, 214, 219, 238

取代 212-213, 574 n 38

supplanted 212-213, 574n38

222-226 的存活率

survival of 222-226

经文 181-183

sutras 181-183

吠陀/ 吠陀 43、175、180-181、185、197、206、209、220

Vedic/Vedas 43, 175, 180-181, 185, 197, 206, 209, 220

词汇 183-184

vocabulary 183-184

书面文本 183、194、209

written text 183, 194, 209

Śāntarak⋅ita，佛教僧侣 178

Śāntarak⋅ita, Buddhist monk 178

Santo Tomás, Fray Domingo, 西班牙修道士 334, 356

Santo Tomás, Fray Domingo, Spanish friar 334, 356

萨卡拉 81

Saqqara 81

砂拉越 505

Sarawak 505

撒丁岛 45, 71, 76

Sardinia 45, 71, 76

萨尔贡一世，阿加德国王 35, 37, 40, 51, 60

Sargon I, king of Agade 35, 37, 40, 51, 60

萨尔贡二世，亚述国王 65

Sargon II, king of Assyria 65

萨珊王朝96、98、108、259、260

Sassanid dynasty 96, 98, 108, 259, 260

Satavahana，印度国王 189 n

Satavahana, Indian king 189n

讽刺交易156

Satire on Trades 156

Śaurasenī 188

撒克逊语，日耳曼语307

Saxon, Germanic language 307

撒克逊英格兰 312, 460

Saxon England 312, 460

入侵 304-305, 310-314

invasions 304-305, 310-314

Scaliger, Joseph Justus, 荷兰语言学家 277 n

Scaliger, Joseph Justus, Dutch philologist 277n

斯堪的纳维亚 19, 313, 516

Scandinavia 19, 313, 516

席勒，弗里德里希，德国剧作家 446、448

Schiller, Friedrich, German dramatist 446, 448

Schloezer, AL, 德国语言学家 35 n

Schloezer, A.L., German philologist 35n

苏格兰 447 n , 463-464, 518

Scotland 447n, 463-464, 518

文士 67, 82, 155-156

scribes 67, 82, 155-156

Scyles, Scythian Hellenophile 243

斯基泰人48, 108, 186

Scythian 48, 108, 186

斯基泰人 43, 186, 219, 241, 243, 246, 257, 276, 335

Scythians 43, 186, 219, 241, 243, 246, 257, 276, 335

蒙古秘史145

Secret History of the Mongols 145

Eulaeus 258、561 上的 Seleuceia，另见Susa

Seleuceia on the Eulaeus 258, 561, see also Susa

底格里斯河上的塞琉西亚 258, 561

Seleuceia on the Tigris 258, 561

塞琉古王朝 55, 108, 190, 191, 247, 248-249, 257, 258, 293

Seleucid dynasty 55, 108, 190, 191, 247, 248-249, 257, 258, 293

塞尔柱王朝21、101、106、263、265

Seljuk dynasty 21, 101, 106, 263, 265

闪族语言35, 36-38, 40, 41, 43, 47, 60-62, 65, 70, 72 n , 78, 93, 110-111, 122, 129, 250, 292, 517

Semitic languages 35, 36-38, 40, 41, 43, 47, 60-62, 65, 70, 72n, 78, 93, 110-111, 122, 129, 250, 292, 517

1-10阿卡德语、亚拉姆语和阿拉伯语37 n , 38

1-10 in Akkadian, Aramaic and Arabic 37n, 38

特征 35-37

characteristics 35-37

Senghor, Léopold, 塞内加尔总统 420

Senghor, Léopold, Senegalese president 420

西拿基立，亚述王 50, 65, 83

Sennacherib, king of Assyria 50, 65, 83

七十士译本圣经248

Septuagint Bible 248

红杉，切诺基 154

Sequoya, Cherokee 154

塞尔维亚 262

Serbia 262

塞尔维亚-克罗地亚97 n

Serbo-Croat 97n

塞尔维亚人 430 n

Serbs 430n

塞提一世，法老 126

Seti I, pharaoh 126

Severus, Sulpicius, 罗马历史学家 300

Severus, Sulpicius, Roman historian 300

塞维利亚 99

Seville 99

Shabaka Stone (轴承孟菲特神学) 113-114

Shabaka Stone (bearing Memphite theology) 113-114

莎士比亚，威廉，英国剧作家 22, 334, 473-474 n , 477

Shakespeare, William, English dramatist 22, 334, 473-474n, 477

商朝118、136

Shāng dynasty 118, 136

上海149

Shanghai 149

闪 35 n

Shem 35n

始皇帝，中国皇帝 137-138、151、156

Shi Huang Di, Chinese emperor 137-138, 151, 156

什叶派/什叶派传统 98

Shia/Shiite tradition 98

肖申克王朝127、129

Shoshenq dynasty 127, 129

徐深138的昭文介子

Showen Jiezi of Xu Shen 138

Shusim 56另见苏萨

Shusim 56 see also Susa

暹罗 207

Siam 207

西伯利亚 80、101、380、423、428、432、436、444-445

Siberia 80, 101, 380, 423, 428, 432, 436, 444-445

西西里岛 45, 71, 239-241

Sicily 45, 71, 239-241

悉达文 156

Siddha script 156

侧面84

Sidetic 84

西顿/西顿人 35 n , 44, 71

Sidon/Sidonians 35n, 44, 71

塞拉利昂 508

Sierra Leone 508

西哈努克，诺罗敦，柬埔寨王子 420

Sihanouk, Norodom, Cambodian prince 420

锡克教 216

Sikhism 216

Silenos 和 Sosylos，希腊编年史家与汉尼拔 77

Silenos and Sosylos, Greek annalists with Hannibal 77

Simhala 人 176参见 僧伽罗语

Simhala people 176 see also Sinhala

Simonsz, Cornelius Jan, 荷兰锡兰总督 389

Simonsz, Cornelius Jan, Dutch governor of Ceylon 389

信德 93

Sind 93

新加坡 149, 505, 507, 532, 548

Singapore 149, 505, 507, 532, 548

僧伽罗语198, 544

Sinhala 198, 544

中俄边境427

Sino-Russian border 427

汉藏语言134, 138, 141

Sino-Tibetan languages 134, 138, 141

中氧方言162

Sinoxenic dialects 162

奴隶贸易 105, 344, 365, 391, 415, 416 n , 418, 480, 508, 539 n

Slave trade 105, 344, 365, 391, 415, 416n, 418, 480, 508, 539n

斯拉夫人 274、280-281、304-309、310、423

Slavs 274, 280-281, 304-309, 310, 423

入侵希腊 261-262, 264, 309, 314

incursions into Greece 261-262, 264, 309, 314

斯拉夫/斯拉夫语言262, 273, 275, 277, 309-310, 422, 425, 429, 447

Slavic/Slavonic languages 262, 273, 275, 277, 309-310, 422, 425, 429, 447

斯洛伐克人 430 n

Slovaks 430n

斯洛文尼亚人 430 n

Slovenians 430n

Slovo o Polku Igoreve , 俄罗斯英雄式 426

Slovo o Polku Igoreve, Russian heroic lay 426

史密斯，约翰船长，英国殖民者 481 n

Smith, Captain John, English colonist 481n

苏格拉底，希腊哲学家 183

Socrates, Greek philosopher 183

粟特21、48、98-99、106、108、546

Sogdian 21, 48, 98-99, 106, 108, 546

索玛，也是六爷，传说中的阜南女王4

Soma, also Liuye, legendary queen of Funan 4

索马里 97 n , 104

Somalia 97n, 104

宋代 142-143, 147

Song dynasty 142-143, 147

宋云，中国朝圣者 193

Song-Yun, Chinese pilgrim 193

儿子的书145

Son’s Books 145

Soto, Hernando de, 西班牙征服者 337, 339, 344

Soto, Hernando de, Spanish conquistador 337, 339, 344

南非

South Africa

和荷兰语399、411

and Dutch 399, 411

和英语 19, 507

and English 19, 507

南美 12, 333, 362, 419, 444

South America 12, 333, 362, 419, 444

南太平洋 508

South Pacific 508

东南亚 101, 159, 160, 178

South-East Asia 101, 159, 160, 178

和英语506-507

and English 506-507

和梵文199-213, 536

and Sanskrit 199-213, 536

脚本 202-203

scripts 202-203

西班牙 14, 14-16, 332-346, 347-350, 478, 482, 486, 494-495, 509, 519

Spain 14, 14-16, 332-346, 347-350, 478, 482, 486, 494-495, 509, 519

阿拉伯文字 97 n

Arabic script 97n

中国148

and China 148

和基督教 332

and Christianity 332

帝国和语言 373-377

empire and language 373-377

和法语410

and French 410

伊斯兰教禁止 333

Islam banned 333

犹太人被驱逐 333

Jews expelled 333

和拉丁语12

and Latin 12

穆斯林存在 99-100, 554

Muslim presence 99-100, 554

腓尼基人定居点 46 n , 71

Phoenician settlements 46n, 71

罗马控制 301

Roman control 301

另见美洲、加勒比、菲律宾

see also Americas, Caribbean, Philippines

西班牙语7, 179, 300, 307, 331, 340, 373-377, 472

Spanish 7, 179, 300, 307, 331, 340, 373-377, 472

卡斯蒂利亚332-333

Castilian 332-333

殖民语言 325 n , 380, 400, 446, 495, 527-528

colonizing language 325n, 380, 400, 446, 495, 527-528

浪漫320 n , 332

Romance 320n, 332

与纳瓦特尔14-15形成鲜明对比的风格

style contrasted with Nahuatl 14-15

世界语言 525-533

world language 525-533

美西战争 340, 377

Spanish-American War 340, 377

斯巴达 82、236、240

Sparta 82, 236, 240

斯波尔丁，奥古斯丁，英国商人 323

Spaulding, Augustine, British merchant 323

斯里兰卡 160、176、178、199、201、389-391、399、401、544

Śri Lanka 160, 176, 178, 199, 201, 389-391, 399, 401, 544

圣维杰亚 147, 203

Śri Vijaya 147, 203

斯大林、约瑟夫、苏联领导人 423 n , 432, 433 n

Stalin, Josef, Soviet leader 423n, 432, 433n

斯坦利，亨利爵士，英国探险家 418

Stanley, Sir Henry, British explorer 418

基尔肯尼法令 143 n , 464-465

Statute of Kilkenny 143n, 464-465

Strabo, 希腊地理学家 191, 232, 241, 252, 277, 279, 282, 335

Strabo, Greek geographer 191, 232, 241, 252, 277, 279, 282, 335

斯特拉斯堡誓言 308 n , 317

Strasburg Oaths 308n, 317

Stuyvesant, Pieter，新荷兰 493 n的最后一位州长

Stuyvesant, Pieter, last governor of Nieuw Nederland 493n

苏丹 98

Sudan 98

宿比 305, 307

Suebi 305, 307

隋朝119、141

Súi dynasty 119, 141

Sullivan, John L.，美国记者 486

Sullivan, John L., US journalist 486

苏门答腊 147、204-205、213

Sumatra 147, 204-205, 213

苏美尔 31、37、39、41-44、51、53、57

Sumer 31, 37, 39, 41-44, 51, 53, 57

苏美尔11 n , 32, 33, 37, 38, 41, 46, 49-56, 52, 55, 60-62, 68, 163, 536

Sumerian 11n, 32, 33, 37, 38, 41, 46, 49-56, 52, 55, 60-62, 68, 163, 536

双语与阿卡德语51、53-57、111、163

bilingualism with Akkadian 51, 53-57, 111, 163

楔形文字 11 n , 32, 37, 39-40, 40, 42, 46, 50, 51, 54-55, 57, 61-63, 72 n

cuneiform 11n, 32, 37, 39-40, 40, 42, 46, 50, 51, 54-55, 57, 61-63, 72n

edubba系统 62-63

edubba system 62-63

学校课本 37

school texts 37

苏萨 56-57、61、258

Susa 56-57, 61, 258

舒珊见苏萨

šušan see Susa

斯瓦希里语97 n , 103-105, 419 n , 532

Swahili 97n, 103-105, 419n, 532

瑞典 410、433、486、492

Sweden 410, 433, 486, 492

瑞士 407, 410

Switzerland 407, 410

叙利亚语87-88、90、131、250、255，另见 亚拉姆语

Syriac 87-88, 90, 131, 250, 255, see also Aramaic

叙利亚 20-21, 37, 38, 44, 48, 79, 86, 128-129

Syria 20-21, 37, 38, 44, 48, 79, 86, 128-129

希腊霸主 245, 247, 259

Greek overlordship 245, 247, 259

叙利亚雅各布教会 90

Syrian Jacobite Church 90

Tabgach 106、119、140、144、151、153、306 n

Tabgach 106, 119, 140, 144, 151, 153, 306n

塔西佗 273, 277, 280, 288, 302, 309, 311 n

Tacitus 273, 277, 280, 288, 302, 309, 311n

他加禄语377-379, 544

Tagalog 377-379, 544

泰语141

Tai languages 141

太宗，中国皇帝 159

Tai Zong, Chinese emperor 159

台湾 451-453

Taiwan 451-453

塔吉克斯坦, 47, 99, 108, 437

Tajikistan, 47, 99, 108, 437

Sinuhe 的故事，埃及浪漫 129 n

Tale of Sinuhe, Egyptian romance 129n

塔木德87, 90 n , 217

Talmud 87, 90n, 217

Talon, Jean, Nouvelle-France 414 的总督

Talon, Jean, intendant of Nouvelle-France 414

Tamazight 127另见 柏柏尔

Tamazight 127 see also Berber

泰米尔语160、177、198、201、507、530、544

Tamil 160, 177, 198, 201, 507, 530, 544

TaNaK , 希伯来圣经 70 n , 96

TaNaK, Hebrew Scripture 70n, 96

唐代119、120、141、146、151、158、169、178、209

Tang dynasty 119, 120, 141, 146, 151, 158, 169, 178, 209

丹吉尔 93

Tangier 93

西夏 142

Tangut 142

坦尼斯 151

Tanis 151

坦桑尼亚 104-105、508、532、544

Tanzania 104-105, 508, 532, 544

道教172

Taoism 172

塔拉斯坎352、355、372

Tarascan 352, 355, 372

Tāriq bin Ziyād，摩尔人征服者 95, 99

Tāriq bin Ziyād, Moorish conqueror 95, 99

塔尔泰斯人 290

Tartessians 290

鞑靼人 106, 306 n , 422, 423 n , 433, 434, 435, 440

Tatars 106, 306n, 422, 423n, 433, 434, 435, 440

出租车 85、181、258

Taxila 85, 181, 258

电讯地理 544 n

TeleGeography 544n

泰卢固语177、187、198、530

Telugu 177, 187, 198, 530

暴风雨，（莎士比亚）334

Tempest, The (Shakespeare) 334

第368节

Tepoztlán 368

条顿骑士团 447

Teutonic knights 447

Tezozómoc，费尔南多·阿尔瓦拉多，纳瓦特尔编年史家 353-354

Tezozómoc, Fernando Alvarado, Nahuatl chronicler 353-354

泰语 134、141、208；脚本 202

Thai 134, 141, 208; script 202

泰国 147 n , 148, 161, 205, 208, 528

Thailand 147n, 148, 161, 205, 208, 528

1001 夜98, 103

The 1001 Nights 98, 103

底比斯 127、129、151

Thebes 127, 129, 151

Themistocles, 希腊将军 5, 555

Themistocles, Greek general 5, 555

三十六计171

Thirty-Six Strategems 171

Thoby, Henry，英属印度公务员 503 n

Thoby, Henry, British Indian civil servant 503n

色雷斯人 282, 290

Thracians 282, 290

修昔底德 233

Thucydides 233

西藏80、141、178-179、203、221

Tibet 80, 141, 178-179, 203, 221

藏语21, 134, 209

Tibetan 21, 134, 209

脚本 156、211-212、564-565

script 156, 211-212, 564-565

藏缅语言177

Tibeto-Burman languages 177

Tiglath Pileser I，亚述王 43, 423 n

Tiglath Pileser I, king of Assyria 43, 423n

Tiglath Pileser III，亚述国王 65

Tiglath Pileser III, king of Assyria 65

蒂格雷36, 92

Tigre 36, 92

提格里尼亚36, 92

Tigrinya 36, 92

底格里斯河 39, 40 n

Tigris 39, 40n

Timur-i-leng (帖木儿, Tamburlaine), 突厥征服者 90

Timur-i-leng (Tamerlane, Tamburlaine), Turkic conqueror 90

吐火罗人见库沙那

Tocharians see Kushāna

东干帖木儿，中国皇帝 143

Togan Timur, Chinese emperor 143

托克皮辛508

Tok Pisin 508

德川家康，日本将军 388、450

Tokugawa Ieyasu, Japanese shōgun 388, 450

托莱多 93, 99

Toledo 93, 99

托尔斯泰，利奥伯爵，俄罗斯作家 410、439

Tolstoy, Count Leo, Russian writer 410, 439

铜金146

Tongking 146

前二十种语言 19 n , 525-533

Top Twenty Languages 19n, 525-533

托拉, 70 n , 111, 217

Torah, 70n, 111, 217

Toribio de Benavente, Fray参见Motolinía

Toribio de Benavente, Fray see Motolinía

Tordesillas 线 336-337, 385

Tordesillas line 336-337, 385

Torres, Luis de, 西班牙语翻译 335

Torres, Luis de, Spanish interpreter 335

托托纳克348、352、355

Totonac 348, 352, 355

贸易 10, 21, 56, 61-62, 74, 75, 128, 130, 146-149, 154, 213, 229, 242, 313, 326, 334, 357, 363, 385-387, 391, 397, 402 , 412, 416, 441, 444, 450, 511, 547

Trade 10, 21, 56, 61-62, 74, 75, 128, 130, 146-149, 154, 213, 229, 242, 313, 326, 334, 357, 363, 385-387, 391, 397, 402, 412, 416, 441, 444, 450, 511, 547

'富有的行业' 397

’Rich trades’ 397

图拉真，罗马皇帝 259 n , 310

Trajan, Roman emperor 259n, 310

条约

Treaties

格奥尔基耶夫斯克 434

Georgievsk 434

尼布楚斯克 427

Nerchinsk 427

巴黎 415, 494

Paris 415, 494

拉施塔特 411

Rastatt 411

埃普特河畔圣克莱尔 460

St-Clair-sur-Epte 460

托德西拉斯 (Tardesilhas) 336-337、385、392

Tordesillas (Tardesilhas) 336-337, 385, 392

乌得勒支 414 n

Utrecht 414n

怀唐伊 506

Waitangi 506

特雷维萨，约翰·德 467、468、471

Trevisa, John de 467, 468, 471

Triadon ,科普特诗歌 134

Triadon, Coptic poem 134

爱尔兰三合会, (Meyer) 272

Triads of Ireland, The (Meyer) 272

穴居人131, 232

Trogodyte 131, 232

日本政治分析家青柳纲太郎453

Tsunataro, Aoyagi, Japanese political analyst 453

图阿雷格101

Tuareg 101

Tunebo 363

通古斯语言21, 138, 140, 142, 143

Tungus languages 21, 138, 140, 142, 143

突尼斯 93, 97

Tunisia 93, 97

图皮-瓜拉尼语362, 363

Tupí-Guaraní languages 362, 363

图皮南巴349-350、363、393、571 n 15

Tupinambá 349-350, 363, 393, 571n15

突厥语105-108, 138, 140, 141, 212, 219, 223 n , 306 n , 425, 427, 435, 443 n , 514, 528 n

Turkic languages 105-108, 138, 140, 141, 212, 219, 223n, 306n, 425, 427, 435, 443n, 514, 528n

可能的通用语 531, 547

possible lingua franca 531, 547

符文字母 106

runic alphabet 106

脚本 106

scripts 106

土库曼斯坦 437, 443 n

Turkmenistan 437, 443n

土耳其人

Turks

穿越安纳托利亚/爱琴海 264

advance across Anatolia/Aegean 264

和阿拉伯语101

and Arabic 101

基督教东正教 264, 269-270

Christian Orthodoxy 264, 269-270

土耳其征服 263-265, 528 n

Turkish conquests 263-265, 528n

土耳其语21, 97 n , 105 n , 108, 163, 263, 547, 554

Turkish 21, 97n, 105n, 108, 163, 263, 547, 554

廷代尔，威廉 473

Tyndale, William 473

轮胎 44, 68 n , 71, 73, 75, 250

Tyre 44, 68n, 71, 73, 75, 250

第372章

Tz’utujil 372

乌干达 105, 508

Uganda 105, 508

乌加里特 41, 60 n , 62, 71, 128

Ugarit 41, 60n, 62, 71, 128

乌加里特70, 71, 73

Ugaritic 70, 71, 73

维吾尔语21, 97 n , 107, 142

Uighur 21, 97n, 107, 142

脚本 106

script 106

乌克兰 425、429、431-432、439、443

Ukraine 425, 429, 431-432, 439, 443

乌尔比安，罗马律师 299

Ulpian, Roman lawyer 299

'Umar ibn al-Khattab，阿拉伯评论家 94

’Umar ibn al-Khattab, Arab critic 94

翁布里亚242

Umbrian 242

联合东印度公司 (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie -VOC) 397, 400 n , 401-102, 457, 539

United East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie -VOC) 397, 400n, 401-102, 457, 539

英国，人口 153 n

United Kingdom, population 153n

美国杂志486

United States Magazine 486

乌尔 40, 67

Ur 40, 67

乌拉尔/乌拉尔地区至俄罗斯东北部 423, 432

Uralian/Uralic area to Russia’s North-East 423, 432

乌拉尔语429

Uralic languages 429

乌拉尔图 31, 33, 41, 43, 46-47, 50, 65

Urartu 31, 33, 41, 43, 46-47, 50, 65

乌尔都语12、178、223、497-498、503、528-530；另见 印地语

Urdu 12, 178, 223, 497-498, 503, 528-530; see also Hindi

乌尔法 87, 247

Urfa 87, 247

乌鲁克 54

Uruk 54

美国太平洋岛屿托管领土 454 n

US Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands 454n

美国

USA

非裔美国人白话英语 (AAVE) 514

African American Vernacular English (AAVE) 514

美国革命 486-487

American Revolution 486-487

吞并国家 488、494-495、509-510

annexation of states 488, 494-495, 509-510

和澳大利亚英语514 n

and Australian English 514n

中国147

and China 147

人口统计 531

demographics 531

经济 379

economy 379

一般美式发音 81, 514

General American pronunciation 81, 514

西班牙裔人口 378 n

Hispanic population 378n

移民 535

immigration 535

土著人口 488-490

indigenous population 488-490

514-515的影响

influence of 514-515

人口 153 n

population 153n

和西班牙语378

and Spanish 378

英语传播489, 549, 577 n 9

spread of English 489, 549, 577n9

乌托阿兹台克语351

Uto-Aztecan languages 351

Uwa 看 Tunebo

Uwa see Tunebo

乌兹别克斯坦 423 n , 437, 443 n , 547

Uzbekistan 423n, 437, 443n, 547

Valentijn，弗朗索瓦，荷兰作家 401

Valentijn, François, Dutch writer 401

瓦莱拉，布拉斯神父，秘鲁的西班牙神父 345, 357-358, 360, 365

Valera, Father Blas, Spanish priest in Peru 345, 357-358, 360, 365

Valla, Lorenzo，意大利人文主义者 27

Valla, Lorenzo, Italian humanist 27

Valverde, Fray Vicente, 西班牙修道士 342

Valverde, Fray Vicente, Spanish friar 342

破坏者 20, 275, 305, 307, 309, 332 n , 400

Vandals 20, 275, 305, 307, 309, 332n, 400

瓦努阿图 508

Vanuatu 508

瓦兰吉人看到维京人

Varangians see Vikings

吠陀 175

Veda 175

Vega, Garcilaso de la, 秘鲁作家 342-343, 344-345, 356, 360

Vega, Garcilaso de la, Peruvian writer 342-343, 344-345, 356, 360

维加，洛佩德，西班牙剧作家 344

Vega, Lope de, Spanish dramatist 344

可敬的比德，英国僧侣 31 n

Venerable Bede, English monk 31n

Veneti 280-281, 290, 309, 423另见斯拉夫人

Veneti 280-281, 290, 309, 423 see also Slavs

Vercingetorix 301

维吉尔，罗马诗人 253

Vergil, Roman poet 253

维埃拉，安东尼奥神父，葡萄牙神父 392

Vieira, Father Antonio, Portuguese priest 392

越南 46 n , 138, 146, 162, 204-205, 207, 529

Vietnam 46n, 138, 146, 162, 204-205, 207, 529

葡萄牙贸易站 387

Portuguese trading posts 387

联合印度支那417

Union indochinoise 417

越南语145 n , 528

Vietnamese 145n, 528

Quôc-ngu（'国语'，罗马字母）414 n

Quôc-ngu (’National Language’, romanized script) 414n

中越162-163

Sino-Vietnamese 162-163

维京人 312, 425, 426 n , 447 n , 460

Vikings 312, 425, 426n, 447n, 460

西哥特人 101 n , 275, 305-307, 310

Visigoths 101n, 275, 305-307, 310

弗拉赫游牧民族 310

Vlach nomads 310

VOC见联合东印度公司

VOC see United East India Company

伏尔泰（François-Marie Arouet），法国作家410

Voltaire (François-Marie Arouet), French writer 410

普通圣经294

Vulgate bible 294

韦斯，罗伯特 459

Wace, Robert 459

Wade-Giles 中文 115 n的罗马化

Wade-Giles romanization of Chinese 115n

等待野蛮人（卡瓦菲斯）228

Waiting for the Barbarians (Kavafis) 228

威尔士

Wales

和诺曼入侵 463, 518

and Norman invasions 463, 518

瘟疫313

plague 313

威尔士语93, 270 n , 274, 300, 303, 464, 473 n , 517

Welsh 93, 270n, 274, 300, 303, 464, 473n, 517

考文垂的沃尔特，英国作家 463

Walter of Coventry, English writer 463

战争与和平（托尔斯泰）410

War and Peace (Tolstoy) 410

华盛顿，乔治，美国总统 498

Washington, George, US President 498

魏朝 140见Tabgach

Wèi dynasty 140 see Tabgach

韦尔斯利，理查德，英国孟加拉总督 498

Wellesley, Richard, British governor-general of Bengal 498

温兹 430 n

Wends 430n

Wemdly, Georg Henrik，圣经翻译成马来文 402

Wemdly, Georg Henrik, translator of Bible into Malay 402

西亚 46-49

West Asia 46-49

西印度公司 (Westindische Compagnie-WIC) 397-398, 493

West India Company (Westindische Compagnie—WIC) 397-398, 493

惠特曼，沃尔特，美国诗人 474 n

Whitman, Walt, American poet 474n

威尔伯福斯，威廉，英国活动家 501

Wilberforce, William, British campaigner 501

私生子威廉（征服者），英格兰 319 年、460 年的诺曼国王

William the Bastard (the Conqueror), Norman king of England 319, 460

威廉姆斯，罗杰，英国语言学家 480-481, 484-485

Williams, Roger, British linguist 480-481, 484-485

维特根斯坦，路德维希，奥地利哲学家 13, 549

Wittgenstein, Ludwig, Austrian philosopher 13, 549

女性演讲 51-53

Women’s speech 51-53

世界年鉴 378

World Almanac 378

写作

Writing

会计记录 154

accounting tallies 154

字母 63-64, 67

alphabetic script 63-64, 67

大写字母，大写与小写 316 n

capitals, upper- vs lower-case 316n

楔形文字 11 n , 32, 37, 40, 42, 46, 50, 51, 54-55, 57, 61-63, 72 n , 512

cuneiform 11n, 32, 37, 40, 42, 46, 50, 51, 54-55, 57, 61-63, 72n, 512

已知最早的 34, 110

earliest known 34, 110

象形文字 11 n、34、113-116、121、124-125、128、132-133、154-158、173

hieroglyphs 11n, 34, 113-116, 121, 124-125, 128, 132-133, 154-158, 173

表意系统, 46 n , 54, 154-158的字符

ideographic systems, character of 46n, 54, 154-158

日文假名116

Japanese kana syllabary 116

徽标 37, 62

logograms 37, 62

材料 63、67、78、83、97、135 n

materials 63, 67, 78, 83, 97, 135n

象形图 51、56、113-116、132、135、156、157

pictograms 51, 56, 113-116, 132, 135, 156, 157

文士 67

scribes 67

速记符号 46

shorthand symbols 46

音节 47, 56, 154, 156

syllabary 47, 56, 154, 156

武则天 151 n , 169

Wu, Chinese empress 151n, 169

武宗，中国皇帝120

Wu Zong, Chinese emperor 120

威克里夫，约翰，英文翻译 473

Wyclif, John, English translator 473

温德姆，托马斯，英国旅行者 388

Wyndham, Thomas, English traveller 388

薛西斯，波斯国王 68, 85

Xerxes, king of Persia 68, 85

夏朝118

Xià dynasty 118

满语锡伯方言144

Xibo dialect of Manchu 144

湘女 106, 139-140, 144, 153, 219

Xiāngnú 106, 139-140, 144, 153, 219

玄奘，中国朝圣者 120, 138 n , 159, 193-194, 198, 221

Xuan-Zang, Chinese pilgrim 120, 138n, 159, 193-194, 198, 221

雅格诺比108

Yaghnobi 108

耶鲁汉语拼音 115 n , 497 n

Yale romanization of Chinese 115n, 497n

燕国140

Yan kingdom 140

易134, 145 n

Yi 134, 145n

易经，中国朝圣者 193-194，201

Yi Jing, Chinese pilgrim 193-194, 201

易经（易经） 154

Yì Jīng (Classic of Changes) 154

易宗，中国皇帝l58

Yi Zong, Chinese emperorl58

意第绪语442

Yiddish 442

横滩348

Yokot’an 348

约鲁巴 530

Yoruba 530

元朝121、141、143、146、147

Yuán dynasty 121, 141, 143, 146, 147

尤卡特克玛雅1, 348

Yucatec Maya 1, 348

粤语（粤语）中国方言136, 141, 147, 528

Yuè (Cantonese) dialect of Chinese 136, 141, 147, 528

月之见苦刹那

Yuezhi see Kushāna

南斯拉夫 310

Yugoslavia 310

Yuta-Nawan 语言参见Uto-Aztecan

Yuta-Nawan languages see Uto-Aztecan

Zakar-baal，比布鲁斯国王 71

Zakar-baal, king of Byblos 71

赞比亚 507

Zambia 507

桑给巴尔 104-105

Zanzibar 104-105

萨帕塔，胡安文图拉，纳瓦特尔剧作家 368

Zapata, Juan Ventura, Nahuatl dramatist 368

萨波特克 348、352、355

Zapotec 348, 352, 355

Zend-Avesta 31

赵国140

Zhao kingdom 140

郑和，中国海军上将147、160-161、339

Zheng-he, Chinese admiral 147, 160-161, 339

中华（中国）167

Zhōng-guo (China) 167

昭118、136

Zhāu dynasty 118, 136

庄134、141

Zhuang 134, 141

庄子，中国圣人 150

Zhuang-zi, Chinese sage 150

津巴布韦 507

Zimbabwe 507

Zirids 100

琐罗亚斯德教 48, 96, 98, 141, 158, 537

Zoroastrians 48, 96, 98, 141, 158, 537

致谢

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

这本书的第一颗种子来自巴斯文化协会 BRLSI 的 John Coates；他邀请我做一个关于语言的讲座，作为“未来历史”千年系列的一部分。只有当我坐下来思考几种主要语言的历史时，我才意识到这开辟了一个多么广阔而重要的主题，但却在很大程度上被一般知识所忽略。

The first seed for this book came from John Coates of BRLSI, Bath’s cultural society; he invited me to give a lecture on language, as part of a millennium series on ‘Histories of the Future’. Only when I sat down to consider the histories of a few major languages, did I realise what a vast and important theme this opened up, yet one that was largely omitted from general knowledge.

Lola Bubbosh 引导我迈出了进入文学经纪人世界的第一步。在那里我很幸运地找到了 Natasha Fairweather，她知道如何最好地向出版商展示我的主题。除此之外，她还指出了其他丰富了我对它的理解的作品。多亏了她，还有我洞察力敏锐、乐于助人的编辑 Richard Johnson、Andrew Proctor 和 Terry Karten，我第一次涉足出版业就这么直截了当。他们的同事也以不同的方式让我感到惊讶——在我写一个字之前，在 AP Watt Linda Shaughnessy 就在世界范围内出售翻译权；在 HarperCollins，Kate Hyde 应对来自各方的前所未有的材料，以及英国和美国的封面设计师 Dominic Forbes 和 Roberto de Vicq。其他离家较近的人对早期草稿提出了严厉但有益的批评，我的女儿 Sophia，我的岳父 David Thesen，尤其是我的妻子，以及首席文学顾问 Jane Dunn。他们发现的错误并不是——正如他们善意地认为的那样——是我太深沉的结果，而只是我太不透明的结果。无论如何，他们的努力让其他人更容易看到我一直在得到什么。

Lola Bubbosh guided my first steps into the world of literary agents. There I was fortunate to find Natasha Fairweather, who could see how best to present my theme to publishers. Besides that, she pointed out other works which have enriched my own understanding of it. It is thanks to her, and my perceptive and conducive editors, Richard Johnson, Andrew Proctor and Terry Karten, that my first foray into publishing has been so straightforward. Colleagues of theirs have also amazed me in different ways—at A. P. Watt Linda Shaughnessy selling translation rights across the world before I had even written a word; and at HarperCollins Kate Hyde coping with unprecedented material coming from all sides, and the UK and US cover-designers Dominic Forbes and Roberto de Vicq. Others closer to home gave stern but helpful criticism on early drafts, my daughter Sophia, my father-in-law David Thesen, above all my wife, and prime literary consultant, Jane Dunn. The faults that they found were not—as they charitably thought—the result of my being too deep, but just of my being too opaque. At any rate, their efforts have made it much easier for others to see what I have been getting at all along.

至于写作时的智力债务，我得到了世界各地学者的帮助，他们付出了他们的时间并慷慨地澄清了他们比我学得更多的语言的细节：Ghil'ad Zuckermann、Geoffrey Khan（阿卡德语和阿拉姆语）；拉沙德·艾哈迈德·阿扎米（阿拉伯语）；Hassan Ouzzate，Salem Mezhoud（柏柏尔人）；Abdou Elimam（布匿）；Christopher Child（斯瓦希里语）；E. Bruce Brooks（中文）；Harekrishna Satpathy、Radha Madhav Dash、Sanghamitra Mohanty、Prativa Manjari Ralt（梵文）、Ether Soselia（格鲁吉亚）、María Stella González de Perez（西班牙语和葡萄牙语）、Frances Karttunen（纳瓦特尔）、Aurolyn Luykx（盖丘亚语）、Emma Volodarskaya（俄罗斯语） ) 和大卫水晶 (英文)。Andy Pawley 和 Darrell Tryon 提高了我对太平洋语言的了解，还有 Otto Zwartjes，甚至是欧洲和中东语言研究的 Hovdhaugen 和 Françoise Douay。最重要的是，彼得·T·丹尼尔斯（Peter T. Daniels）凭借他在亚拉姆语和中东语言方面的深厚专业知识使我受益匪浅，他继续以各种方式改进整个文本，既是细心的阅读者，也是严谨的排版者，甚至是楔形文字。其他更正错误的读者包括 Frank Abate、Bart Holland、Dan Hughes、Tim Nau、Noriko Akimoto Sugimori、Mark Turin，尤其是 Stephen Benham 和 Fran Karttunen。我由衷地感谢他们。但不用说，我仍然要为仍然存在的错误负责。作为细心的阅读者和严谨的排版者，他以各种方式改进了整个文本，甚至达到了楔形文字。其他更正错误的读者包括 Frank Abate、Bart Holland、Dan Hughes、Tim Nau、Noriko Akimoto Sugimori、Mark Turin，尤其是 Stephen Benham 和 Fran Karttunen。我由衷地感谢他们。但不用说，我仍然要为仍然存在的错误负责。作为细心的阅读者和严谨的排版者，他以各种方式改进了整个文本，甚至达到了楔形文字。其他更正错误的读者包括 Frank Abate、Bart Holland、Dan Hughes、Tim Nau、Noriko Akimoto Sugimori、Mark Turin，尤其是 Stephen Benham 和 Fran Karttunen。我由衷地感谢他们。但不用说，我仍然要为仍然存在的错误负责。

As for intellectual debts while writing, I have been aided by scholars all over the world, who have given of their time and generously clarified details of languages in which they were far more learned than I: Ghil’ad Zuckermann, Geoffrey Khan (Akkadian and Aramaic); Rashad Ahmad Azami (Arabic); Hassan Ouzzate, Salem Mezhoud (Berber); Abdou Elimam (Punic); Christopher Child (Swahili); E. Bruce Brooks (Chinese); Harekrishna Satpathy, Radha Madhav Dash, Sanghamitra Mohanty, Prativa Manjari Ralt (Sanskrit), Ether Soselia (Georgian), María Stella González de Perez (Spanish and Portuguese), Frances Karttunen (Nahuatl), Aurolyn Luykx (Quechua), Emma Volodarskaya (Russian) and David Crystal (English). Andy Pawley and Darrell Tryon have sharpened my knowledge of languages in the Pacific, and Otto Zwartjes, Even Hovdhaugen and Françoise Douay of language studies in Europe and the Middle East. Above all, Peter T. Daniels, after benefiting me with his profound expertise in Aramaic and Middle-Eastern languages, has gone on to improve the whole text in a variety of ways both as attentive reader and punctilious typesetter, even unto cuneiform. Other readers who have corrected errors include Frank Abate, Bart Holland, Dan Hughes, Tim Nau, Noriko Akimoto Sugimori, Mark Turin and most of all Stephen Benham and Fran Karttunen. I am sincerely grateful to them all. But needless to say, I am still responsible for mistakes that remain.

完成这本书的智力之旅还招致了其他债务。最近，我欠托尼·麦克纳里 (Tony McEnery) 的债，他让我想起了 2001 年的印度之旅。以及简·辛普森和大卫·纳什，在 25 年对语言和理论的共同见解之后，他们让我有可能在 2002 年访问澳大利亚。当今语言学的黎明之地可以获得大量的语言数据源，在那里我可以将这些材料呈现给珀斯、悉尼和阿米代尔的有学问和热情的听众。其中我还要感谢约翰·亨德森和尼克·里德，感谢他们的邀请和令人难忘的款待。

The intellectual journey to complete this book has incurred other debts. Most recently, my debts are to Tony McEnery, who conjured up my trips to India in 2001; and to Jane Simpson and David Nash, who—after twenty-five years of shared insights about languages and theories—made it possible for me in 2002 to visit Australia. That dawn-land of today’s linguistics has access to the great feed-stocks of language data, and there I could present this material to audiences of the learned and enthusiastic in Perth, Sydney and Armidale. Among them I have John Henderson and Nick Reid to thank too, for invitations and memorable hospitality.

更遥远但同样重要的是，这里收获的背景知识来自一大批语言教师：我尤其想到莫里斯·比克莫尔、贝拉·汤普森、肯·巴特比、詹姆斯·豪沃斯、杰弗里·阿里博恩、杰克·英德、罗伯特奥格维、贾斯珀·格里芬、彼得·帕森斯、奥利弗·格尼、安娜·莫珀戈·戴维斯、韦恩·奥尼尔、保罗·基帕斯基、肯·海尔、丹尼尔·英格尔斯、拉玛·纳特·夏尔马、苏苏木·库诺、巴特·马蒂亚斯、埃德温·科兰斯顿、罗莎琳德·霍华德、马丁·普雷赫特尔、达米安·麦克马纳斯, Kim McCone 和 Stiofáin Ó Direáin。

More distantly, but no less importantly, the background knowledge harvested here has come to me from a long and varied line of language teachers: I think particularly of Maurice Bickmore, Bella Thompson, Ken Batterby, James Howarth, Geoffrey Allibone, Jack Ind, Robert Ogilvie, Jasper Griffin, Peter Parsons, Oliver Gurney, Anna Morpurgo Davies, Wayne O’Neil, Paul Kiparsky, Ken Hale, Daniel Ingalls, Rama Nath Sharma, Susumu Kuno, Bart Matthias, Edwin Cranston, Rosalind Howard, Martin Prechtel, Damian McManus, Kim McCone and Stiofáin Ó Direáin.

这些向导就像先知。在我们国家，语言教学经常被误认为是被误导的苦差事。真正学习另一种语言通常似乎是一项几乎不可能完成的任务。没有通往它的王道，但沿途的意想不到的地方金光闪闪。对我来说，它一直是通往超出我想象的新世界的最可靠途径，原文如此 ITVR AD ASTRA。

These guides are like prophets. In our country language teaching is often misrepresented as misguided drudgery; and really to learn another language can often seem a nigh impossible task. There is no royal road to it, but gold glints in unexpected places all along the path. For me it has always been the surest route to new worlds that lie beyond my imagination, sic ITVR AD ASTRA.

关于作者

About the Author

NICHOLAS OSTLER 对语言的浓厚兴趣使他从牛津大学古典文学的一等荣誉和麻省理工学院的语言学和梵语博士学位到在日本任教，以及从克里特岛到新墨西哥州的一系列研究项目，旨在将语言引入计算机。然后，他转向人类说话者的问题，并使自己成为古代南美洲奇布查语的专家，该语言在 18 世纪被西班牙语所取代。

NICHOLAS OSTLER’S serious interest in languages took him from first-class honors in Classics at Oxford and a doctorate in linguistics and Sanskrit at MIT to teaching in Japan and a succession of research projects from Crete to New Mexico, aimed at introducing languages to computers. He then moved on to the problems of human speakers and made himself an expert on the Chibcha language of ancient South America, which yielded to Spanish in the eighteenth century.

Nicholas Ostler 是濒危语言基金会 (www.ogmios.org) 的主席，该基金会支持全球小社区努力了解和使用他们的语言。他住在英国巴斯。

Nicholas Ostler is chairman of the Foundation for Endangered Languages (www.ogmios.org), a charity that supports the efforts of small communities worldwide to know and use their languages more. He lives in Bath, England.

访问 www.AuthorTracker.com，获取有关您最喜爱的 HarperCollins 作者的独家信息。

Visit www.AuthorTracker.com for exclusive information on your favorite HarperCollins author.

图片学分

PICTURE CREDITS

32-33, 202 Daniels, Peter & William Bright (1996) 的文本样本和翻译，世界写作系统，纽约：牛津大学出版社。Copyright $cP 1996 by Oxford University Press, Inc.

32-33, 202 Text specimens and translations from Daniels, Peter & William Bright (1996), The World’s Writing Systems, New York: Oxford University Press. Copyright $cP 1996 by Oxford University Press, Inc.

285-287 来自 Lambert，Pierre-Yves (1997)，La Langue Gauloise，巴黎：Editions Errance

285-287 From Lambert, Pierre-Yves (1997), La Langue Gauloise, Paris: Editions Errance

All reasonable efforts have been made by the author and publisher to trace copyright holders of the materials featured in this book. In the event that the author or publisher are contacted by any of the untraceable copyright holders after the publication of this book, the author and publisher will endeavour to rectify the position accordingly.

赞美话语的帝国

PRAISE FOR Empires of the Word

“所涵盖的领域比我所知道的任何其他单卷都多，在服务于这种雄心壮志方面具有比我们期望的更大的智慧，以及对项目诗歌的美妙聆听。”

“Covers more rambunctious territory than any other single volume I’m aware of, with greater wit than we’ve a right to expect in the service of such ambition, and a wonderful ear for the project’s poetry.”

——约翰·伦纳德，哈珀

—John Leonard, Harper’s

“[A] 不朽的新书…… 奥斯特提供了许多新鲜的见解、有用的历史轶事和迷人的语言怪癖…… 他对世界历史上主要语言的全面概述，使我们能够正确看待当前英语在全球的传播。”

“[A] monumental new book…. Ostler furnishes many fresh insights, useful historical anecdotes, and charming linguistic oddities…. His massive overview of major languages in world history puts the current global spread of English in perspective.”

—芝加哥论坛报

—Chicago Tribune

“变数如此之多，历史先例如此矛盾，人们只能提出问题。这位奥斯特勒确实做到了，带着真正学术的所有清晰和谦逊。一本了不起的书，博学而有教益。”

“The variables are so many, and the historical precedents so contradictory, one can do little more than pose the questions. This Ostler does, with all the clarity and humility of true scholarship. A marvelous book, learned and instructive.”

—国家评论

—National Review

“《圣言帝国》是一个戏剧性逆转和令人费解的悖论的故事。丰富的……文本，有许多尖锐的观察和惊人的比较。”

“Empires of the Word is a story of dramatic reversals and puzzling paradoxes. A rich … text with many piercing observations and startling comparisons.”

——洛杉矶时报书评

—Los Angeles Times Book Review

“革命…… 这不仅仅是雄心勃勃：它是一项巨大的事业，以令人眼花缭乱的学术深度执行，但细节永远不会太厚而无法淹没普通读者。”

“Revolutionary…. This is more than ambitious: it’s a colossal undertaking, executed with a giddying depth of scholarship, yet the detail is never too thick to swamp the general reader.”

——波士顿杂志

—Boston magazine

“一部博学多才的作品，调查了世界主要语言，从幼发拉底河谷的苏美尔人开始，到当代的英语霸权结束。”

“A work of immense erudition, surveying the world’s major languages, starting with the Sumerians of the Euphrates valley and concluding with the contemporary hegemony of English.”

—基督教科学箴言报

—Christian Science Monitor

“[A] 世界语言的广泛历史...... [Ostler] 出色地提出问题并提供答案或理论。”

“[A] wide-ranging history of the world’s languages…. [Ostler] brilliantly raises questions and supplies answers or theories.”

——华盛顿邮报

—Washington Post

“可口的！很少有关于语言的书籍能回答人们实际向语言学家提出的问题，例如为什么有些语言有数百万人使用，而另一些语言只有几百人使用。奥斯特勒的书展示了某些幸运的语言如何与人类一起传播到世界各地，其中许多最终消失得无影无踪，其中一种——猜猜看是哪一种？——目前统治着这个星球。

“Delicious! Few books on language answer the questions that people actually ask linguists, such as why some languages are spoken by millions and others by just a few hundred. Ostler’s book shows how certain lucky languages joined humankind in its spread across the world, many of them eventually vanishing without a trace, and one of them—guess which?—currently ruling the planet.”

——约翰·麦克沃特

—John McWhorter

“大胆的洞察力…… 闪耀着神秘的知识、敏锐的洞察力和新鲜的想法…… 我想不出有哪本书能更好地解释欧亚大陆的语言史，从苏美尔人开始，或者后哥伦布时代的整个世界。他的全面分析令人叹为观止……像这样的一本书只能由相当大胆和博学的人写成。”

“Daring insight…. Sparkles with arcane knowledge, shrewd perceptions, and fresh ideas…. I can’t think of a volume that has better interpreted the linguistic history of Eurasia, from Sumerian onwards, or of the entire world in the post-Columbian era. The sheer sweep of his analysis is breathtaking … A book such as this could only have been written by someone of considerable audacity as well as erudition.”

——泰晤士报文学增刊

—Times Literary Supplement

“启蒙…… 总是具有挑战性，总是具有启发性——有时甚至是惊人的或革命性的。”

“Enlightening…. Always challenging, always instructive—at times, even startling or revolutionary.”

—柯克斯评论

—Kirkus Reviews

“很少有书能给语言学习带来更多的兴奋。”

“Few books bring more excitement to the study of language.”

—书单（星级评论）

—Booklist (starred review)

“奥斯特勒的新历史既关乎社会，也关乎他们所讲的语言……。贯穿本书的一个教训是，无论是征服还是经济实力都不能保证一种语言的生存。”

“Ostler’s new history is as much about societies as it is about the languages they speak…. One of the lessons that shines through the book is that neither conquest nor economic might guarantees a language’s survival.”

—经济学家

—The Economist

“雄心勃勃且平易近人…… 这本令人振奋的书是一部从语言的传播和消亡中看到的世界历史。”

“Ambitious and accessible…. This stimulating book is a history of the world as seen through the spread and demise of languages.”

—出版商周刊

—Publishers Weekly

“对历史上帝国语言影响的精妙比较分析…… 奥斯特勒以简洁而引人入胜的方式写作，展示了对语言历史的令人印象深刻的把握…… 任何对语言感兴趣的人都可以阅读这本书。”

“A masterly comparative analysis of empires’ linguistic effects throughout history…. Ostler writes in a concise yet engaging manner, displaying an impressive grasp of the history of languages…. This book is accessible to anyone with an interest in language.”

—图书馆杂志

—Library Journal

版权

Copyright

哈珀柯林斯出版社于 2005 年在英国首次出版。

First published in Great Britain in 2005 by HarperCollins Publishers.

2005 年由 HarperCollins Publishers 出版的美国第一版。

First U.S. edition published in 2005 by HarperCollins Publishers.

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. By payment of the required fees, you have been granted the non-exclusive, non-transferable right to access and read the text of this e-book on-screen. No part of this text may be reproduced, transmitted, down-loaded, decompiled, reverse engineered, or stored in or introduced into any information storage and retrieval system, in any form or by any means, whether electronic or mechanical, now known or hereinafter invented, without the express written permission of HarperCollins e-books.

2006 年出版的第一个哈珀常年版。

FIRST HARPER PERENNIAL EDITION published 2006.

国会图书馆对精装版的分类如下：

The Library of Congress has catalogued the hardcover edition as follows:

奥斯特勒，尼古拉斯。

词的帝国：世界语言史/

尼古拉斯·奥斯特勒。——美国第一版。

页。厘米。

包括参考书目和索引。

ISBN 0-06-621086-0

1. 语言和语言——历史。一、标题。

Ostler, Nicholas.

Empires of the word : a language history of the world /

Nicholas Ostler.—1st American ed.

p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 0-06-621086-0

1. Language and languages—History. I. Title.

P107.088 2005

409—dc22 2005046010

ISBN-10: 0-06-093572-3 (pbk.)

ISBN-13: 978-0-06-093572-6 (pbk.)

06 07 08 09 10 RRD 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

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About the Publisher

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http://www.harpercollinsebooks.com

内容

CONTENTS

也有内在的历史

An inward history too

社会的

SOCIAL

政治的

POLITICAL

宗教的

RELIGIOUS

希腊语

THE GREEKS

汉语

THE CHINESE

6三千年的唯我论：希腊历险记

6Three Thousand Years of Solipsism: The Adventures of Greek

6

三千年的唯我论：希腊历险记

6

Three Thousand Years of Solipsism: The Adventures of Greek